Latest / Tamerlane: The Conqueror Who Tried to Rebuild the Mongol Legacy — Fexingo History / Tamerlane's Letter Exchange with King Charles VI of France
Transcript
- Lucas: So we've talked a lot about Tamerlane's military campaigns, his sieges, his building projects in Samarkand. But there's one aspect of his rule that often gets overlooked — his diplomatic outreach, especially to Europe. Luna: Oh, I didn't know he had much contact with Europe at all. Lucas: Most people don't. But after his victory over the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I at the Battle of Ankara in 1402, Tamerlane became a figure of intense interest in European courts. The Ottomans had been pushing into the Balkans, threatening Constantinople, so Tamerlane's defeat of Bayezid seemed like a godsend to some. Lucas: And Tamerlane knew that. He was a master of propaganda and diplomacy, not just warfare. So in 1402, shortly after Ankara, he sent a letter to King Charles VI of France. The letter has survived in French archives — it's an extraordinary document. Luna: What did it say? Lucas: Well, it was written in Persian, then translated into Latin and French. Tamerlane addresses Charles VI as 'the king of France, the most powerful and wise of kings.' He presents himself as a world conqueror appointed by God, and he offers a trade alliance. He says, basically, 'Let merchants come and go freely between our realms. We will crush the enemies of Christendom together.' Luna: Wait — he's offering to ally with a Christian king against the Ottomans? Lucas: Exactly. It's a fascinating realpolitik move. Tamerlane didn't care about religion in that sense — he was happy to play the liberator of Christians if it suited his strategic goals. The letter even mentions that he had already liberated the Christian prisoners Bayezid held, and he invited French merchants to trade in his empire. Lucas: The timing was perfect. Bayezid had been besieging Constantinople, and the Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaiologos was desperate. So when news of Ankara reached Europe, there was jubilation. Churches held thanksgiving services. People saw Tamerlane as a new Cyrus, a pagan instrument of God's will. Luna: Did Charles VI respond? Lucas: He did. In 1403, he sent an embassy led by the Dominican friar Jean de Sultaniyeh, who had actually traveled in the East and knew Persian. They carried gifts and a letter back to Samarkand. But the journey was long — by the time they reached Tamerlane, he was already on campaign in Anatolia, and the negotiations didn't lead to a formal alliance. Lucas: Still, the exchange is remarkable. It shows how interconnected the medieval world was, even between Central Asia and France. And it gives us a glimpse of Tamerlane's self-image: he calls himself 'the Sword of God' and 'the Shadow of God on Earth' — titles that echo both Islamic and Mongol traditions. Luna: So he was deliberately crafting an image that would appeal to both Muslims and Christians? Lucas: Absolutely. In letters to Muslim rulers, he emphasized his role as a defender of Islam, a ghazi. To the French, he downplayed the religious angle and instead presented himself as a universal monarch who could bring peace and trade. It's a masterclass in diplomatic flexibility. Lucas: And this isn't an isolated incident. He also corresponded with the Genoese, who had colonies in the Black Sea, and with the Venetians. The Genoese even sent a delegation to Samarkand in 1401, hoping to secure trade privileges. Luna: It's interesting — we usually think of Tamerlane as just a destroyer, but here he's acting like a statesman. Lucas: That's the duality of the man. On one hand, the towers of skulls, the massacres. On the other, the patronage of scholars, the building of Samarkand, and this sophisticated diplomacy. The French letter shows he understood the power of soft power as well as hard power. Lucas: Now, one of the intermediaries for these exchanges were Armenian merchants, who had networks stretching from the Caucasus to the Mediterranean. Their role is often overlooked. They carried letters, provided intelligence, and facilitated trade. Luna: Did the French alliance ever materialize in any practical way? Lucas: Not really. Tamerlane died in 1405 before any real cooperation could develop. And after his death, his empire fragmented. But the legacy of the correspondence remains. The letters are preserved in the French royal archives, and they were rediscovered by historians in the 19th century. Luna: I'd love to read that letter firsthand. It must be incredible to see his actual words. Lucas: There's a surviving copy in Latin translation at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The original Persian is lost, but the Latin version gives us a clear sense of the tone. It's bombastic, self-assured, and surprisingly diplomatic. Lucas: And here's a quick honest thing — making episodes like this, diving into obscure documents and connecting them across centuries, takes a lot of research time. A handful of listeners chip in monthly through Buy Me a Coffee dot com slash fexingo, and that's literally what funds making this many of these deep dives. Luna: Yeah, it's one of those things where listener support really makes a difference in how far we can go. Lucas: Exactly. Anyway, back to the letters — one of the most interesting aspects is what they reveal about Tamerlane's view of himself. He doesn't just present himself as a conqueror; he presents himself as a restorer of order, a bringer of justice. Luna: That's a common theme in his propaganda, right? The idea of restoring the Mongol legacy? Lucas: Yes, but with a twist. He couldn't claim direct descent from Genghis Khan, so he used titles like 'Sahib-i Qiran' — the Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction — which implied he was a divinely appointed ruler in his own right. The French letter echoes that: he says God has given him dominion over the world. Lucas: The letter also mentions his victory over the 'rebellious' Bayezid, framing the Ottoman sultan as a usurper who had broken treaties. This is interesting because Bayezid had indeed been expanding rapidly, and Tamerlane was casting himself as a champion of legitimate rule. Luna: So he's using legalistic language to justify his conquest? Lucas: Exactly. He presents the war as a punitive expedition, not an invasion. It's a pattern we see in many of his campaigns — he always had a justification, whether it was a broken alliance, a rebellious vassal, or a heretical sect. Lucas: The French, for their part, were cautious. Charles VI was suffering from bouts of mental illness, and the French court was divided. Some welcomed the alliance, others feared Tamerlane's power. Ultimately, the embassy to Samarkand was more of a fact-finding mission than a commitment. Luna: And what happened to the French envoys? Lucas: They traveled through Constantinople, across the Black Sea, through the Caucasus, and finally reached Tamerlane's camp near Ankara. They presented their gifts — including a set of fine French cloth and tapestries — and were received with honor. But by then, Tamerlane was already planning his campaign against China, so the alliance went nowhere. Lucas: Still, the diplomatic exchange left a mark. In later centuries, Europeans would remember Tamerlane through plays like Christopher Marlowe's 'Tamburlaine the Great', which was inspired partly by these contacts. Luna: So in a way, the letter is a window into how a medieval Asian ruler saw Europe, and how Europe saw him. Lucas: Exactly. It's a rare direct communication between two worlds that usually only met through war or trade. And it shows that Tamerlane was not just a brute — he was a strategist who used every tool available, including the pen. Luna: That's a great angle. Thanks for digging into this. Lucas: My pleasure. Next time, maybe we'll look at the aftermath — how the Ottoman Empire recovered after Bayezid's defeat, and how Tamerlane's death changed everything.