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03 - The Law - Frederic Bastiat · Logic Library

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  Section three. This plunder may be only an exceptional blemish in the legislation of
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  a people. And in this case, the best thing that can be done
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  is, without so many speeches and lamentations, to do away with it as
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  soon as possible, notwithstanding the clamors of interested parties. But how is it
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  to be distinguished? Very easily? See whether the law takes from some persons
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  that which belongs to them, to give to others what does not belong to
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  them. See whether the law performs for the benefit of one citizen and to
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  the injury of others, And act that this citizen cannot perform without committing a
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  crime. Abolish this law without delay. It is not merely an iniquity.
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  It is a fertile source of iniquities, for it invites reprisals. And if
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  you do not take care, the exceptional case will extend multiply and become systematic.
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  No doubt, the party benefit will exclaim loudly, he will assert his
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  acquired rights. He will say that the state is bound to protect and encourage
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  his industry. He will plead that it is a good thing for the state
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  to be enriched, that it may spend the more. And thus shower down
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  salaries upon the poor workmen. Take care not to listen to this sophistry,
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  for it is just by the systematizing of these arguments that legal plunder becomes systematized.
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  And this is what has taken place. The delusion of the day is
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  to enrich all classes at the expense of each other. It is to generalize
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  plunder under pretense of organizing it. Now Leo, plunder may be exercised in
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  an infinite multitude of ways. Hence come an infinite multitude of plans for organization.
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  Tariffs, protection, perquisites, gratuities, encouragements, progressive taxation, free
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  public education, right to work, right to profit, right to ages,
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  right to assistance, right to instruments of labor, gratuity of credit, et
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  cetera, et cetera. And it is all these plans taken as a whole,
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  with what they have in common legal plunder that takes the name of socialism.
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  Now socialism thus defined in forming a doctrinal body. What other war would
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  you make against it than a war of doctrine. You find this doctrine false,
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  absurd, abominable, refute it. This will be all the easier,
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  the more false, absurd, and abominable. It is above all, if
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  you wish to be strong, begin by routing out of your election every particle
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  of socialism which may have crept into it, and this will be no light
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  work. Mister Montalambert has been reproached with wishing to turn brute force against socialism.
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  He ought to be exonerated from this reproach, for he has plainly said,
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  quote the war that we must make against socialism must be one that is
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  compatible with the law, honor and justice. Close quote. But how is
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  it that mister Montalambert does not see that he is placing himself in efficious circle.
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  You would oppose law to socialism, But it is the law that socialism
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  in folks, It aspires to legal, not extra legal plunder. It is
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  of the law itself, like the monopolists of all kinds, that it wants
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  to make an instrument. And when once it has the law on its side,
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  how will you be able to turn the law well against it? How
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  will you place it under the power of your tribunals, your gendarmes, and
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  your prisons. What will you do? Then, you wish to prevent it
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  from taking any part in the making of laws, you would keep it outside
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  the legislative palace. In this you will not succeed. I venture to prophesy.
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  So long as legal plunder is the basis of the legislation within. It
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  is absolutely necessary that this question of legal plunder should be determined. And there
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  are only three solutions of it. One when the few plunder the many,
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  two when everybody plunders everybody else, and three when nobody plunders anybody, partial
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  plunder, universal plunder, absence of plunder. Amongst these we have to make
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  our choice. The law can only produce one of these results, partial plunder.
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  This is the system that prevailed so long as the elective privilege was partial,
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  a system that is resorted to to avoid the invasion of socialism universal plunder.
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  We have been threatened by this system when the elective privilege has become universal,
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  the masses having conceived the idea of making law on the principle of legislators
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  who have preceded them, absence of plunder. This is the principle of justice,
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  peace, order, stability, conciliation, and of good sense, which
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  I shall proclaim with all the force of my lungs, which is very inadequate
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  alas till the day of my death, and in all sincerity, Can anything
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  more be required at the hands of the law. Can the law, whose
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  necessary sanction is forced be reasonably employed upon anything beyond securing to every one his
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  right? I defy anyone to remove it from this circle without perverting it and
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  consequently turning force against right. And as this is the most fatal, the
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  most illogical, social perversion that can possibly be imagined, it must be admitted
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  that the true solution, so much sought after of the social problem is contained
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  in these simple words. Law is organized justice. Now, it is important
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  to remark that to organize justice by law, that is to say, by
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  force, excludes the idea of organizing by law or by force, any manifestation
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  whatever of human activity labor, charity, agriculture, commerce, industry, instruction,
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  the fine, arts, or religion. For any one of these organizings
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  would inevitably destroy the essential organization. How, in fact, can we imagine
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  force encroaching upon the liberty of citizens without infringing upon justice and so acting against
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  its proper aim. Here I am taking on the most popular prejudice of our
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  time. It is not considered enough that law should be just, It must
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  be philanthropic. It is not sufficient that it should guarantee to every citizen the
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  free and inoffensive exercise of his faculties apply to his physical, intellectual, and
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  moral development. It is required to extend well being, instruction, and morality
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  directly over the nation. This is a fascinating side of socialism. But I
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  repeat it. These two missions of the law contradict each other. We have
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  to choose between them. A citizen cannot at the same time be free and
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  not free. Mister de Lamartine wrote to me one day thus, quote,
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  your doctrine is only the half of my program. You have stopped at liberty.
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  I go on to fraternity close quote. I answered him. Quote the
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  second part of your program will destroy the first close quote. And in fact,
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  it is impossible for me to separate the word fraternity from the word voluntary.
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  I cannot possibly conceive fraternity legally enforced without liberty being legally destroyed and justice
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  legally trampled under foot. Legal plunder has two roots. One of them,
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  as we have already seen, is in human greed. The other is in
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  misconceived philanthropy. Before I proceed, I think I ought to explain myself upon
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  the word plunder. I do not take it as it often is taken in
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  a vague, undefined, relative or metaphorical sense. I use it in its
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  scientific acceptation and as expressing the opposite idea to property. When a portion of
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  wealth passes out of the hands of him who has acquired it without his consent,
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  and without compensation to him who has not created it, whether by force
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  or by artifice, I say that property is violated, that plunder is perpetrated.
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  I say that this is exactly what the law ought to repress, Always
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  and everywhere. If the law itself performs the action it ought to repress,
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  I say that plunder is still perpetrated, and even in a social point of
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  view, under aggravated circumstances. In this case, however, he who profits
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  from the plunder is not responsible for it. It is the law, the
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  law giver, society itself, and this is where the political danger lies.
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  It is to be regretted that there is something offensive in the word I have
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  sought in vain for another. For I would not wish at any time,
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  and especially just now, to add an irritating word to our disagreements. Therefore,
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  whether I am believed or not, I declare that I do not mean
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  to impugne the intentions nor the morality of anybody. I am attacking an idea
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  that I believe to be false, a system that appears to me to be
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  unjust. And this is so independent of intentions that each of us profits by
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  it without wishing it, and suffers from it without being aware of the cause.
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  Any person must write, under the influence of party spirit or of fear,
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  who would call into question the sincerity of protectionism, of socialism, and
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  even of communism, which are the one and the same plant in three different
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  periods of growth. All that can be said is that plunder is more visible
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  by its partiality in protectionism, and by its universality in communism. Whence it
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  follows that of the three systems, socialism is still the most vague, the
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  most undefined, and consequently the most sincere. Be that as it may,
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  to conclude that legal plunder has one of its roots in misconceived philanthropy, is
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  evidently to put intentions out of the question. End of Section three