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First Four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci - Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen Amerigo Vespucci · Mahabharata

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  Speaker 1: Section one of the First four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci.
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  Speaker 1: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
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  Speaker 1: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 0:13
  Speaker 1: visit LibriVox dot org. Read by George Banfield. The First
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  Speaker 1: Four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco
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  Speaker 1: Udolfo di von Hagen, translated by M. K. Vespucci's works
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  Speaker 1: Liquatro Gionnte Diary and commonplace book, written during the course
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  Speaker 1: of his first four voyages, and containing astronomical diagrams and
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  Speaker 1: drawings of remarkable objects, now lost and only known by
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  Speaker 1: his references to it in the litera epistles to Lorenzo
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  Speaker 1: d Pierre Francesco di Midici, all now lost. The one
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  Speaker 1: usually considered to be an account of his third voyage,
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  Speaker 1: but which also contains a short summary of various observations
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  Speaker 1: made in his first three voyages, written probably about the
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  Speaker 1: end of fifteen oh two, was saved from the complete
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  Speaker 1: destruction which has been the fate of the others, by
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  Speaker 1: being translated into Latin by Jacondus terpres ut Latini omnes intelligant.
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  Speaker 1: This translator was the celebrated Fra Giovanni del Giacondo of Verona,
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  Speaker 1: then resident in Paris. The original was presumably in Bastard Italian,
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  Speaker 1: like the La Tera to Sodorini, but it cannot have
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  Speaker 1: been ever printed, since the Italian or Venetian form of it,
• 1:38
  Speaker 1: which appeared for the first time in the Paesi of
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  Speaker 1: fifteen oh seven, is merely a retranslation from the Latin.
• 1:46
  Speaker 1: The Latin translation and the Italian retranslation were printed several
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  Speaker 1: times between fifteen oh three or fifteen oh four and
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  Speaker 1: fifteen twenty one, and were substantially reproduced in the compilations
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  Speaker 1: of Grnaeus and Us Mucio Letera dele iole nouvemente truate,
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  Speaker 1: written at Lisbon in fifteen oh four and printed at
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  Speaker 1: Florence probably in fifteen oh five for Pietro Persini of Pessia.
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  Speaker 1: This is the work now produced in facsimile, and is
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  Speaker 1: apparently the only narrative by Vespucci of which the original
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  Speaker 1: text has survived. The other three letters attributed to him
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  Speaker 1: and printed in the last and the present century, are
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  Speaker 1: decidedly supposititious. It was translated into French probably in fifteen
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  Speaker 1: oh five or fifteen oh six, we know not by whom,
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  Speaker 1: and from this lost French translation, A Latin version, generally
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  Speaker 1: accurate enough but comprising several significant errors and mistranslations, was
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  Speaker 1: made and printed for the first time in fifty oh
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  Speaker 1: seven as a supplement to Valdsimula's Cosmographie Introductio, and frequently afterwards.
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  Speaker 1: It is said in the Speculae or bbis Declaratio of
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  Speaker 1: Gielterius Lud, printed like the Cosmographia at Saint dis in
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  Speaker 1: Lorraine fifteen o seven, that the Latin translation was made
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  Speaker 1: by Jean Bassan des sen Decour. It might seem more
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  Speaker 1: likely that he made the French version, and that vald
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  Speaker 1: Simula was responsible for the Latin one. But to whomsoever
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  Speaker 1: we may ascribe the latter text, it is from this
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  Speaker 1: that Europe, for more than three centuries derived its knowledge
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  Speaker 1: of Vespucci's voyages, and to this that we may trace
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  Speaker 1: the origin of the name America, bestowed by vald Simular
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  Speaker 1: and sanctioned by many other scholars of France and Germany.
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  Speaker 1: In the various editions of the Novus Orbis, which is
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  Speaker 1: known under the name of Grnaeus. The account of the
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  Speaker 1: four voyages was reproduced in Latin from the Cosmographia, and
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  Speaker 1: Ramusio has given an abridgement in Italian of the third
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  Speaker 1: and fourth voyages only, his attention being chiefly directed to
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  Speaker 1: the results of Southern and African excusations. End of section one.
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  Speaker 2: Section two of the First Four Voyages of Americo Vespucci.
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  Speaker 2: This is LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the
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  Speaker 2: public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit
• 4:25
  Speaker 2: LibriVox dot org. The First Four Voyages of Americo Vespucci
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  Speaker 2: by Americo Vespucci and Francisco Adolfo de farn Hagen, translated
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  Speaker 2: by m KA. Notes on the life of Americo Vespucci,
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  Speaker 2: chiefly extracted from the works of faun Hagen. He was
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  Speaker 2: the third son of Signor Nastagio Anastasio Vespucci, notary at Florence,
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  Speaker 2: and was born on March ninth, fourteen fifty one. As
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  Speaker 2: he states in the LETTERA, he was educated by his uncle,
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  Speaker 2: the learned Dominican and friend of Savonarola, Giorgio Antonio Vespucci,
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  Speaker 2: but according to his own ingenuous admission, he did not
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  Speaker 2: make great progress in study, and a letter written by
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  Speaker 2: him in Latin to his father in seventeen forty six,
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  Speaker 2: exhibits at once the extent and the limits of his erudition.
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  Speaker 2: He was then in Villegiatura at Mugello for the purpose
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  Speaker 2: of avoiding the plague which had broken out in Florence.
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  Speaker 2: One of his fellow pupils was Pier Soderini, the future
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  Speaker 2: Gonfalonieri of the Florentine Republic fifteen o two to fifteen twelve,
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  Speaker 2: to whom he addressed in fifteen o four the letter
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  Speaker 2: concerning his four voyages, which is now reprinted and translated.
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  Speaker 2: He was not sent to the University of Pisa, as
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  Speaker 2: his two elder brothers had been, but placed as a
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  Speaker 2: clerk in the banking house of the Medici at Florence,
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  Speaker 2: and there probably obtained the faith and protection of Lorenzo
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  Speaker 2: di Pierre, Francesco de Medici, cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent,
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  Speaker 2: who afterwards, in fourteen ninety two became chief of the business,
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  Speaker 2: and to whom, at a still later date, Vespucci sent
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  Speaker 2: accounts of at least the first three of his voyages.
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  Speaker 2: In March fourteen ninety two, he was despatched by Lorenzo
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  Speaker 2: di Pierre as confidential agent to reside at Cadiz and
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  Speaker 2: to supervise the conduct of affairs there, the probity of
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  Speaker 2: the managers of the Spanish branch business having become suspected.
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  Speaker 2: A year later, he seems to have begun some trading
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  Speaker 2: speculations on his own account, without however, ceasing to correspond
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  Speaker 2: with his patron. He was not successful, although his commercial
• 6:47
  Speaker 2: position must have been a respectable one, judging from the
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  Speaker 2: circumstance that he was commissioned in January fourteen ninety six
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  Speaker 2: to complete the financial part of a contract with the Crown,
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  Speaker 2: which is compatriot Berrard had left unfulfilled. At his death
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  Speaker 2: in December fourteen ninety five. Perardi was a great merchant
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  Speaker 2: and naval outfitter who had undertaken to furnish a dozen
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  Speaker 2: vessels to the government for service in the Indies, and
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  Speaker 2: the accounts were unsettled when he died. It was probably
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  Speaker 2: this transaction which influenced Vespucci, already discontented with his fortune
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  Speaker 2: as a trader, to seek and obtain service from King Ferdinand,
• 7:27
  Speaker 2: when an expedition of four ships was prepared in the
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  Speaker 2: following year for adventure in the New world. The monopoly
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  Speaker 2: granted originally to Columbus had been recalled and freedom of
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  Speaker 2: navigation conceded in April fourteen ninety five to all merchant adventurers,
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  Speaker 2: so that the efforts of the great Genoese were in
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  Speaker 2: vain to prevent the despatch of the four ships which
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  Speaker 2: the King was about to send out. He ultimately succeeded,
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  Speaker 2: but the renewal of his monopoly was not signed until
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  Speaker 2: June fourteen ninety seven, when the King's expedition was already
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  Speaker 2: on its way across the Atlantic. The four ships sailed
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  Speaker 2: from Cadiz on May tenth, fourteen ninety seven, and Amerigo
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  Speaker 2: went in one of them. We do not learn what
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  Speaker 2: position in the fleet had been assigned to him, but
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  Speaker 2: it was probably an important one, as he seems to
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  Speaker 2: have completely gained the favor of King Ferdinand. His special
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  Speaker 2: qualification was his knowledge of astronomy, and as he combined
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  Speaker 2: with it a useful experience in commercial matters. It was
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  Speaker 2: perhaps as astronomer and supercargo that he figured in this
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  Speaker 2: first expedition. There are grounds for believing that VINCENTE. Yeniez Pinson,
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  Speaker 2: one of Columbus's former captains and Juan Diaz de Solis
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  Speaker 2: were the chief commanders, although their names are not mentioned
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  Speaker 2: by Vespucci, and that the famous pilot Juan de la
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  Speaker 2: Cosa accompanied them. Whatever credit may be due to them
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  Speaker 2: for the conduct of the enterprise, it is certain that
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  Speaker 2: our Florentine was the only one whose account of the
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  Speaker 2: voyage has survived, and we glean from his lettera that
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  Speaker 2: in this expedition, in which the navigators were more than
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  Speaker 2: seventeen months absent from Spain, and in which Cuba seems
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  Speaker 2: to have been discovered to be an island, not a
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  Speaker 2: portion of the Asiatic continent, as Columbus had imagined, the
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  Speaker 2: coasts of Mexico and Florida were seen and touched upon
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  Speaker 2: for the first time, and Vespucci won the honor of
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  Speaker 2: being the first explorer who has recorded a visit to
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  Speaker 2: any portion of the territory now known as the United
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  Speaker 2: States of America. Footnote. Mister Harris's recent work upon the
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  Speaker 2: voyages of the Cabots disposes completely of the notion that
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  Speaker 2: they coasted the shores of the continent from Newfoundland to
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  Speaker 2: Florida in fourteen ninety seven. There was undoubtedly some such
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  Speaker 2: voyage in fourteen ninety eight, although there's no direct proof
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  Speaker 2: of it. But in fourteen ninety seven they did no
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  Speaker 2: more than touch land, probably a long way to the
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  Speaker 2: north of Cape Breton, and then immediately returned. End of footnote.
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  Speaker 2: It is true that his notices are to June and confused,
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  Speaker 2: and that there have been eminent writers who held his
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  Speaker 2: first voyage to be suppositious, that either the dates were
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  Speaker 2: wrong or the whole narrative forged. But everyone is now
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  Speaker 2: agreed that Vespucci was an honest sailor, incapable of fraud,
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  Speaker 2: and recognized by Columbus himself as a worthy and honorable friend.
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  Speaker 2: This appears from a letter dated February fifth, fifteen o five,
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  Speaker 2: addressed by the Genoese discoverer to his San Diego. In
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  Speaker 2: that letter of which Ameerico was himself the bearer, and
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  Speaker 2: which is still in existence in the autograph of Columbus,
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  Speaker 2: these significant phrases occur. I spoke with Amerigo Vespucci, the
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  Speaker 2: bearer hereof who is going Yonder on business of navigation.
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  Speaker 2: He has ever had a desire to do me pleasure.
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  Speaker 2: He is a very worthy man. Fortune has been adverse
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  Speaker 2: to him him, as to many others. His labours have
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  Speaker 2: not profited him so much as justice would require. He
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  Speaker 2: goes resolved to do for me everything that shall be
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  Speaker 2: possible to him. See yonder in what he can be benefited,
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  Speaker 2: and exert yourself for him. Vespucci's narratives were already in
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  Speaker 2: circulation at this state, and could not have been unknown
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  Speaker 2: to Columbus, whose testimony to his probity suffices to put
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  Speaker 2: an end to the old charge of wilful fraud. As
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  Speaker 2: for the modern assumptions that his dates were erroneous and
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  Speaker 2: his memory imperfect, or of the sophistication of his narratives
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  Speaker 2: by injudicious friends, no one who reads the original text
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  Speaker 2: of the lattera will now maintain them. It is from
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  Speaker 2: beginning to end the homogeneous and unadulterated production of a
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  Speaker 2: sailor whose neglected education had not been improved by a
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  Speaker 2: long absence in foreign countries. It is full throughout of
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  Speaker 2: characteristic vices of style, grammar and language, Spanish, Portuguese and
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  Speaker 2: Latin words and phrases being freely interlarded in his Italian text,
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  Speaker 2: and the punctuation being so peculiar in its nature that
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  Speaker 2: there are scarcely half a dozen false stops in the
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  Speaker 2: whole narrative. As for defectiveness of memory, there's no sign
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  Speaker 2: of it. On the contrary, he seems to have been
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  Speaker 2: a close observer, and, as he informs us several times,
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  Speaker 2: he kept a diary or commonplace book in which he
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  Speaker 2: wrote down his notes and made memoranda of all things
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  Speaker 2: that seemed to deserve it at the time of their occurrence.
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  Speaker 2: On October fifteenth, fourteen ninety eight, King Ferdinand's four ships
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  Speaker 2: returned to Cadiz with two hundred twenty two Indian prisoners
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  Speaker 2: taken in the island of Iti, and the leaders, amongst
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  Speaker 2: whom Vespucci seems to have been reckoned, were joyously received
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  Speaker 2: by the authorities and the people. A new voyage was
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  Speaker 2: at once contemplated in spite of the privileges which had
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  Speaker 2: been so grudgingly reach accorded to Columbus, and seven months later,
• 13:03
  Speaker 2: on May sixteenth, fourteen ninety nine, Aspucci went out again
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  Speaker 2: with an expedition of three ships. According to his usual custom,
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  Speaker 2: he mentions no names, but it seems certain that Alonso
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  Speaker 2: de Rayeda was the chief, and that his pilots were
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  Speaker 2: Juan de la Crosa, Ameerico Vespucci and others. They sailed southwest,
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  Speaker 2: touching at the Cape Verde Islands, and on June twenty
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  Speaker 2: seventh reached the coast of Brazil, somewhere northwest of Cape
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  Speaker 2: Saint Rook. After some ineffectual attempts to coast the land southeastwardly,
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  Speaker 2: they turned round and went northwest, making acquaintance with the
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  Speaker 2: Caribs Cambali or Cannibali in the north of Guyana and Venezuela.
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  Speaker 2: Proceeding further northwest, they landed on the island of Saint
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  Speaker 2: Margaret and Carasau, called Isle of Giants, in the latter
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  Speaker 2: of which they underwent great danger from the hostility of
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  Speaker 2: the natives. After some further experiences, they sailed to San Domingo,
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  Speaker 2: but not in company, as we know from other sources
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  Speaker 2: that Hoyeta and one La Cosa arrived there first in
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  Speaker 2: a small boat, having been shipwrecked. Vespucci made a long
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  Speaker 2: stay two months and seventeen days in that island, and
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  Speaker 2: must have been frequently in the company of Columbus, who
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  Speaker 2: had arrived there in fourteen ninety eight and was still
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  Speaker 2: struggling against the jealousy and enmity of the Spanish colony.
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  Speaker 2: Vespucci then returned to Europe and re entered the port
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  Speaker 2: of Cadiz on September eighth, fifteen hundred, Having navigated along
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  Speaker 2: the northern coast of South America from near Cape Saint
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  Speaker 2: Roque in Brazil to the Gulf of Maracaibo in Venezuela.
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  Speaker 2: He carried home a number of pearls with him from Paria,
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  Speaker 2: and the Queen took from him a single oyster containing
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  Speaker 2: one hundred and thirty of those gems. He says ingenuously
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  Speaker 2: that he had taken care to secrete others from her observation.
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  Speaker 2: Dom Manuel of Portugal, by repeated messages and promises, succeeded
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  Speaker 2: in detaching Americo from the service of King Ferdinand, and
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  Speaker 2: the navigator speaks with regret of his ungrateful conduct in
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  Speaker 2: quitting Spain without even having taken leave of his royal patron.
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  Speaker 2: Departing from Seville, he made his way to Lisbon and
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  Speaker 2: was immediately engaged to take part in an expedition to
• 15:24
  Speaker 2: Brazil on May fourteenth, fifteen o one, not the tenth,
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  Speaker 2: as it appears by a typographical error in Arabic numerals
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  Speaker 2: in the laterra but the ex I I I I,
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  Speaker 2: as it is given in the Epistola to Lorenzo di
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  Speaker 2: Pietro de Medici. Three ships started from Lisbon, in one
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  Speaker 2: of which Amerigo went as captain. It has been wrongly
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  Speaker 2: alleged that Gonzalo Couejo was the chief leader, but Varnhagen
• 15:54
  Speaker 2: gives almost proof that dom Nuno Manoel was in command
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  Speaker 2: of the expedition. They took a southern course and stopped
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  Speaker 2: several days at Beiseiguice or Bessenegue, the site of the
• 16:06
  Speaker 2: present Gorree, a little below Cape Verde on the west
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  Speaker 2: coast of Africa. Thence they sailed southwest and a quarter
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  Speaker 2: by south, and reached Brazil on August sixteenth, the feast
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  Speaker 2: of Saint Ross, for which reason they named the headland
• 16:21
  Speaker 2: Cape Saint Roque. On the following day they landed and
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  Speaker 2: took possession of the country, but saw no natives till
• 16:28
  Speaker 2: the eighteenth. They found the Indians very sanguinary and savage,
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  Speaker 2: and lost three men, who were massacred and eaten. The
• 16:36
  Speaker 2: admiral was probably wise in forbidding any attempt at reprisals,
• 16:40
  Speaker 2: although Vespucci does not seem to have thought so. Following
• 16:44
  Speaker 2: the coast line southwardly. They discovered and named Cape Saint
• 16:48
  Speaker 2: Augustine on that Saint's Day, August twenty eighth, and landed
• 16:52
  Speaker 2: at Bahia on November first, all Saints de whence the
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  Speaker 2: name Bahia de Toros os Santos. Still coasting southwardly, it
• 17:02
  Speaker 2: is believed that they saw and named Rio Janerio on
• 17:05
  Speaker 2: January first. They must have reached the mouth of the
• 17:08
  Speaker 2: Rio de la Plata before they decided to change their course,
• 17:12
  Speaker 2: as Vespucci states that they made seven hundred and fifty
• 17:15
  Speaker 2: leagues in sight of the shore, reckoning from Cape Saint
• 17:19
  Speaker 2: Augustine on February fifteenth. They were probably on the coast
• 17:23
  Speaker 2: of Uruguay at about thirty seven degrees south latitude, although
• 17:27
  Speaker 2: in the lettera of vespuccisas thirty two, perhaps a typographical error,
• 17:32
  Speaker 2: where the coast seems suddenly to recede due west at
• 17:36
  Speaker 2: the mouth of the Rio de la Plata, giving rise
• 17:39
  Speaker 2: to the idea that here was the southern limit of
• 17:42
  Speaker 2: the land that barred their way to Asia. Here the
• 17:45
  Speaker 2: Admiral handed over the control of the expedition to Vespucci,
• 17:49
  Speaker 2: and they quitted the American coast, sailing southeast till on
• 17:53
  Speaker 2: April seventh they reached the island afterwards called South Georgia
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  Speaker 2: by Captain Cook, who believed himself the first discoverer of it.
• 18:03
  Speaker 2: The intense cold, the darkness, and the storms appalled them,
• 18:07
  Speaker 2: and after a vain effort to find a port, they
• 18:09
  Speaker 2: veered around, and Vespucci congratulated himself on his luck, for
• 18:14
  Speaker 2: he states that the delay of another day would have
• 18:17
  Speaker 2: caused the total destruction of their little fleet. On May tenth,
• 18:20
  Speaker 2: they reached Sierra Leone in Africa, and made a stay
• 18:24
  Speaker 2: of fifteen days there, burning one of their three ships
• 18:28
  Speaker 2: which had become useless. Then sailing homewards by way of
• 18:32
  Speaker 2: the Azores, they reached Lisbon on September seventh, fifteen o two.
• 18:38
  Speaker 2: Within the next six or eight months, Vespucci seems to
• 18:41
  Speaker 2: have written at least two reports to Lorenzo di Pier
• 18:44
  Speaker 2: Francesco de medici As. The opening lines of the well
• 18:47
  Speaker 2: known epistola of which so many editions of the Latin
• 18:51
  Speaker 2: translation were printed in and after the year fifteen o
• 18:55
  Speaker 2: three and four, clearly show it is probable that this
• 18:59
  Speaker 2: epistol law concerning his third voyage, was written in Lisbon
• 19:03
  Speaker 2: about the close of the year fifteen o two, the
• 19:06
  Speaker 2: Italian text has perished. We only know it through the
• 19:09
  Speaker 2: Latin translation made by Father Giovanni del Giocondo, first printed
• 19:14
  Speaker 2: perhaps in Paris in the year fifteen oh three, but
• 19:17
  Speaker 2: of which the earliest dated edition is that of Augsburg
• 19:21
  Speaker 2: fifteen oh four, and the Italian or Venetian retranslation from
• 19:25
  Speaker 2: the Latin first printed in fifteen oh seven in the
• 19:29
  Speaker 2: Paisi Nuovamente Rotovatti. It is a curious circumstance, whether ascribable
• 19:36
  Speaker 2: to the negligence of Vespucci himself writing without his official notes,
• 19:40
  Speaker 2: which were still in the hands of dom Manuel, or
• 19:44
  Speaker 2: to the fortuitous similarity between American tribes remote from each other,
• 19:48
  Speaker 2: that the account given in the Epistola of fifteen oh
• 19:51
  Speaker 2: three of the manners of the Indian men and women,
• 19:54
  Speaker 2: seen presumably in the third voyage, resembles very much that
• 19:58
  Speaker 2: in the lettera of Fis fifteen o four, concerning the
• 20:01
  Speaker 2: natives of Honduras or Yucatan, seen in his first voyage.
• 20:05
  Speaker 2: But this may be accounted for the epistola is not
• 20:09
  Speaker 2: professedly a record of a single voyage Aspucci's third to
• 20:13
  Speaker 2: the New World, but is written in somewhat general terms
• 20:16
  Speaker 2: regarding the whole of the Transatlantic continent. It is rather
• 20:20
  Speaker 2: an assemblage of notes regarding the tribes of the Western
• 20:23
  Speaker 2: hemisphere than a detailed account of any particular voyage, although
• 20:28
  Speaker 2: its groundwork is the narrative of his most recent expedition
• 20:31
  Speaker 2: to the West. In any case, the lattera is a
• 20:35
  Speaker 2: document of infinitely more value, for which it is evident
• 20:39
  Speaker 2: the author had his note books to work from, and
• 20:42
  Speaker 2: it is decidedly more in the nature of a set
• 20:45
  Speaker 2: of consecutive reports of voyages than the Epistola, which seems
• 20:49
  Speaker 2: rather to be an extract from the promised quatro giornati
• 20:53
  Speaker 2: or commonplace book of the author. The chief value of
• 20:57
  Speaker 2: the Epistola, apart from its interest as the first printed
• 21:01
  Speaker 2: account of one of the early voyages to the New World,
• 21:05
  Speaker 2: lies in certain words of great significance by reason of
• 21:08
  Speaker 2: their date. Vespucci says in fifteen o two to three quote,
• 21:13
  Speaker 2: it is to be observed those new countries which we
• 21:17
  Speaker 2: have sought and found, which it is allowable to call
• 21:20
  Speaker 2: the New World, since there has been amongst our ancestors
• 21:24
  Speaker 2: no knowledge thereof, and if some of them have affirmed
• 21:27
  Speaker 2: it to be a continent. They have for many reasons
• 21:30
  Speaker 2: denied it to be a habitable land, but that this
• 21:33
  Speaker 2: opinion is false and in every wise contrary to the truth.
• 21:38
  Speaker 2: This last navigation of mine has made clear insomuch as
• 21:41
  Speaker 2: I have found the continent in that southern division inhabited
• 21:45
  Speaker 2: by more numerous peoples and animals than our Europe, or
• 21:48
  Speaker 2: indeed Asia or Africa end. This quotation suffices to prove
• 21:54
  Speaker 2: that Vespucci already knew what no one else appears to
• 21:57
  Speaker 2: have as yet imagined, that the Western world word was
• 22:00
  Speaker 2: not only no part of Eastern Asia, but was a
• 22:03
  Speaker 2: large and totally distinct continent. In the following year, six
• 22:07
  Speaker 2: ships were fitted out for the discovery of a passage
• 22:10
  Speaker 2: by the west to Malacca. Such, at least we can
• 22:14
  Speaker 2: judge to have been the intention of the expedition, although Vespucci,
• 22:18
  Speaker 2: who had command of one of the vessels, says nothing
• 22:21
  Speaker 2: that can be clearly understood to mean by the west. However,
• 22:25
  Speaker 2: the direction taken by the fleet when they quitted the
• 22:27
  Speaker 2: coast of Africa makes it clear that there was an
• 22:30
  Speaker 2: expectation of finding a passage or straight in the same
• 22:34
  Speaker 2: direction in which Michelan afterwards succeeded, or perhaps by the
• 22:38
  Speaker 2: imaginary passage supposed to be formed by the yet unexplored
• 22:42
  Speaker 2: Plata River. Vespucci had less good fortune in this voyage
• 22:46
  Speaker 2: than in the others, being separated from his admiral and
• 22:49
  Speaker 2: returning with a less brilliant record long before him. They
• 22:53
  Speaker 2: left lisbanon May tenth, fifteen o three. Perhaps this is
• 22:57
  Speaker 2: a mistake, for June tenth, under the command and of
• 23:00
  Speaker 2: Gonzalo Poela, and having Juan Dyaz de Solis, who like Vespucci,
• 23:05
  Speaker 2: had entered the Portuguese service, amongst the pilots. After an
• 23:09
  Speaker 2: ineffectual attempt to land at Sierra Leone on the African coast,
• 23:14
  Speaker 2: they resumed their proper course and sailed across the Atlantic
• 23:17
  Speaker 2: in a southwesterly direction, reaching the lofty island of Fernando
• 23:21
  Speaker 2: Lorona on August tenth. Here they had ill luck through
• 23:26
  Speaker 2: the loss of the Admiral's ship, which struck upon a rock.
• 23:29
  Speaker 2: He and his crew were saved, the crew being distributed
• 23:33
  Speaker 2: amongst those of the other vessels, except that of Vespucci.
• 23:37
  Speaker 2: The latter, on the contrary, was deprived of the services
• 23:40
  Speaker 2: of part of his men, who had been called away
• 23:43
  Speaker 2: in his boat to land assistance at the time, and
• 23:46
  Speaker 2: while they were so absent, he received orders to find
• 23:48
  Speaker 2: a port in the island. He went forward, found a
• 23:52
  Speaker 2: port and waited eight days, but the rest of the
• 23:54
  Speaker 2: fleet did not arrive. At last he had sight of
• 23:57
  Speaker 2: a sail and issued forth to meet it. It was
• 24:00
  Speaker 2: one of the associated vessels, and he then was informed
• 24:03
  Speaker 2: of the loss of the flagship and that the others
• 24:06
  Speaker 2: had proceeded on their voyage without him. The two detached ships,
• 24:10
  Speaker 2: thenceforward kept together and, in accordance with the King's instructions
• 24:14
  Speaker 2: providing for such a contingency, made their way to Bahia
• 24:18
  Speaker 2: de Toros us Santos, where it was supposed they would
• 24:21
  Speaker 2: find the other vessels.
• 24:22
  Speaker 3: There.
• 24:23
  Speaker 2: They stayed for over two months, but none of their
• 24:25
  Speaker 2: companions arrived. Vespucci took for granted that they had been
• 24:29
  Speaker 2: lost and assigns all the blame to the misconduct of
• 24:33
  Speaker 2: the Admiral Gonzalo Cuelo. He could not know what we
• 24:37
  Speaker 2: know that Coelo was very successful in his voyage and
• 24:40
  Speaker 2: discovered great part of the coast of South America, including Montevideo,
• 24:45
  Speaker 2: the Rio de la Plata, the region of Buenos Aires,
• 24:48
  Speaker 2: and other lands as far as the Gulf of Saint Matias,
• 24:52
  Speaker 2: being however, detained so long at one point on the
• 24:54
  Speaker 2: coast that he only returned to Lisbon with one of
• 24:57
  Speaker 2: the ships of his fleet late in fifteen o six.
• 25:00
  Speaker 2: From Bahia, Vespucci and his companion sailed southwest and reached
• 25:05
  Speaker 2: Cape Frio, near Rio Janeiro. There they remained five months,
• 25:10
  Speaker 2: built a fort and left a garrison of twenty four
• 25:13
  Speaker 2: men sufficiently provisioned to hold it till relieved from Portugal.
• 25:17
  Speaker 2: These twenty four men, with that portion of the admiral's
• 25:20
  Speaker 2: crew which had been taken on board the vessel now
• 25:22
  Speaker 2: sailing with Vespucci. He and his comrade then set sail
• 25:26
  Speaker 2: for Europe, and, after a voyage of seventy seven days,
• 25:29
  Speaker 2: reached Lisbon on June eighteen, fifteen oh four, thus having
• 25:34
  Speaker 2: accomplished the four voyages described in his LETTERA. He wrote
• 25:38
  Speaker 2: the narrative which is here reproduced, dated September fourth, fifteen
• 25:42
  Speaker 2: o four, and sent it to Soderini by the hands
• 25:45
  Speaker 2: of Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, apparently one of his fellow voyagers.
• 25:52
  Speaker 2: Before long, he threw up the service of Portugal, in
• 25:55
  Speaker 2: which he had never been sufficiently rewarded for his labors,
• 25:58
  Speaker 2: and returned early in fifteen o five to that of
• 26:01
  Speaker 2: King Ferdinand. He was naturalized in Spain and seems at
• 26:05
  Speaker 2: this time to have become a married man, being accepted
• 26:08
  Speaker 2: by a Spanish lady in spite of his fifty three
• 26:11
  Speaker 2: years of age and his lack of fortune. The king, however,
• 26:15
  Speaker 2: appointed him a ship's captain with a fixed salary, and
• 26:18
  Speaker 2: seems to have designed to send him with an expedition
• 26:21
  Speaker 2: then being fitted out for a voyage in search of
• 26:24
  Speaker 2: the Spice Lands. The construction of new ships caused along
• 26:28
  Speaker 2: in tedious delay, and the result was that Vespucci never
• 26:31
  Speaker 2: joined such an expedition, if indeed it was undertaken. He made, however,
• 26:36
  Speaker 2: two more voyages to America, the fifth in fifteen o
• 26:39
  Speaker 2: five along the coasts of Venezuela and the Isthmus, and
• 26:43
  Speaker 2: the sixth during fifteen o seven between March and November,
• 26:47
  Speaker 2: in company with Juan de la Cosa. In this last
• 26:50
  Speaker 2: voyage they visited the Isthmus and the shores of Central
• 26:53
  Speaker 2: America and brought home a quantity of gold for which
• 26:57
  Speaker 2: they received payment and were also rewarded with US honors.
• 27:01
  Speaker 2: In fifteen o eight, the title of Piloto Mayor was
• 27:04
  Speaker 2: conferred upon Vespucci, and, with a considerable salary, the office
• 27:09
  Speaker 2: of Examiner General of Pilots. He remained in the enjoyment
• 27:14
  Speaker 2: of this post, which undoubtedly required his presence continually in Spain,
• 27:18
  Speaker 2: until his death on February twenty second, fifteen twelve. He
• 27:23
  Speaker 2: left a widow and a great reputation behind him, but
• 27:26
  Speaker 2: no pecuniary fortune and no children. His maps and his
• 27:30
  Speaker 2: diaries were bequeathed to his nephew, Giovanni Vespucci, who was
• 27:34
  Speaker 2: one of his successors in the office of Royal Pilot,
• 27:38
  Speaker 2: a position which he seems to have forfeited by publishing
• 27:41
  Speaker 2: in fifteen twenty four a map of the New World.
• 27:44
  Speaker 2: This map, now of the extremest rarity, was probably based
• 27:48
  Speaker 2: largely on the explorations of Americo Vespucci. End of section two.
• 27:56
  Speaker 2: Read by Sandra and Nova Scotia, twenty twenty four. Section
• 28:06
  Speaker 2: three of the First four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci. This
• 28:10
  Speaker 2: is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the
• 28:14
  Speaker 2: public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit
• 28:19
  Speaker 2: LibriVox dot org. The first four voyages of Americo Vespucci
• 28:24
  Speaker 2: by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco Adolfo de Farnhagen, translated by m. K.
• 28:31
  Speaker 2: Mister Major and Vespucci's First Voyage. Mister Major is about
• 28:36
  Speaker 2: the only person of our day who impunes or seems
• 28:40
  Speaker 2: to impugne the veracity of Vespucci, and who holds or
• 28:43
  Speaker 2: seems to hold his first voyage a myth. His natural
• 28:47
  Speaker 2: dislike to the process of circumstances which gave to the
• 28:51
  Speaker 2: New World the name of America rather than that of Columbia,
• 28:55
  Speaker 2: has swollen into a seva indignatio, which in this instance
• 29:01
  Speaker 2: facit inurium instead of versum. The gist and strength of
• 29:06
  Speaker 2: his argument lie in the following charges, collected from the
• 29:10
  Speaker 2: selected letters of Columbus and Prince Henry the Navigator. One.
• 29:16
  Speaker 2: No assertion was made by Vespucci and his friends of
• 29:19
  Speaker 2: any voyage to the New World before that of fourteen
• 29:22
  Speaker 2: ninety nine to fifteen hundred, in which he accompanied Alonso
• 29:26
  Speaker 2: de Ojeda, until Columbus had been a year in his grave,
• 29:30
  Speaker 2: and the false statement could be made without fear of contradiction. Two.
• 29:35
  Speaker 2: There is no reason to suppose that the letter to
• 29:37
  Speaker 2: Soderini was printed till after the publication of the Cosmographie
• 29:42
  Speaker 2: and Troductio at Saint die in fifteen o seven, which
• 29:46
  Speaker 2: included Vespucci's account of his four voyages in a Latin form.
• 29:51
  Speaker 2: Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo di Pietro de Medici was written
• 29:55
  Speaker 2: admittedly between September fifteen o two and June fifteen o three.
• 30:00
  Speaker 2: Its many editions in Latin and German. Some were undoubtedly
• 30:03
  Speaker 2: printed in fifteen o three, and one is dated at
• 30:05
  Speaker 2: Augsburg fifteen o four. That letter received a wider circulation
• 30:10
  Speaker 2: than any other of the early printed documents relating to
• 30:13
  Speaker 2: the New World. It would be idle to assume that
• 30:16
  Speaker 2: its existence was unknown to Columbus at any time between
• 30:19
  Speaker 2: November fifteen o four, when he returned to Spain for
• 30:22
  Speaker 2: the last time, and May fifteen o six, when he died.
• 30:27
  Speaker 2: If that letter had contained any false statement prejudicial to
• 30:30
  Speaker 2: his own just rights, Columbus would not have described Vespucci
• 30:34
  Speaker 2: as a true and cherished friend, as he did in
• 30:37
  Speaker 2: a letter to his San Diego dated February fifth, fifteen
• 30:40
  Speaker 2: o five, in which he commended Vespucci to the kind
• 30:44
  Speaker 2: offices of the latter. Yet Vespucci, at the beginning of
• 30:47
  Speaker 2: his Medici letter, speaks of hecmea utima navigatio to the
• 30:53
  Speaker 2: regions quees novum mundum appellari licht vesus meridium, and near
• 31:00
  Speaker 2: the end we read the words hacmea ultima naviagazzione quam
• 31:06
  Speaker 2: appello diem tertium nam ali duo dis fueron due alier
• 31:12
  Speaker 2: navigaciones quais ex mandato serenissimi hispaniarum regis vici versus occidentum.
• 31:21
  Speaker 2: This plain statement, made infrequently published during the lifetime of Columbus,
• 31:26
  Speaker 2: is in perfect agreement with the letter to Soderini. In
• 31:29
  Speaker 2: the phrases dies tertius and duo alier dies Espucci alludes
• 31:35
  Speaker 2: plainly to the note book or diary, which after his
• 31:38
  Speaker 2: fourth voyage he entitled his Quatro gionnat Under that name,
• 31:43
  Speaker 2: he describes it in the Soderini letter as containing in
• 31:46
  Speaker 2: detail the daily observations made during his full voyages, the
• 31:50
  Speaker 2: first two to the west in Spanish service, the other
• 31:53
  Speaker 2: two to the south in the service of Portugal. At
• 31:56
  Speaker 2: the time he wrote the Medici letter, say in January
• 31:59
  Speaker 2: fifteen o three, he says explicitly that he had in
• 32:03
  Speaker 2: his possession the diaries of the first two voyages, and
• 32:06
  Speaker 2: that King Manoel still withheld from him that of the third,
• 32:10
  Speaker 2: for which reason he begs his patron to excuse the
• 32:13
  Speaker 2: imperfections in the account then sent him. Now it is
• 32:17
  Speaker 2: admitted that he made a voyage to the New World
• 32:20
  Speaker 2: between May fourteen ninety nine and September fifteen hundred, and
• 32:24
  Speaker 2: another between May fifteen o one and September fifteen o two,
• 32:29
  Speaker 2: each occupying over sixteen months in its accomplishment. Early in
• 32:33
  Speaker 2: fifteen o three, he speaks of those two voyages as
• 32:36
  Speaker 2: his second and third in a letter which was made
• 32:39
  Speaker 2: known to all the world at the same time, referring
• 32:42
  Speaker 2: to a first voyage which had been, like the second,
• 32:44
  Speaker 2: a westerly one. It is not possible, as some might allege,
• 32:48
  Speaker 2: that any similar voyage could have taken place in the
• 32:50
  Speaker 2: short interval between his return to Spain and September fifteen
• 32:54
  Speaker 2: hundred and his taking service with King Manoel early in
• 32:58
  Speaker 2: fifteen o one. If we had no documentary knowledge of
• 33:02
  Speaker 2: his first voyage, we might, judging from probabilities alone, assume
• 33:06
  Speaker 2: that it was also a sixteen month's performance. Concluded four
• 33:10
  Speaker 2: or five months before me fourteen ninety nine, and therefore
• 33:14
  Speaker 2: begun about August fourteen ninety seven. This assumption, based on
• 33:19
  Speaker 2: rational conjecture only would differ but by three months from
• 33:23
  Speaker 2: his own account that his first voyage occupied the seventeen
• 33:26
  Speaker 2: months between Me nineteen forty seven and October nineteen forty eight,
• 33:31
  Speaker 2: the facts must have been very well known to Columbus,
• 33:34
  Speaker 2: and consequently he made no protest or accusation of falsehood
• 33:38
  Speaker 2: against Vespucci during fifteen o four, fifteen o five and
• 33:42
  Speaker 2: fifteen o six, but on the contrary held the Florentine
• 33:46
  Speaker 2: to be a worthy and honorable navigator. So much from
• 33:49
  Speaker 2: mister Major's number one as for number two, it only
• 33:53
  Speaker 2: needs the application of ordinary common sense. Whatever special pleading
• 33:57
  Speaker 2: might allege. As to the want of proof that the attack,
• 34:00
  Speaker 2: while in text of the Sudarini letter, was not printed
• 34:02
  Speaker 2: at a later date than the Cosmographie roductio of fifteen
• 34:06
  Speaker 2: oh seven, every unbiased person must admit that the text
• 34:10
  Speaker 2: of a letter written and sent in fifteen oh four
• 34:12
  Speaker 2: to the head of the Florentine Republic and printed at
• 34:15
  Speaker 2: Florence without a date for a publisher who is known
• 34:18
  Speaker 2: to have been at work there at least as early
• 34:20
  Speaker 2: as fourteen ninety five to six, may be unhesitatingly considered
• 34:25
  Speaker 2: to have preceded the impression of a second hand translation
• 34:29
  Speaker 2: printed in Logen with the date of fifteen oh seven.
• 34:32
  Speaker 2: A small circumstance gives corroboration to this natural assumption. The
• 34:37
  Speaker 2: name of Bahia appears in the Latin impression of fifteen
• 34:40
  Speaker 2: oh seven as Abbatia omnium sanctorum, a ludicrous misnomer which
• 34:46
  Speaker 2: might be supposed to have arisen from the phrase la
• 34:49
  Speaker 2: bais la beis possibly found in the intermediate French translation
• 34:54
  Speaker 2: now lost, but which is evidently derived from the typographical
• 34:58
  Speaker 2: error in the Florentine Dame edition of the text, wherein
• 35:01
  Speaker 2: the compositor had perverted the Bahia of Vespucci's MS into
• 35:06
  Speaker 2: the Italian word badia abbi. It is neither impossible nor
• 35:12
  Speaker 2: improbable that Columbus had read the sodo in a letter
• 35:15
  Speaker 2: in print before his death. End of section three read
• 35:19
  Speaker 2: by Sandra in Nova Scotia twenty twenty.
• 35:22
  Speaker 4: Four, Section four of the first four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci.
• 35:33
  Speaker 4: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
• 35:37
  Speaker 4: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 35:41
  Speaker 4: visit LibriVox dot org. Led by John Hunter. The first
• 35:46
  Speaker 4: four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco
• 35:52
  Speaker 4: Adolfo di Vanhagen, translated by m K. Geographical summary of
• 35:57
  Speaker 4: Vespucci's four voyages. First voyage or expedition of King Ferdinand.
• 36:04
  Speaker 4: Four ships, probably under the command of Vicenz Jenes Pinzon
• 36:09
  Speaker 4: and Juan Dias de Solis, with Juan de la Corsa
• 36:12
  Speaker 4: as pilot fourteen ninety seven. May tenth started from Cadiz,
• 36:20
  Speaker 4: May twenty to twenty eight, reached the Canary Islands, where
• 36:24
  Speaker 4: they stayed for eight days. July fourth reached the coast
• 36:29
  Speaker 4: of Honduras thirty seven days later, at sixteen degrees north latitude,
• 36:34
  Speaker 4: as Vespucci says, but probably near Cape Gracias Adios, or
• 36:38
  Speaker 4: about fifteen degrees north latitude, on a difficult coast which
• 36:42
  Speaker 4: he thought lay seventy five degrees west of the Canaries.
• 36:46
  Speaker 4: It is really not much over sixty seven degrees. July
• 36:50
  Speaker 4: sixth advanced northwest and harbored two days later in a
• 36:55
  Speaker 4: safe anchorage near Cape Cameron or somewhere in the Bay
• 36:58
  Speaker 4: of Honduras. From Vespucci's long and elaborate description of the
• 37:02
  Speaker 4: people and their customs, the fleet must have remained some
• 37:05
  Speaker 4: considerable time on this coast. Around August six, advancing again
• 37:12
  Speaker 4: northwest as he thought, really north, and by east, they
• 37:16
  Speaker 4: coasted Yucatan, changing their course according to the configuration of
• 37:20
  Speaker 4: the shore and frequently landing, until they reached a harbor
• 37:23
  Speaker 4: in which there was a village seated like venice on
• 37:27
  Speaker 4: the water around September tenth. This must have been in
• 37:32
  Speaker 4: Campeachy Bay, a little north of Tabasco, about eighteen and
• 37:36
  Speaker 4: a half degrees north latitude. After some fighting with the Indians,
• 37:40
  Speaker 4: they went onward next day, coasting west and northwest for
• 37:44
  Speaker 4: around four hundred miles he says, about eighty leagues or
• 37:48
  Speaker 4: three hundred and twenty miles, and reached the province of
• 37:51
  Speaker 4: Larryap Tampico in Mexico thirty three degrees north latitude, where
• 37:57
  Speaker 4: they found a friendly race of Indians who were cooking
• 38:00
  Speaker 4: and eating iguanas, which Vespucci describes as wingless serpents and
• 38:05
  Speaker 4: which the sailors supposed to be poisonous. Around September thirtieth,
• 38:11
  Speaker 4: the Spaniards baptized many of these people and were themselves
• 38:15
  Speaker 4: designated carabbe, which he says means wise men. Vespucci and
• 38:20
  Speaker 4: others traveled into the interior, and from his details, they
• 38:24
  Speaker 4: must have been a month at this place. Around November one,
• 38:28
  Speaker 4: starting again northwest, they coasted the shore for eight hundred
• 38:32
  Speaker 4: and seventy leagues, naturally, although he does not say so,
• 38:36
  Speaker 4: changing the course according as the land trended, frequently touching
• 38:40
  Speaker 4: on land, and at the end of April, after having
• 38:43
  Speaker 4: passed along the coasts of Mexico and Louisiana, they reached
• 38:47
  Speaker 4: Cape Sable i e. Cabor de Fim di Abril April thirty.
• 38:54
  Speaker 4: Turning the cape, they advanced northward and anchored in a fine,
• 38:58
  Speaker 4: large bay, the utmost northern limit of their voyage around
• 39:03
  Speaker 4: June thirty. This was presumably the Cabo del mar Uciano,
• 39:08
  Speaker 4: probably Cape Hateras in North Carolina thirty five degrees north latitude,
• 39:14
  Speaker 4: where they stopped thirty seven days, refitting their vessels for
• 39:18
  Speaker 4: the home voyage. The natives were very friendly and asked
• 39:22
  Speaker 4: the Spaniards to protect them from a tribe which frequently
• 39:25
  Speaker 4: came from islands across the sea to plunder and slay.
• 39:29
  Speaker 4: Around August six the Christians took seven of the Indians
• 39:33
  Speaker 4: with them as guides to the islands, and sailed east
• 39:36
  Speaker 4: and by northeast Infra Greco elevante quirera era for Infra
• 39:43
  Speaker 4: Siroco e levante, or east and by southeast for about
• 39:47
  Speaker 4: one hundred leagues across the ocean, reaching after seven day
• 39:51
  Speaker 4: sail and archipelago partially inhabited on the chief island of
• 39:56
  Speaker 4: which named Iti. They had severe fighting, which ended by
• 40:00
  Speaker 4: their carrying away two hundred and fifty prisoners around August fifteen.
• 40:07
  Speaker 4: They then sent the seven Indians back, making them a
• 40:10
  Speaker 4: present of seven prisoners, and sailed for Spain, reaching Cadiz
• 40:15
  Speaker 4: on October fifteenth, fourteen ninety eight. Iti the island of
• 40:21
  Speaker 4: Iti is a problem which Van Hagen has solved, but
• 40:25
  Speaker 4: not very satisfactorily, by assuming that it referred to the
• 40:28
  Speaker 4: bermudas and that the expedition sailed thither from Cape Canaval.
• 40:33
  Speaker 4: This would explain the direction, but not the distance of
• 40:36
  Speaker 4: one hundred leagues equal to four hundred miles, and we
• 40:40
  Speaker 4: can hardly suppose that the Indian boatmen would have ventured
• 40:44
  Speaker 4: much farther than one hundred leagues across the ocean. The
• 40:47
  Speaker 4: distance is reduced to about two hundred leagues, but the
• 40:50
  Speaker 4: direction is altered if we suppose that they started from
• 40:54
  Speaker 4: Cape Hataras, while it becomes too enormous, although the direction
• 40:58
  Speaker 4: would then be right if we assumed that they went
• 41:01
  Speaker 4: from Cape Canaval. However, the difficulty is cleared if we
• 41:06
  Speaker 4: suppose that the word Greco is, as suggested by Van Harven,
• 41:11
  Speaker 4: a typographical error for Sirocco, in which case we might
• 41:16
  Speaker 4: take it for granted that Vespucci sailed from Cape Hertedas
• 41:20
  Speaker 4: to the Bermudas, twenty four years earlier than the supposed
• 41:23
  Speaker 4: first discovery of those islands. In any case, Vespucci's measurements
• 41:28
  Speaker 4: and compass were at fault. But when we examined the
• 41:31
  Speaker 4: map in the Strasbourg Ptolemy of fifteen thirteen, derived like
• 41:36
  Speaker 4: that in the Rome Ptolemy of fifteen o eight from
• 41:39
  Speaker 4: the Chatamarina Portugalentium of fifteen o four, it is impossible
• 41:45
  Speaker 4: to resist the conviction that Cape Hertedas was the Cabo
• 41:49
  Speaker 4: del mar Usiano, under which were inscribed the words Hokuscui
• 41:55
  Speaker 4: naves ferandini regis hispanae pervenerunt. The map seems, in fact
• 42:02
  Speaker 4: to derive in almost every way from Vespucci himself, its
• 42:06
  Speaker 4: northern limit on the American side being evidently identical with
• 42:10
  Speaker 4: the northern limit of his first voyage, and its South
• 42:13
  Speaker 4: American coast, on the other hand, being plainly traced from
• 42:16
  Speaker 4: the record of his second, third, and fourth voyages, with
• 42:20
  Speaker 4: the only exception that it does not show his discovery
• 42:23
  Speaker 4: of the island of South Georgia. What makes this more
• 42:26
  Speaker 4: striking is the mixture of languages in the fifteen thirteen map,
• 42:30
  Speaker 4: the point of Florida being marked with a Portuguese name
• 42:34
  Speaker 4: see Dolfiume di Abril Cape, sent Bonaventura with an Italian name,
• 42:40
  Speaker 4: and the rest in Spanish, chiefly with a few in Latin.
• 42:43
  Speaker 4: It appears very probable that the Charta Marina was Vespucci's
• 42:48
  Speaker 4: own map. As already pointed out, a mistake made in
• 42:52
  Speaker 4: the text of Vespucci by the Florentine printer is singularly
• 42:56
  Speaker 4: repeated in the New World chart, which forms portion of
• 42:59
  Speaker 4: all the Ptolemy maps of fifteen oh seven to eight
• 43:03
  Speaker 4: fifteen thirteen, designed in fifteen oh seven, fifteen twenty two,
• 43:08
  Speaker 4: fifteen twenty five, fifteen thirty five in regard to Bahia.
• 43:14
  Speaker 4: This port was discovered by Vespucci and his fellows on
• 43:17
  Speaker 4: November one, fifteen oh one, but he does not mention
• 43:21
  Speaker 4: it by name in the narrative of his third voyage,
• 43:23
  Speaker 4: merely allowing it to appear in the account of his
• 43:26
  Speaker 4: fourth voyage that the port which they had discovered in
• 43:30
  Speaker 4: the preceding expedition and named Badia de tucci is sancti,
• 43:35
  Speaker 4: was the appointed rendezvous for the vessels in case of
• 43:38
  Speaker 4: separation on the map. As in Volsimulu's translation of the LETTERA,
• 43:44
  Speaker 4: the Italian typographical error Badia is turned into a Latin
• 43:49
  Speaker 4: one Abbatia omnium sanctorum. Of course, this might have simply
• 43:54
  Speaker 4: arisen from the circumstance that the editors of Ptolemy had
• 43:58
  Speaker 4: before them in fifteen o seven the printed LETTERA with
• 44:02
  Speaker 4: its blunder of Badir for Bahia. But it is evident
• 44:06
  Speaker 4: that only a practical and experienced navigator had constructed the chart,
• 44:10
  Speaker 4: which tacitly corrects and supplements the defective statements of Vespucci,
• 44:15
  Speaker 4: showing that his specifications of courses of sailing chiefly refer
• 44:19
  Speaker 4: to initial and not to continuous movements. We have in
• 44:23
  Speaker 4: any case, a clear case of connection between Vespucci and
• 44:27
  Speaker 4: the so called admiral's map usually assigned to Columbus. A
• 44:32
  Speaker 4: further evidence appears on the text of the editorial observations
• 44:36
  Speaker 4: in the Ptolemy of fifteen thirteen, for the originator of
• 44:40
  Speaker 4: the map is there referred to as an admiral of Ferdinand,
• 44:44
  Speaker 4: King of Portugal. This has been considered an error of oversight,
• 44:49
  Speaker 4: not for Manuel, King of Portugal, but for Ferdinand, King
• 44:53
  Speaker 4: of Spain, and to refer to Columbus in accordance with
• 44:57
  Speaker 4: the inscription in the same map on the South American
• 45:00
  Speaker 4: continent hec terra inventa est per columbum yanoemsem ex mandato
• 45:08
  Speaker 4: regis castel. But it is probably an error only in
• 45:12
  Speaker 4: the king's name. In fifteen o four, when Vespucci probably
• 45:17
  Speaker 4: drew the chart which was used for the Ptolemies, he
• 45:20
  Speaker 4: could be properly styled an admiral or captain in the
• 45:24
  Speaker 4: service of the King of Portugal, notwithstanding that his first
• 45:28
  Speaker 4: and most important voyage was made as a subordinate officer,
• 45:32
  Speaker 4: astronomer or hydrographer in the service of Spain. Second voyage,
• 45:39
  Speaker 4: also made in the Spanish service in a fleet of
• 45:42
  Speaker 4: three ships under the command of Alonso di Jogeder, with
• 45:46
  Speaker 4: Juan de la Cosa and Amedgo Vespucci as pilots, fourteen
• 45:52
  Speaker 4: ninety nine, May sixteenth departure from Cadiz reached Fogo, one
• 45:59
  Speaker 4: of the Cape Verde Islands. There is no valid reason
• 46:02
  Speaker 4: for supposing with van Hagen that Vespucci meant Fedo, one
• 46:07
  Speaker 4: of the canaries, whence departing southwest after a voyage of
• 46:11
  Speaker 4: forty four days, they reached on June twenty seven, which,
• 46:16
  Speaker 4: by the way, gives only forty two days for the
• 46:18
  Speaker 4: voyage the American continent at five degrees of south latitude,
• 46:23
  Speaker 4: that is, about one hundred and fifty miles west and
• 46:26
  Speaker 4: by north of Cape Saint Roch Here, Vespucci observed that
• 46:30
  Speaker 4: the days and nights were equal at that date, the
• 46:33
  Speaker 4: country being full of rivers and wholly inundated, so that
• 46:37
  Speaker 4: they could not land. Their first endeavour was to go
• 46:40
  Speaker 4: east southeast, but the current off Cape Saint Rock was
• 46:44
  Speaker 4: so strong to the northwest that they were obliged to
• 46:47
  Speaker 4: turn around and sail with it. After having proceeded east
• 46:51
  Speaker 4: southeast for some forty leagues, probably approaching near the point
• 46:55
  Speaker 4: of Cape Saint Rock around July three to four. Van
• 47:01
  Speaker 4: Hagen remarks that the equatorial currents are so powerful in
• 47:05
  Speaker 4: that region during the months of June and July that
• 47:08
  Speaker 4: it is extremely difficult even now to double Capes and
• 47:11
  Speaker 4: Rock in a southerly direction with the wind and the current.
• 47:15
  Speaker 4: They proceeded northwest and harbored in a deep bay with
• 47:18
  Speaker 4: an island at its mouth. Navaret imagine that this referred
• 47:23
  Speaker 4: to the mouth of the Marignon or Amazon, and Van
• 47:26
  Speaker 4: Hagen supposed that it was the port of Cayenne, mistakingly
• 47:31
  Speaker 4: as I think, but reasoning justly from the words of Vespucci,
• 47:35
  Speaker 4: we can only conclude that the voyage was a long
• 47:38
  Speaker 4: one to the northwest from the inundated land above mentioned.
• 47:42
  Speaker 4: And while there is no reason either to believe or
• 47:44
  Speaker 4: to doubt that the fleet may have touched in succession
• 47:47
  Speaker 4: at some of the points named, we cannot acknowledge that
• 47:50
  Speaker 4: there is really any allusion to them in Vespucci's narrative.
• 47:54
  Speaker 4: Von Hagen's usual acumen seems to have failed him here.
• 47:58
  Speaker 4: The first harbor mentioned by Vespucci after the fleet had
• 48:02
  Speaker 4: quitted the region west of Cape Saint Rock is the
• 48:05
  Speaker 4: deep bay with an island at its mouth, which from
• 48:08
  Speaker 4: its form could only refer to the mouth of the Amazon,
• 48:12
  Speaker 4: or to the great Gulf of Paria, in which lies
• 48:16
  Speaker 4: the island of Trinidad July twenty to twenty five. In
• 48:21
  Speaker 4: view of the subsequent transactions, and judging also from the
• 48:25
  Speaker 4: fifteen o seven to thirteen map, the last must be
• 48:29
  Speaker 4: the correct ascription. It was a very lengthy run along
• 48:33
  Speaker 4: the coast. But there is nothing in Vespucci's words tantor
• 48:37
  Speaker 4: navikamor to invalidate the conclusion to which we are led
• 48:40
  Speaker 4: by concurrent testimony. They had the winds and the waves
• 48:44
  Speaker 4: in their favor, and eighteen or twenty days of such
• 48:47
  Speaker 4: sailing would easily carry them so great a distance. In
• 48:51
  Speaker 4: the map above referred to, we find the two islands,
• 48:55
  Speaker 4: Trinidad and Tobago, lying at the mouth of the gulf,
• 48:58
  Speaker 4: with the inscription is Isla de los Cannibales, which may
• 49:03
  Speaker 4: refer to either. And in his text, Vespucci caused the people,
• 49:07
  Speaker 4: whether in allusion to the natives of the island or
• 49:10
  Speaker 4: of the mainland, but probably of the former Cambali or Cannibali,
• 49:17
  Speaker 4: mentioning that his sailors saved four boys from being eaten.
• 49:22
  Speaker 4: After a vain attempt to make friends with these Caribs,
• 49:25
  Speaker 4: they penetrated further into the gulf and harbored in a
• 49:28
  Speaker 4: place where they stopped seventeen days and purchased by barter
• 49:32
  Speaker 4: some pearls and gold, hearing at the same time of
• 49:36
  Speaker 4: a hostile tribe further west which possessed great numbers of
• 49:39
  Speaker 4: pearls and practiced pearl fishery. Departing thence to return into
• 49:44
  Speaker 4: the main sea again, and quitting the gulf on the
• 49:47
  Speaker 4: western side of the island in the opposite way to
• 49:50
  Speaker 4: that in which they had entered it. They pursued their
• 49:53
  Speaker 4: western course, and at the end of several days harbored
• 49:56
  Speaker 4: to repair one of the ships Aroun August. Proceeding again,
• 50:03
  Speaker 4: they came in sight of the island of Saint Margaret,
• 50:06
  Speaker 4: off the coast of Cumana. On the map it is
• 50:09
  Speaker 4: named E de la Raposa. Such we may understand to
• 50:14
  Speaker 4: have been the island fifteen leagues out to sea from
• 50:17
  Speaker 4: the mainland. Thence they proceeded to another island in which
• 50:21
  Speaker 4: the people were of such a stature that they named
• 50:24
  Speaker 4: it the Isle of Gilance Courrosaw. After a dangerous encounter
• 50:30
  Speaker 4: and a somewhat ignominious retreat. They quitted that island and
• 50:34
  Speaker 4: still went onwards along the coast, finding the Indians generally
• 50:38
  Speaker 4: hostile and having to fight them frequently. Judging from other
• 50:42
  Speaker 4: sources of information, Alonso di Jochere and Juan de la
• 50:46
  Speaker 4: Corsa must have gone onward before the other two ships,
• 50:50
  Speaker 4: which however, followed more slowly in the same direction. September.
• 50:57
  Speaker 4: It is at least certain that the flagship was wrecked
• 51:00
  Speaker 4: and Hochida sailed in a small boat for San Domingo,
• 51:04
  Speaker 4: where he arrived on September five, fourteen ninety nine, while
• 51:09
  Speaker 4: the other two ships, in one of which Vespucci remained,
• 51:12
  Speaker 4: after having reached the point of Callinus, sailed back along
• 51:16
  Speaker 4: the coast they had already explored, and the leader had
• 51:19
  Speaker 4: probably at first no intention of following Hakida to Haiti.
• 51:24
  Speaker 4: In the course of the westerly voyage, the Gulf of
• 51:27
  Speaker 4: Maracaibo was discovered, although Vespucci does not mention the fact.
• 51:32
  Speaker 4: The land here is marked on the fifteen to thirteen
• 51:34
  Speaker 4: map as a peninsula between two bays, by which is
• 51:38
  Speaker 4: meant the promontory which forms the eastern boundary of the
• 51:41
  Speaker 4: Gulf of Venezuela and is inscribed Arquae Baquoia, in which
• 51:46
  Speaker 4: we can easily recognize Maracaibo, fifteen hundred January. Having reached
• 51:55
  Speaker 4: as Vespucci says, fifteen degrees properly thirteen north latine and
• 52:00
  Speaker 4: seventy two degrees west longitude, and having been about a year,
• 52:06
  Speaker 4: probably some ten months at sea, the captains of the
• 52:10
  Speaker 4: two vessels began to think it was time to begin
• 52:12
  Speaker 4: a homeward course in the hope apparently of renewing their
• 52:17
  Speaker 4: dealings with the natives of the Pearl country, they made
• 52:20
  Speaker 4: their way back along the northern shores of South America.
• 52:24
  Speaker 4: In this return voyage, which must have occupied a couple
• 52:27
  Speaker 4: of months, they met, while seeking a harbor to refit
• 52:30
  Speaker 4: their vessels, with a friendly tribe of Indians, from whom
• 52:34
  Speaker 4: they obtained a great number of pearls by barter at
• 52:37
  Speaker 4: an enormous advantage to the Spaniards feb to March. This
• 52:43
  Speaker 4: was at a cape marked on the map already referred
• 52:46
  Speaker 4: to Cabo de la Perlas, off the coast of Caracas
• 52:50
  Speaker 4: and opposite the island of Saint Margaret. Here they stopped
• 52:54
  Speaker 4: forty seven days and then sailed for San Domingo to
• 52:58
  Speaker 4: revictual their ships, reaching that island early in May May,
• 53:04
  Speaker 4: their leader, Jocheda, who had arrived there eight months earlier
• 53:08
  Speaker 4: and taken an active part in the mutiny of the
• 53:11
  Speaker 4: Spanish colonists against Columbus, was already gone. Vespucci mentions the
• 53:16
  Speaker 4: existing state of things and says briefly that envy was
• 53:20
  Speaker 4: the cause of it. The esteem in which Columbus afterwards
• 53:24
  Speaker 4: held him seems to show that he must have joined
• 53:26
  Speaker 4: the party of his distressed and wronged compatriot during the
• 53:29
  Speaker 4: time he remained in the island between two and three months.
• 53:34
  Speaker 4: He left San Domingo on July twenty second and reached
• 53:37
  Speaker 4: Cadiz on September eighth, fifteen hundred. Note. We observed, by
• 53:43
  Speaker 4: the account of the two preceding voyages, summing the results together,
• 53:47
  Speaker 4: that Vespucci had visited and coasted continuously the entire shore
• 53:52
  Speaker 4: of the New World from Cape hateras Or about thirty
• 53:55
  Speaker 4: five degrees north latitude to the coast of Brazil five
• 53:59
  Speaker 4: degrees south latitude, excepting only Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Isthmus,
• 54:05
  Speaker 4: and New Grenada. The next two voyages will appear to
• 54:08
  Speaker 4: have been confined to the South American coasts below Cape
• 54:12
  Speaker 4: Sint Rock five degrees south latitude. Third Voyage in the
• 54:18
  Speaker 4: service of Portugal three ships under the command of dom
• 54:22
  Speaker 4: Nunio manuel In, one of which Vespucci was captain. Fifteen
• 54:27
  Speaker 4: oh one May tenth or fourteen. They started from Lisbon
• 54:33
  Speaker 4: and navigated in sight of the Canaries towards the coast
• 54:36
  Speaker 4: of Africa, landing and stopping eleven days at the port
• 54:40
  Speaker 4: of Bessechice or Bezenikeu Gord fourteen and a half degrees
• 54:46
  Speaker 4: north latitude June ten. They then struck across the Atlantic
• 54:52
  Speaker 4: southwest quarter by south, and in sixty seven days, navigating
• 54:56
  Speaker 4: through exceptionally bad weather, they made seven hundred ly and
• 55:00
  Speaker 4: anchored off Cape Saint Roc in Brazil on August seventeen.
• 55:05
  Speaker 4: They must have seen it and named it on the
• 55:07
  Speaker 4: day before August sixteen, being Saint Ros Day, after having
• 55:12
  Speaker 4: lost three men by the treachery of the Indians. They
• 55:15
  Speaker 4: started southwards on the twenty fourth or twenty fifth, and
• 55:19
  Speaker 4: on the twenty eighth, Saint Augustine's Day, saw and named
• 55:22
  Speaker 4: the cape, which it is still called after that Saint
• 55:26
  Speaker 4: November one, still keeping the land in sight. They went
• 55:30
  Speaker 4: further south, and on All Saints Day discovered and named
• 55:34
  Speaker 4: Baheer de Torros Osantos on January one, the harbor of
• 55:38
  Speaker 4: Rio Janeiro fifteen oh two January one, when they were
• 55:44
  Speaker 4: thirty two degrees south latitude, as Vespucci indicates, perhaps by error,
• 55:49
  Speaker 4: for thirty seven or thirty eight or thirty eight degrees
• 55:53
  Speaker 4: as Humboldt calculated, which leaves it uncertain whether they had
• 55:56
  Speaker 4: reached the port of Rio Grande in Uruguay or came
• 56:00
  Speaker 4: Cape Antonio in Cape Corrientes in Buenos Aires, but in
• 56:04
  Speaker 4: the latter case would imply that they had missed the
• 56:06
  Speaker 4: mouth of La Plata. It was February fifteen. It was
• 56:10
  Speaker 4: perhaps the very northern point of the amboucheur of Rio
• 56:14
  Speaker 4: de la Plata, and they may have thought they had
• 56:16
  Speaker 4: reached the end of the continent, misled by the enormous
• 56:19
  Speaker 4: width of the river mouth and the sudden recession of
• 56:22
  Speaker 4: the coast westwards. By Vespucci's advice, they then started out
• 56:26
  Speaker 4: towards the southeast into the ocean, and only stopped when,
• 56:30
  Speaker 4: on April seventh, they reached an island beyond fifty two
• 56:33
  Speaker 4: degrees of south latitude. This was South Georgia, rediscovered in
• 56:38
  Speaker 4: seventeen seventy five by Captain Cook, who believed himself the
• 56:42
  Speaker 4: first discoverer. Frightened by the dreadful storms, the intense cold,
• 56:46
  Speaker 4: and the gloom of the atmosphere, they quickly turned again
• 56:49
  Speaker 4: and took a northeasterly course, scudding for some days under
• 56:53
  Speaker 4: bare poles before the wind. On May tenth they reached
• 56:57
  Speaker 4: Sierra Leone. Thence, after some delay, they sailed to the Azores,
• 57:02
  Speaker 4: where they also stayed some time, and on August fifteen
• 57:06
  Speaker 4: sailed for Lisbon, reaching that port on September seven, fifteen
• 57:10
  Speaker 4: o two. Fourth voyage in the service of Portugal, six ships,
• 57:16
  Speaker 4: in one of which Vespucci was captain, under the admiralship
• 57:20
  Speaker 4: of Gonzalo Couelo fifteen O three June ten, Vespucci says, may,
• 57:29
  Speaker 4: but it is evidently a mistake. For June they started
• 57:32
  Speaker 4: from Lisbon, went to Cape Verde, staying there thirteen days,
• 57:36
  Speaker 4: and thence proceeded southeast. This was for the purpose of
• 57:40
  Speaker 4: touching at Sierra Leone, according to the Admiral's desire, but
• 57:44
  Speaker 4: much against that of Vespucci. The ultimate object of the
• 57:48
  Speaker 4: expedition was to reach Malacca, which was understood to be
• 57:52
  Speaker 4: the richest emporium of the east, and the intention evidently
• 57:56
  Speaker 4: was to seek it by a western passage. Although Vespucci
• 57:59
  Speaker 4: does not not clearly say so, it is possible that
• 58:02
  Speaker 4: the place said to be thirty two or thirty eight
• 58:05
  Speaker 4: degrees of south latitude from which they quitted the American
• 58:08
  Speaker 4: continent in the third voyage, was really near Montevideo at
• 58:12
  Speaker 4: about thirty four and a half degrees south latitude, thus
• 58:16
  Speaker 4: allowing them to discover the great expanse of water at
• 58:20
  Speaker 4: the mouth of La Plata, and leading them to believe
• 58:23
  Speaker 4: that they had reached the southern end of the continent.
• 58:26
  Speaker 4: In any case, a notion seems to have existed that
• 58:29
  Speaker 4: the Plata was the wished for passage to the east
• 58:33
  Speaker 4: which Columbus and others had sought in vain. So far
• 58:36
  Speaker 4: as Vespucci was concerned, he looked upon this voyage as
• 58:40
  Speaker 4: a failure through the misconduct of the admiral. Bad weather
• 58:44
  Speaker 4: prevented them from landing at Sierra Leone. They turned southwest,
• 58:49
  Speaker 4: and after sailing five hundred leagues, Vespucci says three hundred
• 58:54
  Speaker 4: erroneously or by a typographical error, for the three hundred
• 58:58
  Speaker 4: is in Arabic numerals, came in sight of the island
• 59:02
  Speaker 4: of Fernando Nouronha. He calls it bad Island, for here
• 59:07
  Speaker 4: the admiral lost his ship on a rock on August ten.
• 59:11
  Speaker 4: August ten, the chief and his crew were saved, his
• 59:15
  Speaker 4: men being distributed among the other crews. Here, however, the
• 59:19
  Speaker 4: fleet was separated. The Spucci's ship harbored alone in a
• 59:23
  Speaker 4: part of that island, with only half his crew, the
• 59:26
  Speaker 4: vest having been called away in his boat at the
• 59:29
  Speaker 4: time of the disaster, and so entirely lost to him.
• 59:33
  Speaker 4: He was joined a few days later by one of
• 59:35
  Speaker 4: the other vessels, and the two sailed thenceforward in company.
• 59:39
  Speaker 4: Vaspucci left Fernando Nouronha and sailed south southwest for Bahia,
• 59:44
  Speaker 4: where by the King's order they had appointed a rendezvous
• 59:48
  Speaker 4: in such a case of separation as had taken place November.
• 59:52
  Speaker 4: They waited at Bahia for over two months, but, seeing
• 59:56
  Speaker 4: nothing of their companions, quitted that harbor, under the impression
• 59:59
  Speaker 4: that the other ships which had gone on with the
• 1:00:02
  Speaker 4: admiral were all lost. Fifteen o three to four December
• 1:00:07
  Speaker 4: to April. They next sailed two hundred sixty leagues southwardly
• 1:00:13
  Speaker 4: and landed at Cape Frio, near Rio Janeiro. Here they
• 1:00:17
  Speaker 4: stayed five months, building a fort in which they placed
• 1:00:20
  Speaker 4: a garrison of twenty four men, part of the Admiral's
• 1:00:23
  Speaker 4: crew saved from the wreck at Fernando Naronha, whom they
• 1:00:27
  Speaker 4: furnished with weapons and ammunition and provisioned for six months.
• 1:00:32
  Speaker 4: Van Haagen discovered a document which proved that this fort
• 1:00:35
  Speaker 4: and garrison was still maintained by the Portuguese in fifteen eleven,
• 1:00:39
  Speaker 4: and therefore makes light of the discrepancies of latitude and
• 1:00:42
  Speaker 4: longitude between Vespucci's statement and the actual situation of Cape Frio.
• 1:00:48
  Speaker 4: He is probably right, and the Florentine printer may be
• 1:00:51
  Speaker 4: responsible for the change of twenty three into eighteen south
• 1:00:55
  Speaker 4: latitude and thirty one into thirty seven longitude west of Lisbon,
• 1:01:00
  Speaker 4: mistakes easily made in the use of the old Roman
• 1:01:03
  Speaker 4: type with its indistinct Arabic numerals. April two, the two
• 1:01:09
  Speaker 4: ships then sailed for Lisbon, making the voyage north northwest
• 1:01:12
  Speaker 4: in seventy seven days and reaching that port on June eighteenth,
• 1:01:16
  Speaker 4: fifteen O four. End of Section four.
• 1:01:27
  Speaker 2: Section five of the First Four Voyages of Americo Vespucci.
• 1:01:32
  Speaker 2: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
• 1:01:36
  Speaker 2: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 1:01:41
  Speaker 2: visit LibriVox dot org. The First Four Voyages of Emerico
• 1:01:46
  Speaker 2: Vespucci by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco Adolfo de Farnhagen, translated
• 1:01:54
  Speaker 2: by M. K. American words mentioned by Vespucci Yucca. This word,
• 1:02:02
  Speaker 2: whither of carib or Maya origin, was common to the
• 1:02:07
  Speaker 2: West Indian Islands and the eastern shores of Central America.
• 1:02:11
  Speaker 2: It probably represents the eok of the word mandioc or manioc,
• 1:02:17
  Speaker 2: which was afterwards adopted as a general term for the
• 1:02:20
  Speaker 2: bread fruit found to flourish within the Tropics from Brazil
• 1:02:24
  Speaker 2: to Mexico. This plant yucca or yuca, though frequently met
• 1:02:30
  Speaker 2: with in the early Spanish narratives, is mentioned in print
• 1:02:33
  Speaker 2: for the first time in this lettera of Vespucci. Kasabi.
• 1:02:39
  Speaker 2: Vespucci says, quote another root which they call kasabi end quote.
• 1:02:45
  Speaker 2: But the kazabi or cassabe or cassava is simply the
• 1:02:50
  Speaker 2: flower which is made into bread from the yucca or manioc.
• 1:02:54
  Speaker 2: This word probably of carib origin was first found in
• 1:02:58
  Speaker 2: San Domingo, but was common also to the carab populations
• 1:03:02
  Speaker 2: which lined the western coast of America from Veracruz in
• 1:03:06
  Speaker 2: Mexico to the northern shores of Brazil. It appeared in
• 1:03:09
  Speaker 2: print for the first time in Vespucci's lettera Ichnami. This word,
• 1:03:16
  Speaker 2: so well known in English as yam a sort of potato,
• 1:03:20
  Speaker 2: has been assigned to an African origin. Even Farnhaken believed
• 1:03:24
  Speaker 2: that it had been imported into America by the Negroes
• 1:03:28
  Speaker 2: who accompanied the early Spanish and Portuguese poyagers in fourteen
• 1:03:33
  Speaker 2: ninety three. The route was called age or agaes in Hispaniola,
• 1:03:38
  Speaker 2: as is proved by doctor Chanca's letter concerning Columbus's second voyage,
• 1:03:43
  Speaker 2: first printed by Navarite in Frank's Veldtbu of fifteen sixty seven.
• 1:03:50
  Speaker 2: In the passage where it occurs in the account of
• 1:03:52
  Speaker 2: Cabral's voyage, translated from the PAYEESI of fifteen oh seven,
• 1:03:57
  Speaker 2: there is added in brackets das sint rota vutzun di
• 1:04:03
  Speaker 2: dinagan oroomoren in Portugal ze braoren end quote in an
• 1:04:09
  Speaker 2: account of the island of Saint Thomas Gulf of Guinea
• 1:04:13
  Speaker 2: by an anonymous Portuguese pilot about fifteen forty five, given
• 1:04:17
  Speaker 2: in Ramusio. We find it stated that quote ignami is
• 1:04:23
  Speaker 2: the san Tome word for the root called patata in
• 1:04:26
  Speaker 2: Hispaniola end quote. On the other hand, we have the
• 1:04:30
  Speaker 2: following facts in earlier chronological order. In fifteen hundred May,
• 1:04:35
  Speaker 2: first Pedro Vas de Caminha wrote at Porto Seguro in
• 1:04:40
  Speaker 2: Brazil the account of Cabral's discovery of the terra vere
• 1:04:44
  Speaker 2: Cruces a few days before, which the latter sent home
• 1:04:48
  Speaker 2: directly to King Manoel, and which the King sites in
• 1:04:51
  Speaker 2: print for the first time in his letter to the
• 1:04:54
  Speaker 2: King of Castile Copia di Unale Tera et Cetera, printed
• 1:04:59
  Speaker 2: at Rome in fifteen oh five. In the King's abstract,
• 1:05:03
  Speaker 2: nothing is mentioned but the discovery of Brazil. The text
• 1:05:06
  Speaker 2: of the letter of pedro Vas was never printed until
• 1:05:10
  Speaker 2: eighteen twenty six in the Notitias Ultra Marinas of the
• 1:05:14
  Speaker 2: Portuguese Academy of Sciences, but its substance appeared in print
• 1:05:19
  Speaker 2: for the first time in the Peisi Vitrovati of fifteen
• 1:05:23
  Speaker 2: oh seven, and there we find ignami used as an
• 1:05:26
  Speaker 2: American word in the original text of fifteen hundred to
• 1:05:30
  Speaker 2: eighteen twenty six, it appears twice as Inami, and although
• 1:05:35
  Speaker 2: not specially stated to be a native American word, nothing
• 1:05:39
  Speaker 2: is said from which we should infer the contrary. In
• 1:05:43
  Speaker 2: fifteen oh four we find it in Vespucci's LETTERA, and
• 1:05:48
  Speaker 2: in fifteen oh seven in the Cosmographia, specified apparently as
• 1:05:52
  Speaker 2: an American word used by people of carib Race. In
• 1:05:56
  Speaker 2: Frey Simon's Conquistas sixteen twenty we find nyami without any
• 1:06:02
  Speaker 2: reference to its being a foreign word, and the word
• 1:06:05
  Speaker 2: is Niambi in Ruiz sixteen thirty nine, Dictionary of the
• 1:06:10
  Speaker 2: Guarani language, which is related to the carib It may
• 1:06:14
  Speaker 2: therefore be supposed that the word inami, nyami, iami, iyami, ignami, ignam,
• 1:06:23
  Speaker 2: ignami yam was introduced from America into Africa, not vice versa,
• 1:06:30
  Speaker 2: the thing itself being common to both continents, and this
• 1:06:33
  Speaker 2: is not invalidated by the fact that the name in
• 1:06:36
  Speaker 2: Hispaniola was ages. The Portuguese pilot who half a century
• 1:06:41
  Speaker 2: afterwards wrote the account of s Tomi, evidently did not
• 1:06:45
  Speaker 2: know that there was any difference between the batata and
• 1:06:48
  Speaker 2: the ename, but the distinctness of the two varieties has
• 1:06:52
  Speaker 2: been clearly pointed out by several early writers on the
• 1:06:56
  Speaker 2: botany of the West Indies. Canoa quote canoes, which are
• 1:07:01
  Speaker 2: a kind of boat end quote. The word canoa appeared
• 1:07:06
  Speaker 2: in print for the first time in Columbus's letter of
• 1:07:09
  Speaker 2: fourteen ninety three, for the second time in Vespucci's lettera
• 1:07:13
  Speaker 2: fifteen o five. Like other Haitian words, it was probably
• 1:07:18
  Speaker 2: of karab origin, and therefore in common use along an
• 1:07:21
  Speaker 2: enormous stretch of coast Karabie quote they called us caribee,
• 1:07:27
  Speaker 2: which means men of great wisdom end quote, so says Vespucci,
• 1:07:32
  Speaker 2: who was unaware that the word carib galib canib whence cannibal,
• 1:07:37
  Speaker 2: whether or not, derived originally from the kuiche maya route
• 1:07:42
  Speaker 2: car to fish fishing and dense fishermen, implied in its
• 1:07:47
  Speaker 2: use at that time by the milder people of the
• 1:07:49
  Speaker 2: continent and of some of the isles. A warrior or
• 1:07:53
  Speaker 2: a powerful and dreadful man Lariab. This is said to
• 1:07:58
  Speaker 2: be the name of a province which we assume to
• 1:08:00
  Speaker 2: have been somewhere in the region of Veracruz in Mexico.
• 1:08:04
  Speaker 2: The form is distinctly kuite, not maya proper, as the
• 1:08:08
  Speaker 2: uru and uri, which were customary in words of the
• 1:08:12
  Speaker 2: former language, had been softened into yu in the parent
• 1:08:16
  Speaker 2: speech in Cuiche and maya alike. Ab is a plural
• 1:08:21
  Speaker 2: termination and sometimes the formal ending of an abstract noun.
• 1:08:26
  Speaker 2: It might be imagined that Vespucci meant salapa or jalapa,
• 1:08:30
  Speaker 2: and that he wrote carriab forkliab altered by a typographical
• 1:08:35
  Speaker 2: error to lariab, But the truth is probably akin to
• 1:08:40
  Speaker 2: the circumstance from which the name of Yucatan arose from
• 1:08:44
  Speaker 2: the Indian tech titan, namely, that the Cue natives misunderstood
• 1:08:49
  Speaker 2: the Spanish inquiry as to the name of the province
• 1:08:52
  Speaker 2: and answered in their own speech lariab maya lea yab
• 1:08:58
  Speaker 2: or eya yab there is much, there are many, or
• 1:09:02
  Speaker 2: behold there are many and a. Section five read by Sandra.
• 1:09:14
  Speaker 3: Section six of the First four Voyages of Americo Vespucci.
• 1:09:18
  Speaker 3: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
• 1:09:22
  Speaker 3: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 1:09:27
  Speaker 3: visit LibriVox dot org. The First four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci,
• 1:09:32
  Speaker 3: by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco Adolfo davern Hagen, translated by M. K.
• 1:09:40
  Speaker 3: Letter of Amerigo Vespucci to Pierre Soderini, Gonfolanier of the
• 1:09:45
  Speaker 3: Republic of Florence, first voyage, Magnificent Lord, after humble reverence
• 1:09:53
  Speaker 3: and due commendations, et cetera. It may be that your
• 1:09:56
  Speaker 3: magnificence will be surprised by this conjunction of my rashness
• 1:10:01
  Speaker 3: and your customary wisdom, in that I should so absurdly
• 1:10:04
  Speaker 3: bestir myself to write to your magnificence the present so
• 1:10:08
  Speaker 3: prolix letter, knowing as I do, that your magnificence is
• 1:10:13
  Speaker 3: continually employed in high councils and affairs concerning the good
• 1:10:18
  Speaker 3: government of this sublime Republic, and will hold me not
• 1:10:23
  Speaker 3: only presumptuous but also idly meddlesome in setting myself to
• 1:10:28
  Speaker 3: write things neither suitable to your station, nor entertaining, and
• 1:10:33
  Speaker 3: written in barbarous style, and outside of every canon of
• 1:10:37
  Speaker 3: polite literature. But my confidence which I have in your
• 1:10:41
  Speaker 3: virtues and in the truth of my writing, which are
• 1:10:44
  Speaker 3: things that are not found written neither by the ancients
• 1:10:48
  Speaker 3: nor by modern writers, as your magnificence will in the
• 1:10:51
  Speaker 3: sek will perceive makes me bold. The chief cause which
• 1:10:57
  Speaker 3: moved me to write to you was at the request
• 1:11:00
  Speaker 3: quest of the present bearer, who is named Benvenuto. BENVENUCTI
• 1:11:04
  Speaker 3: are Florentine, fellow citizen, very much, as it is proven,
• 1:11:10
  Speaker 3: your Magnificence's servant and my very good friend, who happening
• 1:11:15
  Speaker 3: to be here in this city of Lisbon, begged that
• 1:11:18
  Speaker 3: I should make communication to your magnificence of the things
• 1:11:22
  Speaker 3: seen by me in diverse regions of the world, by
• 1:11:26
  Speaker 3: virtue of four voyages which I have made in discovery
• 1:11:30
  Speaker 3: of new lands, two by order of the King of Castile. Footnote.
• 1:11:35
  Speaker 3: This lack of precision with regard to Ferdinand's title may
• 1:11:39
  Speaker 3: be compared with similar carelessness on the early maps which
• 1:11:43
  Speaker 3: refer to America and footnote King Don Ferrando sixth across
• 1:11:49
  Speaker 3: the Great Gulf of the Ocean Sea towards the west,
• 1:11:53
  Speaker 3: and the other two by command of the puissant King
• 1:11:56
  Speaker 3: Don Manuel, King of Portugal, towards the south, telling me
• 1:12:01
  Speaker 3: that your magnificence would take pleasure thereof, and that herein
• 1:12:05
  Speaker 3: he hoped to do you service. Wherefore I set me
• 1:12:09
  Speaker 3: to do it, because I am assured that your magnificence
• 1:12:13
  Speaker 3: holds me in the number of your servants, remembering that
• 1:12:16
  Speaker 3: in the time of our youth, I was your friend
• 1:12:19
  Speaker 3: and now am your servant, and remembering our going to
• 1:12:23
  Speaker 3: hear the rudiments of grammar under the fair example and
• 1:12:27
  Speaker 3: instruction of the venerable Monk Friar of Saint Mark Fra
• 1:12:31
  Speaker 3: Giorgio Antonio Vespucci, whose counsels and teaching would to God
• 1:12:37
  Speaker 3: that I had followed, For as saith Petrarch, I should
• 1:12:41
  Speaker 3: be another man than what I am. Howbeit soever I
• 1:12:45
  Speaker 3: grieve not because I have ever taken delight in worthy matters.
• 1:12:51
  Speaker 3: And although these trifles of mine may not be suitable
• 1:12:54
  Speaker 3: to your virtues, I will say to you, as said
• 1:12:58
  Speaker 3: Pliny to Messinus, you were sometime wont to take pleasure
• 1:13:02
  Speaker 3: in my prattlings. Even though your magnificence be continuously busied
• 1:13:08
  Speaker 3: in public affairs, you will take some hour of relaxation
• 1:13:12
  Speaker 3: to consume a little time in frivolous or amusing things.
• 1:13:16
  Speaker 3: And as fennel is customarily given a top of delicious
• 1:13:20
  Speaker 3: viands to fit them for better digestion, so may you,
• 1:13:25
  Speaker 3: for a relief from your so heavy occupations, order this
• 1:13:29
  Speaker 3: letter of mine to be read, so that they may
• 1:13:32
  Speaker 3: withdraw you somewhat from the continual anxiety and assiduous reflection
• 1:13:37
  Speaker 3: upon public affairs. And if I shall be prolix, I
• 1:13:41
  Speaker 3: crave pardon, my magnificent lord, Your magnificence shall know that
• 1:13:47
  Speaker 3: the motive of my coming into this realm of Spain
• 1:13:50
  Speaker 3: was to traffic in merchandise, and that I pursued this
• 1:13:53
  Speaker 3: intent about four years, during which I saw and knew
• 1:13:58
  Speaker 3: the inconstant shiftings of fortune, and how she kept changing
• 1:14:02
  Speaker 3: those frail and transitory benefits, and how at one time
• 1:14:07
  Speaker 3: she holds man on the summit of the wheel, and
• 1:14:10
  Speaker 3: at another time drives him back from her and despoils
• 1:14:14
  Speaker 3: him of what may be called his borrowed riches. So that,
• 1:14:19
  Speaker 3: knowing the continuous toil which man undergoes to win them,
• 1:14:23
  Speaker 3: submitting himself to so many anxieties and risks, I resolved
• 1:14:28
  Speaker 3: to abandon trade and to fix my aim upon something
• 1:14:31
  Speaker 3: more praiseworthy and stable. Whence it was that I made
• 1:14:36
  Speaker 3: preparation for going to see part of the world and
• 1:14:39
  Speaker 3: its wonders. And herefore the time and place presented themselves
• 1:14:44
  Speaker 3: most opportunely to me, which was that the King Don
• 1:14:48
  Speaker 3: Ferrondo of Castile, being about to dispatch four ships to
• 1:14:53
  Speaker 3: discover new lands towards the west. I was chosen by
• 1:14:57
  Speaker 3: his Highness to go in that fleet to a in
• 1:15:00
  Speaker 3: making discovery. And we set out from the port of
• 1:15:03
  Speaker 3: Cadiz on the tenth day of May fourteen ninety seven,
• 1:15:08
  Speaker 3: and took our route through the great Gulf of the
• 1:15:11
  Speaker 3: Ocean Sea, in which voyage we were eighteen months engaged,
• 1:15:16
  Speaker 3: and discovered much continental land, and innumerable islands, and great
• 1:15:21
  Speaker 3: part of them inhabited. Whereas there is no mention made
• 1:15:25
  Speaker 3: by the ancient writers of them, I believe because they
• 1:15:28
  Speaker 3: had no knowledge thereof For if I remember well, I
• 1:15:33
  Speaker 3: have read in some one of those writers that he
• 1:15:36
  Speaker 3: considered that this ocean sea was an unpeopled sea. And
• 1:15:41
  Speaker 3: of this opinion was Dante, our poet, in the twenty
• 1:15:44
  Speaker 3: sixth chapter of the Inferno, where he feigns the death
• 1:15:48
  Speaker 3: of Ulysses, in which voyage I beheld things of great wondrousness,
• 1:15:54
  Speaker 3: as your magnificence shall understand. As I said above, we
• 1:15:59
  Speaker 3: left the of Cadiz for consort ships and began our
• 1:16:03
  Speaker 3: voyage in a direct course to the fortunate isles which
• 1:16:07
  Speaker 3: are called today La grand Canaria, which are situated in
• 1:16:12
  Speaker 3: the ocean sea at the extremity of the inhabited west
• 1:16:16
  Speaker 3: and set in the third climate, over which the north
• 1:16:20
  Speaker 3: pole has an elevation of twenty seven and a half
• 1:16:22
  Speaker 3: degrees beyond their horizon footnote. That is, which are situate
• 1:16:29
  Speaker 3: at twenty seven and a half degrees north latitude and footnote.
• 1:16:34
  Speaker 3: And they are two hundred and eighty leagues distant from
• 1:16:36
  Speaker 3: this city of Lisbon by the wind between Mezzodi and
• 1:16:41
  Speaker 3: Libeccio footnote south southwest. It is to be remarked that
• 1:16:47
  Speaker 3: Vespucci always uses the word wind to signify the course
• 1:16:51
  Speaker 3: in which it blows, not the quarter from which it
• 1:16:54
  Speaker 3: rises and footnote. Where we remained eight days, taking in
• 1:16:59
  Speaker 3: provision of water and wood and other necessary things, and
• 1:17:04
  Speaker 3: from here, having set our prayers, we weighed anchor and
• 1:17:08
  Speaker 3: gave the sails to the wind, beginning our course to westward,
• 1:17:12
  Speaker 3: taking one quarter by southwest footnote west and a quarter
• 1:17:18
  Speaker 3: by southwest and footnote. And so we sailed on till
• 1:17:23
  Speaker 3: at the end of thirty seven days we reached a
• 1:17:26
  Speaker 3: land which we deemed to be a continent, which is
• 1:17:29
  Speaker 3: distant westwardly from the Isles of Canary, about a thousand
• 1:17:34
  Speaker 3: leagues beyond the inhabited region within the torrid zone. Footnote.
• 1:17:39
  Speaker 3: This phrase is merely equivalent to a repetition of from
• 1:17:43
  Speaker 3: the Canaries, these islands having been already designated the extreme
• 1:17:48
  Speaker 3: western limit of inhabited land and footnote. For we found
• 1:17:53
  Speaker 3: the North Pole at an elevation of sixteen degrees above
• 1:17:56
  Speaker 3: its horizon footnote that is sixteen to dars grease north
• 1:18:00
  Speaker 3: latitude and footnote. And it was westward, according to the
• 1:18:05
  Speaker 3: showing of our instruments, seventy five degrees from the isles
• 1:18:09
  Speaker 3: of Canary whereat We anchored with our ships a league
• 1:18:13
  Speaker 3: and a half from land, and we put out our
• 1:18:16
  Speaker 3: boats freighted with men in arms. We made towards the land,
• 1:18:20
  Speaker 3: and before we reached it, had a sight of a
• 1:18:23
  Speaker 3: great number of people who were going along the shore,
• 1:18:27
  Speaker 3: by which we were much rejoiced, and we observed that
• 1:18:30
  Speaker 3: they were a naked race. They showed themselves to stand
• 1:18:34
  Speaker 3: in fear of us. I believe it was because they
• 1:18:37
  Speaker 3: saw us clothed and of other appearance than their own.
• 1:18:41
  Speaker 3: They all withdrew to a hill, and for whatsoever signals
• 1:18:45
  Speaker 3: we made to them of peace and of friendliness, they
• 1:18:49
  Speaker 3: would not come to parley with us. So that, as
• 1:18:53
  Speaker 3: the night was now coming on, and as the ships
• 1:18:55
  Speaker 3: were anchored in a dangerous place, being on a rough
• 1:18:59
  Speaker 3: and shelterless coast, we decided to remove from there the
• 1:19:03
  Speaker 3: next day and go in search of some harbor or
• 1:19:06
  Speaker 3: bay where we might place our ships in safety. And
• 1:19:10
  Speaker 3: we sailed with the mastrel wind footnote northwest Latin has
• 1:19:15
  Speaker 3: vento secundum colem and footnote, thus running along the coast,
• 1:19:21
  Speaker 3: with the land ever in sight, continually in our course,
• 1:19:25
  Speaker 3: observing people along the shore, till after having navigated for
• 1:19:29
  Speaker 3: two days, we found a place sufficiently secure for the ships,
• 1:19:33
  Speaker 3: and anchored half a league from land, on which we
• 1:19:37
  Speaker 3: saw a very great number of people. And this same
• 1:19:40
  Speaker 3: day we put to land with the boats and sprang
• 1:19:44
  Speaker 3: on shore full forty men in good trim. And still
• 1:19:48
  Speaker 3: the land's people appeared shy of converse with us, and
• 1:19:52
  Speaker 3: we were unable to encourage them so much as to
• 1:19:54
  Speaker 3: make them come to speak with us. And this day
• 1:19:58
  Speaker 3: we labored so greatly in giving the of our wares,
• 1:20:01
  Speaker 3: such as rattles and mirrors, beads, spolina, and other trifles
• 1:20:07
  Speaker 3: that some of them took confidence and came to discourse
• 1:20:10
  Speaker 3: with us. And after having made good friends with them,
• 1:20:14
  Speaker 3: the night coming on, we took our leave of them
• 1:20:17
  Speaker 3: and returned to the ships. And the next day, when
• 1:20:21
  Speaker 3: the dawn appeared, we saw that there were infinite numbers
• 1:20:24
  Speaker 3: of people upon the beach, and they had their women
• 1:20:27
  Speaker 3: and children with them. We went ashore and found that
• 1:20:32
  Speaker 3: they were all laden with their worldly goods, which are
• 1:20:35
  Speaker 3: such like as in its proper place shall be related.
• 1:20:40
  Speaker 3: And before we reached the land, many of them jumped
• 1:20:43
  Speaker 3: into the sea and came swimming to receive us at
• 1:20:46
  Speaker 3: a bowshot's length from the shore. For they are very
• 1:20:50
  Speaker 3: great swimmers, with as much confidence as if they had
• 1:20:54
  Speaker 3: for a long time been acquainted with us. And we
• 1:20:57
  Speaker 3: were pleased with this their confidence, for so much as
• 1:21:02
  Speaker 3: we learned of their manner of life and customs, it
• 1:21:05
  Speaker 3: was that they go entirely naked, as well the men
• 1:21:08
  Speaker 3: as the women, without covering any shameful part, not otherwise
• 1:21:13
  Speaker 3: than when they issued from their mother's womb. They are
• 1:21:17
  Speaker 3: of medium stature, very well proportioned. Their flesh is of
• 1:21:21
  Speaker 3: a color that verges into red, like a lion's mane,
• 1:21:26
  Speaker 3: and I believe that if they went clothed, they would
• 1:21:28
  Speaker 3: be as white as we. They have not any hair
• 1:21:32
  Speaker 3: upon the body except the hair of the head, which
• 1:21:35
  Speaker 3: is long and black, and especially in the women, whom
• 1:21:39
  Speaker 3: it renders handsome. In aspect, they are not very good looking,
• 1:21:45
  Speaker 3: because they have broad faces, so that they would seem
• 1:21:48
  Speaker 3: tartar like. They let no hair grow upon their eyebrows,
• 1:21:52
  Speaker 3: nor on their eyelids, nor elsewhere except the hair of
• 1:21:55
  Speaker 3: the head, for they hold hairiness to be a filthy thing.
• 1:22:00
  Speaker 3: They are very light footed in walking and in running,
• 1:22:04
  Speaker 3: as well the men as the women, so that a
• 1:22:07
  Speaker 3: woman wrecks nothing of running a league or two, as
• 1:22:10
  Speaker 3: many times we saw them do. And herein they have
• 1:22:14
  Speaker 3: a very great advantage over us Christians. They swim with
• 1:22:18
  Speaker 3: an expertness beyond all belief, and the women better than
• 1:22:22
  Speaker 3: the men, for we have many times found and seen
• 1:22:26
  Speaker 3: them swimming two leagues out at sea without anything to
• 1:22:30
  Speaker 3: rest upon. Their arms are bows and arrows, very well made,
• 1:22:35
  Speaker 3: save that the arrow are not tipped with iron nor
• 1:22:39
  Speaker 3: any other kind of hard metal. And instead of iron
• 1:22:43
  Speaker 3: they put animals or fishes, teeth, or a spike of
• 1:22:46
  Speaker 3: tough wood with the point hardened by fire. They are
• 1:22:50
  Speaker 3: sure marks men, for they hit whatever they aim at,
• 1:22:54
  Speaker 3: and in some places the women use these bows. They
• 1:22:58
  Speaker 3: have other weapons, such as fire hardened spears, and also
• 1:23:02
  Speaker 3: clubs with knobs beautifully carved. Warfare is used amongst them,
• 1:23:08
  Speaker 3: which they carry on against people not of their own language,
• 1:23:12
  Speaker 3: very cruelly, without granting life to anyone, except to reserve
• 1:23:17
  Speaker 3: him for greater suffering. When they go to war, they
• 1:23:21
  Speaker 3: take their women with them, not that these may fight,
• 1:23:25
  Speaker 3: but because they carry behind them their worldly goods. For
• 1:23:29
  Speaker 3: a woman carries on her back for thirty or forty leagues,
• 1:23:32
  Speaker 3: a load which no man could bear. As we have
• 1:23:36
  Speaker 3: many times seen them do they are not accustomed to
• 1:23:40
  Speaker 3: have any captain, nor do they go in any ordered array,
• 1:23:45
  Speaker 3: for everyone is lord of himself. And the cause of
• 1:23:48
  Speaker 3: their wars is not for lust of dominion, nor of
• 1:23:51
  Speaker 3: extending their frontiers, nor for inordinate covetousness, but for some
• 1:23:57
  Speaker 3: ancient enmity, which in bygone times a rose amongst them.
• 1:24:01
  Speaker 3: And when asked why they made war, they knew not
• 1:24:05
  Speaker 3: any other reason to give us than that they did
• 1:24:08
  Speaker 3: so to avenge the death of their ancestors or of
• 1:24:11
  Speaker 3: their parents. These people have neither king nor lord, nor
• 1:24:16
  Speaker 3: do they yield obedience to any one, for they live
• 1:24:19
  Speaker 3: in their own liberty. And how they be stirred up
• 1:24:23
  Speaker 3: to go to war is this that when the enemies
• 1:24:26
  Speaker 3: have slain or captured any of them, his oldest kinsmen
• 1:24:30
  Speaker 3: rises up and goes about the highways, haranguing them to
• 1:24:34
  Speaker 3: go with him and avenge the death of such his kinsmen.
• 1:24:38
  Speaker 3: And so are they stirred up by fellow feeling. They
• 1:24:42
  Speaker 3: have no judicial system, nor do they punish the ill doer,
• 1:24:47
  Speaker 3: nor does the father nor the mother chastise the children.
• 1:24:51
  Speaker 3: And marvelously, seldom or never did we see any dispute
• 1:24:55
  Speaker 3: among them. In their conversation. They appear simple, and they
• 1:25:00
  Speaker 3: are very cunning and acute in that which concerns them.
• 1:25:04
  Speaker 3: They speak little and in a low tone. They use
• 1:25:08
  Speaker 3: the same articulations as we, since they form their utterances
• 1:25:12
  Speaker 3: either with the palate or with the teeth, or on
• 1:25:15
  Speaker 3: the lips, except they give different names to things. Many
• 1:25:20
  Speaker 3: are the varieties of tongues, for in every hundred leagues
• 1:25:24
  Speaker 3: we found a change of language, so that they are
• 1:25:27
  Speaker 3: not understandable each to the other. The manner of their
• 1:25:31
  Speaker 3: living is very barbarous, for they do not eat at
• 1:25:35
  Speaker 3: certain hours and as oftentimes as they will. And it
• 1:25:39
  Speaker 3: is not much of a boon to them that the
• 1:25:41
  Speaker 3: will may come more at midnight than by day, for
• 1:25:45
  Speaker 3: they eat at all hours. Footnote the words from and
• 1:25:51
  Speaker 3: it is not much down to at all hours omitted
• 1:25:55
  Speaker 3: in the Latin, I have translated at non sila loromoto,
• 1:26:00
  Speaker 3: as it is not much of a boon to them,
• 1:26:03
  Speaker 3: but it may be it matters not much to them.
• 1:26:06
  Speaker 3: And footnote and they eat upon the ground without a
• 1:26:10
  Speaker 3: tablecloth or any other cover, for they have their meats
• 1:26:14
  Speaker 3: either in earthen basins, which they make themselves, or in
• 1:26:18
  Speaker 3: the halves of pumpkins. They sleep in certain very large
• 1:26:23
  Speaker 3: nettings made of cotton, suspended in the air. And although
• 1:26:27
  Speaker 3: this their fashion of sleeping may seem uncomfortable, I say
• 1:26:32
  Speaker 3: that it is sweet to sleep in those nettings, and
• 1:26:35
  Speaker 3: we slept better in them than on the counterpanes. They
• 1:26:39
  Speaker 3: are a people smooth and clean of body, because of
• 1:26:43
  Speaker 3: so continually washing themselves, as they do when saving your reverence,
• 1:26:49
  Speaker 3: they evacuate the stomach. They do their utmost not to
• 1:26:53
  Speaker 3: be observed, and as much as in this they are
• 1:26:56
  Speaker 3: cleanly and bashful. So much the more are they filled
• 1:27:00
  Speaker 3: and shameless in making water, since while standing speaking to us,
• 1:27:06
  Speaker 3: without turning round or showing any shame, they let go
• 1:27:10
  Speaker 3: their nastiness, for in this they have no shame. There
• 1:27:15
  Speaker 3: is no custom of marriages amongst them. Each man takes
• 1:27:19
  Speaker 3: as many women as he lists, and when he desires
• 1:27:23
  Speaker 3: to repudiate them, he repudiates them without any imputation of
• 1:27:27
  Speaker 3: wrongdoing to him or of disgrace to the woman, For
• 1:27:32
  Speaker 3: in this the woman has as much liberty as the man.
• 1:27:36
  Speaker 3: They are not very jealous, and are immoderately libidinous, and
• 1:27:41
  Speaker 3: the women much more so than the men, so that
• 1:27:44
  Speaker 3: for decency I omit to tell you the artifice they
• 1:27:47
  Speaker 3: practice to gratify their inordinate lust. They are very prolific women,
• 1:27:53
  Speaker 3: and do not shirk any work during their pregnancies, and
• 1:27:57
  Speaker 3: their travails in child bed are sold light that a
• 1:28:01
  Speaker 3: single day after parturisi they go abroad everywhere, and especially
• 1:28:06
  Speaker 3: to wash themselves in the rivers, and are then as
• 1:28:10
  Speaker 3: sound and healthy as fishes. They are so void of
• 1:28:13
  Speaker 3: affection and cruel that if they be angry with their husbands,
• 1:28:18
  Speaker 3: they immediately adopt an artificial method by which the embryo
• 1:28:22
  Speaker 3: is destroyed in the womb, and procure abortion, and they
• 1:28:26
  Speaker 3: slay an infinite number of creatures. By that means, they
• 1:28:30
  Speaker 3: are women of elegant persons, very well proportioned, so that
• 1:28:35
  Speaker 3: in their bodies there appears no ill shaped part or limb.
• 1:28:39
  Speaker 3: And although they go entirely naked, they are fleshy women.
• 1:28:44
  Speaker 3: And of their sexual organ, that portion which he who
• 1:28:47
  Speaker 3: has never seen it may imagine, is not visible. For
• 1:28:52
  Speaker 3: they conceal with their thighs everything except that part for
• 1:28:55
  Speaker 3: which nature did not provide, which is, speaking modestly, the petignon.
• 1:29:02
  Speaker 3: In fine, they have no shame of their shameful parts,
• 1:29:06
  Speaker 3: any more than we have in displaying the nose and
• 1:29:09
  Speaker 3: the mouth. It is marvelously rare that you shall see
• 1:29:13
  Speaker 3: a women's paps hang low, or her belly fallen in
• 1:29:16
  Speaker 3: by too much child bearing or other wrinkles, for they
• 1:29:20
  Speaker 3: all appear as though they had never brought forth children.
• 1:29:24
  Speaker 3: They showed themselves very desirous of having connection with us Christians.
• 1:29:30
  Speaker 3: Amongst those people we did not learn that they had
• 1:29:33
  Speaker 3: any law, nor can they be called moors nor Jews.
• 1:29:38
  Speaker 3: And they are worse than Pagans, because we did not
• 1:29:41
  Speaker 3: observe that they offered any sacrifice, nor even had they
• 1:29:45
  Speaker 3: a house of prayer. Their manner of living I judge
• 1:29:49
  Speaker 3: to be epicurean. Their dwellings are in common, and their
• 1:29:54
  Speaker 3: houses are made in the style of huts, but strongly
• 1:29:58
  Speaker 3: made and constructed with their large trees, and covered over
• 1:30:02
  Speaker 3: with palm leaves, secure against storms and winds. And in
• 1:30:07
  Speaker 3: some places they are of so great breadth and length
• 1:30:11
  Speaker 3: that in one single house we found there were six
• 1:30:13
  Speaker 3: hundred souls, and we saw a village of only thirteen
• 1:30:17
  Speaker 3: houses where there were four thousand souls. Every eight or
• 1:30:22
  Speaker 3: ten years they changed their habitations, and when asked why
• 1:30:27
  Speaker 3: they did so, they said it was because of the soil, which,
• 1:30:31
  Speaker 3: from its filthiness, was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that
• 1:30:35
  Speaker 3: it bred aches in their bodies, which seemed to us
• 1:30:39
  Speaker 3: a good reason. Their riches consist of birds plumes of
• 1:30:44
  Speaker 3: many colors, or of rosaries which they make from fish bones,
• 1:30:48
  Speaker 3: or of white or green stones, which they put in
• 1:30:51
  Speaker 3: their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and of
• 1:30:54
  Speaker 3: many other things which we in no wise value. They
• 1:30:59
  Speaker 3: used no trade. They neither buy nor sell in fine
• 1:31:04
  Speaker 3: they live and are contented with that which nature gives them.
• 1:31:09
  Speaker 3: The wealth that we enjoy in this are Europe and elsewhere,
• 1:31:13
  Speaker 3: such as gold, jewels, pearls and other riches they hold
• 1:31:17
  Speaker 3: as nothing, and although they have them in their own lands,
• 1:31:22
  Speaker 3: they do not labor to obtain them, nor do they
• 1:31:25
  Speaker 3: value them. They are liberal in giving, for it is
• 1:31:29
  Speaker 3: rarely they deny you anything, and on the other hand,
• 1:31:33
  Speaker 3: liberal in asking. When they show themselves your friends. The
• 1:31:38
  Speaker 3: greatest sign of friendship which they show you is that
• 1:31:41
  Speaker 3: they give you their wives and their daughters. And a
• 1:31:44
  Speaker 3: father or a mother deems himself or herself highly honored
• 1:31:49
  Speaker 3: when they bring you a daughter, even though she be
• 1:31:52
  Speaker 3: a young virgin, if you sleep with her. And hereon too,
• 1:31:57
  Speaker 3: they use every expression of friendship. When they die, they
• 1:32:02
  Speaker 3: use divers manners of obsequies, and some they bury with
• 1:32:06
  Speaker 3: water and victuals at their heads, thinking that they shall
• 1:32:10
  Speaker 3: have whereof to eat. They have not. Nor do they
• 1:32:14
  Speaker 3: use ceremonies of torches footnote, loomy lights, tapers, candles as
• 1:32:20
  Speaker 3: in Catholic ceremonies and footnote, nor of lamentation. In some
• 1:32:26
  Speaker 3: other places they use the most barbarous and inhuman burial
• 1:32:32
  Speaker 3: footnote in Terramento is the word, but he means only
• 1:32:36
  Speaker 3: funeral rite and footnote, which is that when a suffering
• 1:32:41
  Speaker 3: or infirm person is, as it were, at the last
• 1:32:45
  Speaker 3: pass of death, his kinsmen carry him into a large
• 1:32:48
  Speaker 3: forest and attach one of those nuts of theirs in
• 1:32:52
  Speaker 3: which they sleep, to two trees, and then put him
• 1:32:56
  Speaker 3: in it and dance around him for a whole day.
• 1:33:00
  Speaker 3: And when the night comes on, they place at his
• 1:33:02
  Speaker 3: bolster water with other victuals, so that he may be
• 1:33:06
  Speaker 3: able to subsist for four or six days. And then
• 1:33:10
  Speaker 3: they leave him alone and return to the village. And
• 1:33:13
  Speaker 3: if the sick man helps himself and eats and drinks
• 1:33:17
  Speaker 3: and survives, he returns to the village and his friends
• 1:33:21
  Speaker 3: receive him with ceremony. But few are they who escape
• 1:33:26
  Speaker 3: without receiving any further visit. They die, and that is
• 1:33:30
  Speaker 3: their sepulture. And they have many other customs, which, for perlixity,
• 1:33:35
  Speaker 3: are not related. They use in their sicknesses various forms
• 1:33:40
  Speaker 3: of medicines footnote that is medical treatment and footnote so
• 1:33:46
  Speaker 3: different from ours that we marveled how anyone escaped. For
• 1:33:50
  Speaker 3: many times I saw that with a man sick of fever.
• 1:33:54
  Speaker 3: When it heightened upon him, they bathed him from head
• 1:33:57
  Speaker 3: to foot with a large quantity of cold water. Then
• 1:34:01
  Speaker 3: they lit a great fire around him, making him turn
• 1:34:04
  Speaker 3: and turn again every two hours, until they tired him
• 1:34:09
  Speaker 3: and left him to sleep. And many were thus cured
• 1:34:13
  Speaker 3: with this. They make much use of dieting, for they
• 1:34:16
  Speaker 3: remain three days without eating, and also of blood letting,
• 1:34:21
  Speaker 3: but not from the arm, only from the thighs and
• 1:34:24
  Speaker 3: the loins and the calf of the leg. Also they
• 1:34:27
  Speaker 3: provoke vomiting with their herbs, which are put into the mouth,
• 1:34:32
  Speaker 3: and they use many other remedies which it would be
• 1:34:35
  Speaker 3: lung to relate. They are much vitiated in the phlegm
• 1:34:39
  Speaker 3: and in the blood because of their food, which consists
• 1:34:42
  Speaker 3: chiefly of roots of herbs and fruits and fish. They
• 1:34:47
  Speaker 3: have no seed of wheat nor other grain. And for
• 1:34:50
  Speaker 3: their ordinary use and feeding they have a root of
• 1:34:54
  Speaker 3: a tree from which they make flour tolerably good, and
• 1:34:59
  Speaker 3: they call it yuka, and another which they call kasabi,
• 1:35:04
  Speaker 3: and another ignami. They eat little flesh except human flesh.
• 1:35:11
  Speaker 3: For your magnificence must know that herein they are so
• 1:35:14
  Speaker 3: inhuman that they outdo every custom, even of beasts, for
• 1:35:19
  Speaker 3: they eat all their enemies, whom they kill or capture,
• 1:35:23
  Speaker 3: as well females as males, with so much savagery that
• 1:35:27
  Speaker 3: merely to relate it appears a horrible thing. How much
• 1:35:31
  Speaker 3: more so to see it as infinite times. And in
• 1:35:35
  Speaker 3: many places it was my hap to see it, And
• 1:35:39
  Speaker 3: they wondered to hear us say that we did not
• 1:35:42
  Speaker 3: eat our enemies. And this your magnificence may take for
• 1:35:46
  Speaker 3: certain that their other barbarous customs are such that expression
• 1:35:50
  Speaker 3: is too weak for the reality. And as in these
• 1:35:54
  Speaker 3: four voyages I have seen so many things divers from
• 1:35:58
  Speaker 3: our customs, I prepare to write a commonplace book, which
• 1:36:02
  Speaker 3: I name lequatro giornate, in which I have set down
• 1:36:07
  Speaker 3: the greater part of the things which I saw sufficiently
• 1:36:11
  Speaker 3: in detail, so far as my feeble wit has allowed me,
• 1:36:15
  Speaker 3: which I have not yet published, because I have so
• 1:36:19
  Speaker 3: ill a taste for my own things, that I do
• 1:36:21
  Speaker 3: not relish those which I have written, notwithstanding that many
• 1:36:25
  Speaker 3: encourage me to publish it. Therein everything will be seen
• 1:36:29
  Speaker 3: in detail, so that I shall not enlarge further in
• 1:36:33
  Speaker 3: this chapter. As in the course of the letter, we
• 1:36:37
  Speaker 3: shall come to many other things which are particular. Let
• 1:36:40
  Speaker 3: this suffice for the general. At this beginning we saw
• 1:36:45
  Speaker 3: nothing in the land of much profit, except some show
• 1:36:49
  Speaker 3: of gold. I believe the cause of it was that
• 1:36:52
  Speaker 3: we did not know the language. But in so far
• 1:36:55
  Speaker 3: as concerns the situation and condition of the land, it
• 1:36:59
  Speaker 3: could not be better. We decided to leave that place and
• 1:37:03
  Speaker 3: to go further on, continuously coasting the shore, upon which
• 1:37:09
  Speaker 3: we made frequent descents, and held converse with a great
• 1:37:12
  Speaker 3: number of people. And at the end of some days
• 1:37:17
  Speaker 3: we went into a harbor where we underwent very great danger,
• 1:37:21
  Speaker 3: and it pleased the Holy Ghost to save us. And
• 1:37:25
  Speaker 3: it was in this wise we landed in a harbor
• 1:37:28
  Speaker 3: where we found a village built like venice upon the water.
• 1:37:32
  Speaker 3: There were about forty four large dwellings in the form
• 1:37:35
  Speaker 3: of huts, erected upon very thick piles, and they had
• 1:37:39
  Speaker 3: their doors or entrances in the style of drawbridges, And
• 1:37:44
  Speaker 3: from each house one could pass through all by means
• 1:37:47
  Speaker 3: of the drawbridges, which stretched from house to house. And
• 1:37:51
  Speaker 3: when the people thereof had seen us, they appeared to
• 1:37:54
  Speaker 3: be afraid of us, and immediately drew up all the bridges.
• 1:37:59
  Speaker 3: And while we were looking at this strange action, we
• 1:38:02
  Speaker 3: saw coming across the sea about twenty two canoes, which
• 1:38:06
  Speaker 3: are a kind of boats of theirs constructed from a
• 1:38:09
  Speaker 3: single tree, which came towards our boats. As they had
• 1:38:13
  Speaker 3: been surprised by our appearance and clothes, and kept wide
• 1:38:17
  Speaker 3: of us, and thus remaining, we made signals to them
• 1:38:21
  Speaker 3: that they should approach us, encouraging them with every token
• 1:38:25
  Speaker 3: of friendliness, and seeing that they did not come, we
• 1:38:29
  Speaker 3: went to them. And they did not stay for us,
• 1:38:32
  Speaker 3: but made to the land, and by signs told us
• 1:38:36
  Speaker 3: to wait, and that they should soon return. And they
• 1:38:40
  Speaker 3: went to a hill in the background, and did not
• 1:38:43
  Speaker 3: delay long. When they returned, they led with them sixteen
• 1:38:47
  Speaker 3: of their girls, and entered with these into their canoes,
• 1:38:51
  Speaker 3: and came to the boats, and in each boat they
• 1:38:54
  Speaker 3: put four of the girls. That we marveled at this behavior,
• 1:38:58
  Speaker 3: Your magnificence can imagine how much. And they placed themselves
• 1:39:03
  Speaker 3: with their canoes among our boats, coming to speak with us,
• 1:39:07
  Speaker 3: insomuch that we deemed it a mark of friendliness. And
• 1:39:11
  Speaker 3: while thus engaged, we beheld a great number of people advance,
• 1:39:16
  Speaker 3: swimming towards us across the sea, who came from the houses,
• 1:39:21
  Speaker 3: and as they were drawing near to us without any apprehension,
• 1:39:25
  Speaker 3: just then there appeared at the doors of the houses
• 1:39:28
  Speaker 3: certain old women, uttering very loud cries and tearing their
• 1:39:32
  Speaker 3: hair to exhibit grief. Whereby they made us suspicious, and
• 1:39:37
  Speaker 3: we each betook ourselves to arms, and instantly the girls
• 1:39:42
  Speaker 3: whom we had in the boats threw themselves into the sea,
• 1:39:46
  Speaker 3: and the men of the canoes drew away from us
• 1:39:49
  Speaker 3: and began with their bows to shoot arrows at us.
• 1:39:53
  Speaker 3: And those who were swimming each carried a lance, held
• 1:39:56
  Speaker 3: as covertly as they could beneath the water, so that,
• 1:40:01
  Speaker 3: recognizing the treachery, we engaged with them, not merely to
• 1:40:05
  Speaker 3: defend ourselves, but to attack them vigorously. And we overturned
• 1:40:10
  Speaker 3: with our boats many of their almadi, or canoes, for
• 1:40:14
  Speaker 3: so they called them. We made a slaughter of them,
• 1:40:18
  Speaker 3: and they all flung themselves into the water to swim,
• 1:40:21
  Speaker 3: leaving their canoes abandoned. With considerable loss on their side,
• 1:40:26
  Speaker 3: they went swimming away to the shore. There died of
• 1:40:29
  Speaker 3: them about fifteen or twenty, and many were left wounded.
• 1:40:34
  Speaker 3: And of ours, five were wounded, and all, by the
• 1:40:37
  Speaker 3: grace of God escaped death. We captured two of the
• 1:40:42
  Speaker 3: girls and two men footnote two men the Latin has three,
• 1:40:48
  Speaker 3: which agrees better with the mention of five prisoners a
• 1:40:51
  Speaker 3: little lower down and footnote. And we proceeded to their
• 1:40:55
  Speaker 3: houses and entered therein, and in them all we found
• 1:40:59
  Speaker 3: nothing else than two old women and a sick man.
• 1:41:03
  Speaker 3: We took away from them many things, but of small value.
• 1:41:07
  Speaker 3: And we would not burn their houses, because it seemed
• 1:41:10
  Speaker 3: to us as though that would be a burden upon
• 1:41:13
  Speaker 3: our conscience. And we returned to our boats with five prisoners,
• 1:41:18
  Speaker 3: and betook ourselves to the ships and put a pair
• 1:41:21
  Speaker 3: of irons on the feet of each of the captives,
• 1:41:24
  Speaker 3: except the little girls. And when the night came on,
• 1:41:28
  Speaker 3: the two girls and one of the men fled away
• 1:41:31
  Speaker 3: in the most subtle manner possible. And next day we
• 1:41:35
  Speaker 3: decided to quit that harbor and go further onwards. We
• 1:41:40
  Speaker 3: proceeded continuously, skirting the coast until we had sight of
• 1:41:44
  Speaker 3: another tribe distant, perhaps some eighty leagues from the former tribe,
• 1:41:49
  Speaker 3: and we found them very different in speech and customs.
• 1:41:53
  Speaker 3: We resolved to cast anchor and went ashore with the boats,
• 1:41:57
  Speaker 3: and we saw on the beach a great number of people,
• 1:42:00
  Speaker 3: amounting probably to four thousand souls, And when we had
• 1:42:05
  Speaker 3: reached the shore, they did not stay for us, and
• 1:42:08
  Speaker 3: betook themselves to flight through the forests, abandoning their things.
• 1:42:13
  Speaker 3: We jumped on land and took a pathway that led
• 1:42:16
  Speaker 3: to the forest, and at the distance of a bowshot
• 1:42:19
  Speaker 3: we found their tents, where they had made very large fires,
• 1:42:23
  Speaker 3: and two of them were cooking their victuals and roasting
• 1:42:26
  Speaker 3: several animals and fish of many kinds. Where we saw
• 1:42:31
  Speaker 3: that they were roasting a certain animal which seemed to
• 1:42:34
  Speaker 3: be a serpent, save that it had no wings footnote
• 1:42:38
  Speaker 3: alia wings or fins. Vespucci must have been thinking of
• 1:42:42
  Speaker 3: the fabulous dragon and footnote, and was in its appearance
• 1:42:48
  Speaker 3: so loathsome that we marveled much at its savageness. Thus
• 1:42:52
  Speaker 3: went we on through their houses, or rather tents, and
• 1:42:56
  Speaker 3: found many of those serpents alive, and they were tied
• 1:42:59
  Speaker 3: by the feet and had a cord around their snouts
• 1:43:03
  Speaker 3: so that they could not open their mouths, as is
• 1:43:06
  Speaker 3: done in Europe with massive dogs, so that they may
• 1:43:09
  Speaker 3: not bite. They were of such savage aspect that none
• 1:43:14
  Speaker 3: of us dared to take one away, thinking that they
• 1:43:16
  Speaker 3: were poisonous. They are of the bigness of a kid,
• 1:43:20
  Speaker 3: and in length an ell and a half footnote braccia imezzo.
• 1:43:26
  Speaker 3: This animal was the iguana and footnote. Their feet are
• 1:43:31
  Speaker 3: long and thick, and armed with big claws. They have
• 1:43:35
  Speaker 3: a hard skin and are of various colors. They have
• 1:43:39
  Speaker 3: the muzzle and face of a serpent, and from their
• 1:43:42
  Speaker 3: snouts their rises a crest like a saw, which extends
• 1:43:46
  Speaker 3: along the middle of the back as far as the
• 1:43:48
  Speaker 3: tip of the tail. In fine. We deemed them to
• 1:43:52
  Speaker 3: be serpents and venomous, and nevertheless these people ate them.
• 1:43:58
  Speaker 3: We found that they made bread out of little fishes,
• 1:44:01
  Speaker 3: which they took from the sea, first boiling them, then
• 1:44:05
  Speaker 3: pounding them and making thereof a paste or bread, and
• 1:44:09
  Speaker 3: they baked them on the embers. Thus did they eat them.
• 1:44:13
  Speaker 3: We tried it and found that it was good. They
• 1:44:16
  Speaker 3: had so many other kinds of eatables, and especially of
• 1:44:20
  Speaker 3: fruits and roots, that it would be a large matter
• 1:44:23
  Speaker 3: to describe them in detail. And seeing that the people
• 1:44:26
  Speaker 3: did not return, we decided not to touch nor take
• 1:44:30
  Speaker 3: away anything of theirs, so as better to reassure them,
• 1:44:34
  Speaker 3: and we left in the tents for them. Many of
• 1:44:37
  Speaker 3: our things placed where they should see them, and returned
• 1:44:41
  Speaker 3: by night to our ships. And the next day, when
• 1:44:44
  Speaker 3: it was light, we saw on the beach an infinite
• 1:44:48
  Speaker 3: number of people, and we landed, and although they appeared
• 1:44:52
  Speaker 3: timorous towards us, they took courage nevertheless to hold converse
• 1:44:57
  Speaker 3: with us, giving us whatever we asked them, and showing
• 1:45:01
  Speaker 3: themselves very friendly towards us. They told us that those
• 1:45:05
  Speaker 3: were their dwellings, and that they had come hither for
• 1:45:08
  Speaker 3: the purpose of fishing. And they begged that we would
• 1:45:11
  Speaker 3: visit their dwellings and villages, because they desired to receive
• 1:45:15
  Speaker 3: us as friends. And they engaged in such friendship because
• 1:45:19
  Speaker 3: of the two captured men whom we had with us,
• 1:45:23
  Speaker 3: as these were their enemies, in so much that in
• 1:45:27
  Speaker 3: view of such importunity on their part, holding a council,
• 1:45:31
  Speaker 3: we determined that twenty eight of us Christians in good array,
• 1:45:35
  Speaker 3: should go with them, and in the firm resolved to
• 1:45:38
  Speaker 3: die if it should be necessary. And after we had
• 1:45:42
  Speaker 3: been here some three days, we went with them inland,
• 1:45:46
  Speaker 3: and at three leagues from the coast, we came to
• 1:45:49
  Speaker 3: a village of many people and few houses, for there
• 1:45:53
  Speaker 3: were no more than nine of these where we were
• 1:45:56
  Speaker 3: received with such and so many barbarous ceremonies that the
• 1:46:00
  Speaker 3: pen suffices not to write them down. For there were
• 1:46:04
  Speaker 3: dances and songs and lamentations mingled with rejoicing, and great
• 1:46:09
  Speaker 3: quantities of food. And here we remained the night where
• 1:46:14
  Speaker 3: they offered us their women, so that we were unable
• 1:46:17
  Speaker 3: to withstand them. And after having been here that night
• 1:46:21
  Speaker 3: and half the next day, so great was the number
• 1:46:24
  Speaker 3: of people who came wondering to behold us, that they
• 1:46:28
  Speaker 3: were beyond counting, and the most aged begged us to
• 1:46:32
  Speaker 3: go with them to other villages which were further inland,
• 1:46:36
  Speaker 3: making display of doing us the greatest honor. Wherefore we
• 1:46:40
  Speaker 3: decided to go. And it would be impossible to tell
• 1:46:43
  Speaker 3: you how much honor they did us. And we went
• 1:46:47
  Speaker 3: to several villages, so that we were nine days journeying,
• 1:46:51
  Speaker 3: so that our Christians who had remained with the ships
• 1:46:54
  Speaker 3: were already apprehensive concerning us. And when we were about
• 1:46:58
  Speaker 3: eighteen leagues in the entire of the land, we resolved
• 1:47:02
  Speaker 3: to return to the ships. And on our way back,
• 1:47:06
  Speaker 3: such was the number of people, as well men as women,
• 1:47:09
  Speaker 3: that came with us as far as the sea, that
• 1:47:12
  Speaker 3: it was a wondrous thing. And if any of us
• 1:47:16
  Speaker 3: became weary of the march, they carried us in their
• 1:47:19
  Speaker 3: nets very refreshingly, and in crossing the rivers, which are
• 1:47:24
  Speaker 3: many and very large, they passed us over by skillful means,
• 1:47:29
  Speaker 3: so securely that we ran no danger whatever. And many
• 1:47:33
  Speaker 3: of them came laden with the things which they had
• 1:47:35
  Speaker 3: given us, which consisted in their sleeping nets, and very
• 1:47:40
  Speaker 3: rich feathers, many bows and arrows, innumerable popinjays of divers, colors,
• 1:47:47
  Speaker 3: and others brought with them loads of their household goods,
• 1:47:50
  Speaker 3: and of animals. But a greater marvel will I tell
• 1:47:54
  Speaker 3: you that when we had to cross a river, he
• 1:47:58
  Speaker 3: deemed himself lucky who was able to carry us on
• 1:48:01
  Speaker 3: his back. And when we reached the sea, our boats
• 1:48:04
  Speaker 3: having arrived, we entered into them. And so great was
• 1:48:08
  Speaker 3: the struggle which they made to get into our boats
• 1:48:11
  Speaker 3: and to come to see our ships, that we marveled thereat.
• 1:48:16
  Speaker 3: And in our boats we took as many of them
• 1:48:18
  Speaker 3: as we could and made our way to the ships.
• 1:48:21
  Speaker 3: And so many others came swimming that we found ourselves
• 1:48:25
  Speaker 3: embarrassed in seeing so many people in the ships, For
• 1:48:28
  Speaker 3: there were over a thousand persons, all naked and unarmed.
• 1:48:33
  Speaker 3: They were amazed by our nautical gear and contrivances, and
• 1:48:37
  Speaker 3: the size of the ships. And with them there occurred
• 1:48:41
  Speaker 3: to us a very laughable affair, which was that we
• 1:48:45
  Speaker 3: decided to fire off some of our great guns. And
• 1:48:48
  Speaker 3: when the explosion took place, most of them, through fear,
• 1:48:52
  Speaker 3: cast themselves into the sea to swim, not otherwise than
• 1:48:56
  Speaker 3: frogs on the margins of a pond, when they see
• 1:48:59
  Speaker 3: something that fright them, will jump into the water. Just
• 1:49:03
  Speaker 3: so did those people. And those who remained in the
• 1:49:06
  Speaker 3: ships were so terrified that we regretted our action. However,
• 1:49:11
  Speaker 3: we reassured them by telling them that with those arms
• 1:49:15
  Speaker 3: we slew our enemies. And when they had amused themselves
• 1:49:19
  Speaker 3: in the ships the whole day, we told them to
• 1:49:21
  Speaker 3: go away, because we desired to depart that night. And so,
• 1:49:26
  Speaker 3: separating from us with much friendship and love, they went
• 1:49:30
  Speaker 3: away to land amongst that people, And in their land
• 1:49:36
  Speaker 3: I knew and beheld so many of their customs and
• 1:49:39
  Speaker 3: ways of living that I do not care to enlarge
• 1:49:42
  Speaker 3: upon them. For your magnificence must know that in each
• 1:49:46
  Speaker 3: of my voyages I have noted the most wonderful things,
• 1:49:50
  Speaker 3: and have indicted it all in a volume after the
• 1:49:52
  Speaker 3: manner of a geography, and I entitle it Le cuatro giornate,
• 1:49:58
  Speaker 3: in which work the they comprised in detail. And as
• 1:50:02
  Speaker 3: yet there is no copy of it given out, as
• 1:50:05
  Speaker 3: it is necessary for me to revise it. This land
• 1:50:10
  Speaker 3: is very populous and full of inhabitants, and of numberless
• 1:50:14
  Speaker 3: rivers and animals, few of which resemble ours, excepting lions, panthers, stags, pigs, goats,
• 1:50:23
  Speaker 3: and deer, and even these have some dissimilarities of form.
• 1:50:28
  Speaker 3: They have no horses, nor mules, nor saving your reverence, asses,
• 1:50:33
  Speaker 3: nor dogs, nor any kind of sheep or oxen. But
• 1:50:37
  Speaker 3: so numerous are the other animals which they have, and
• 1:50:40
  Speaker 3: all are savage, and of none do they make use
• 1:50:43
  Speaker 3: for their service, that they could not be counted. What
• 1:50:47
  Speaker 3: shall we say of others, such as birds, which are
• 1:50:50
  Speaker 3: so numerous, and of so many kinds, and of such
• 1:50:54
  Speaker 3: various colored plumages, that it is a marvel to behold them.
• 1:51:00
  Speaker 3: The soil is very pleasant and fruitful, full of immense
• 1:51:04
  Speaker 3: woods and forests, and it is always green, for the
• 1:51:08
  Speaker 3: foliage never drops off. The fruits are so many that
• 1:51:12
  Speaker 3: they are numberless and entirely different from ours. This land
• 1:51:16
  Speaker 3: is within the torrid zone, close to or just under
• 1:51:20
  Speaker 3: the parallel described by the tropic of Cancer, where the
• 1:51:24
  Speaker 3: pole of the horizon has an elevation of twenty three
• 1:51:27
  Speaker 3: degrees at the extremity of the second climate footnote that
• 1:51:32
  Speaker 3: is twenty three degrees north latitude and footnote. Many tribes
• 1:51:37
  Speaker 3: came to see us and wondered at our faces and
• 1:51:41
  Speaker 3: our whiteness, and they asked us whence we came, and
• 1:51:45
  Speaker 3: we gave them to understand that we had come from
• 1:51:47
  Speaker 3: heaven and that we were going to see the world,
• 1:51:50
  Speaker 3: and they believed it. In this land we placed baptismal fonts,
• 1:51:55
  Speaker 3: and an infinite number of people were baptized, and they
• 1:51:59
  Speaker 3: called us in their life language Karabie, which means men
• 1:52:03
  Speaker 3: of great wisdom. We took our departure from that port,
• 1:52:07
  Speaker 3: and the province is called Lariab, and we navigated along
• 1:52:12
  Speaker 3: the coast, always in sight of land, until we had
• 1:52:16
  Speaker 3: run eight hundred and seventy leagues of it, still going
• 1:52:19
  Speaker 3: in the direction of the Mastrel northwest, making in our
• 1:52:23
  Speaker 3: course many halts and holding intercourse with many peoples, and
• 1:52:28
  Speaker 3: in several places we obtained gold by barter, but not
• 1:52:32
  Speaker 3: much in quantity, for we had done enough in discovering
• 1:52:36
  Speaker 3: the land and learning that they had gold. We had
• 1:52:40
  Speaker 3: now been thirteen months on the voyage, and the vessels
• 1:52:44
  Speaker 3: and the tackling were already much damaged, and the men
• 1:52:47
  Speaker 3: worn out by fatigue. We decided by General Counsel to
• 1:52:51
  Speaker 3: haul our ships on land and examine them for the
• 1:52:55
  Speaker 3: purpose of staunching leaks as they made much water and
• 1:52:59
  Speaker 3: of cock, and tarring them afresh, and then returning towards Spain.
• 1:53:04
  Speaker 3: And when we came to this determination, we were close
• 1:53:07
  Speaker 3: to a harbor, the best in the world, into which
• 1:53:11
  Speaker 3: we entered with our vessels, where we found an immense
• 1:53:15
  Speaker 3: number of people who received us with much friendliness. And
• 1:53:19
  Speaker 3: on the shore we made a bastion with our boats
• 1:53:22
  Speaker 3: and with barrels and casks, and our artillery, which commanded
• 1:53:26
  Speaker 3: every point, And our ships having been unloaded and lightened,
• 1:53:32
  Speaker 3: we drew them upon land and repaired them in everything
• 1:53:35
  Speaker 3: that was needful. And the land's people gave us very
• 1:53:40
  Speaker 3: great assistance and continually furnished us with their victuals, so
• 1:53:45
  Speaker 3: that in this port we tasted little of our own,
• 1:53:48
  Speaker 3: which suited our game well, for the stock of provisions
• 1:53:53
  Speaker 3: which we had for our return passage was little and
• 1:53:56
  Speaker 3: of sorry kind. Where I E. There we remained thirty
• 1:54:02
  Speaker 3: seven days, and went many times to their villages, where
• 1:54:06
  Speaker 3: they paid us the greatest honor, And now desiring to
• 1:54:10
  Speaker 3: depart upon our voyage, they made complaint to us how
• 1:54:14
  Speaker 3: at certain times of the year there came from over
• 1:54:17
  Speaker 3: the sea to this their land, a race of people,
• 1:54:20
  Speaker 3: very cruel and enemies of theirs, and who, by means
• 1:54:25
  Speaker 3: of treachery or of violence, slew many of them and
• 1:54:28
  Speaker 3: ate them, and some they made captives and carried them
• 1:54:32
  Speaker 3: away to their houses or country. And how they could
• 1:54:36
  Speaker 3: scarcely contrive to defend themselves from them, making signs to
• 1:54:40
  Speaker 3: us that those were an island people, and lived out
• 1:54:44
  Speaker 3: in the sea about one hundred leagues away. And so
• 1:54:48
  Speaker 3: piteously did they tell us this, that we believed them,
• 1:54:52
  Speaker 3: and we promised to avenge them of so much wrong,
• 1:54:55
  Speaker 3: and they remained overjoyed herewith and many of them offered
• 1:54:59
  Speaker 3: to come up along with us, But we did not
• 1:55:01
  Speaker 3: wish to take them for many reasons, save that we
• 1:55:05
  Speaker 3: took seven of them on condition that they should come
• 1:55:08
  Speaker 3: I e. Returned home afterwards in their own canoes, because
• 1:55:13
  Speaker 3: we did not desire to be obliged to take them
• 1:55:15
  Speaker 3: back to their country, and they were contented, and so
• 1:55:20
  Speaker 3: we departed from those people, leaving them very friendly towards us,
• 1:55:25
  Speaker 3: and having repaired our ships, and sailing for seven days
• 1:55:29
  Speaker 3: out to sea between northeast and east, and at the
• 1:55:33
  Speaker 3: end of the seven days we came upon the islands,
• 1:55:36
  Speaker 3: which were many, some of them inhabited and others deserted,
• 1:55:41
  Speaker 3: and we anchored at one of them, where we saw
• 1:55:44
  Speaker 3: a numerous people who called it e t And having
• 1:55:48
  Speaker 3: manned our boats with strong crews and taken ammunition for
• 1:55:52
  Speaker 3: three cannon shots in each, we made for land, where
• 1:55:56
  Speaker 3: we found assembled about four hundred men and many women,
• 1:56:01
  Speaker 3: and all naked. Like the former peoples. They were of
• 1:56:05
  Speaker 3: good bodily presence and seemed right warlike men, for they
• 1:56:09
  Speaker 3: were armed with their weapons, which were bows, arrows, and lances,
• 1:56:14
  Speaker 3: and most of them had square wooden targets and bore
• 1:56:17
  Speaker 3: them in such wise that they did not impede the
• 1:56:20
  Speaker 3: drying of the bow. And when we had come with
• 1:56:24
  Speaker 3: our boats to about a bowshot of the land, they
• 1:56:27
  Speaker 3: all sprang into the water to shoot their arrows at
• 1:56:30
  Speaker 3: us and to prevent us from leaping upon shore. And
• 1:56:33
  Speaker 3: they all had their bodies painted of various colors and
• 1:56:37
  Speaker 3: were plumed with feathers. And the interpreters who were with
• 1:56:41
  Speaker 3: us told us that when those displayed themselves so painted
• 1:56:45
  Speaker 3: and plumed, it was to be token that they wanted
• 1:56:48
  Speaker 3: to fight. And so much did they persist in preventing
• 1:56:51
  Speaker 3: us from landing, that we were compelled to play with
• 1:56:54
  Speaker 3: our artillery. And when they heard the explosion and saw
• 1:56:58
  Speaker 3: some of them fall dead, they all drew back to
• 1:57:01
  Speaker 3: the land. Wherefore, forming our council, we resolved that forty
• 1:57:06
  Speaker 3: two of our men should spring on shore, and if
• 1:57:09
  Speaker 3: they waited for us fight them. Thus, having leaped to
• 1:57:14
  Speaker 3: land with our weapons, they advanced towards us, and we
• 1:57:18
  Speaker 3: fought for about an hour, for we had but little
• 1:57:21
  Speaker 3: advantage of them, except that our arblasters and gunners killed
• 1:57:25
  Speaker 3: some of them, and they wounded certain of our men,
• 1:57:29
  Speaker 3: And this was because they did not stand to receive
• 1:57:31
  Speaker 3: us within reach of lance thrust or sword blow. And
• 1:57:35
  Speaker 3: so much vigor did we put forth at last, that
• 1:57:38
  Speaker 3: we came to sword play, and when they tasted our weapons,
• 1:57:42
  Speaker 3: they betook themselves to flight through the mountains and the forests,
• 1:57:46
  Speaker 3: and left us conquerors of the field, with many of
• 1:57:49
  Speaker 3: them dead and a good number wounded. And for that
• 1:57:53
  Speaker 3: day we took no other pains to pursue them, because
• 1:57:57
  Speaker 3: we were very weary, And we returned to our shop
• 1:58:00
  Speaker 3: with so much gladness on the part of the seven
• 1:58:03
  Speaker 3: men who had come with us, that they could not
• 1:58:05
  Speaker 3: contain themselves for joy. And when the next day arrived,
• 1:58:10
  Speaker 3: we beheld coming across the land a great number of
• 1:58:14
  Speaker 3: people with signs of battle, continually sounding horns, and various
• 1:58:19
  Speaker 3: other instruments which they use in their wars, and all
• 1:58:23
  Speaker 3: of them painted and feathered, so that it was a
• 1:58:26
  Speaker 3: very strange sight to behold them. Wherefore all the ships
• 1:58:30
  Speaker 3: held council, and it was resolved that, since this people
• 1:58:33
  Speaker 3: desired hostility with us, we should proceed to encounter them
• 1:58:38
  Speaker 3: and try by every means to make them friends. In
• 1:58:42
  Speaker 3: case they would not have our friendship, that we should
• 1:58:45
  Speaker 3: treat them as foes, and so many of them as
• 1:58:48
  Speaker 3: we might be able to capture, should all be our slaves.
• 1:58:52
  Speaker 3: And having armed ourselves as best we could, we advanced
• 1:58:56
  Speaker 3: towards the shore, and they sought not to hinder us
• 1:58:59
  Speaker 3: from landing, I believe, from fear of the cannons, And
• 1:59:03
  Speaker 3: we jumped on land fifty seven men in four squadrons,
• 1:59:07
  Speaker 3: each one consisting of a captain and his company, and
• 1:59:11
  Speaker 3: we came to blows with them, and after a long battle,
• 1:59:15
  Speaker 3: in which many of them were slain, we put them
• 1:59:18
  Speaker 3: to flight and pursued them to a village, having made
• 1:59:21
  Speaker 3: about two hundred fifty of them captives, and we burnt
• 1:59:25
  Speaker 3: the village and returned to our ships with victory and
• 1:59:29
  Speaker 3: two hundred fifty prisoners, leaving many of them dead and wounded,
• 1:59:33
  Speaker 3: and of ours there were no more than one killed
• 1:59:36
  Speaker 3: and twenty two wounded, who while escaped I e recovered
• 1:59:41
  Speaker 3: God be thanked. We arranged our departure, and the seven men,
• 1:59:47
  Speaker 3: of whom five were wounded, took an island canoe, and
• 1:59:50
  Speaker 3: with seven prisoners that we gave them, four women and
• 1:59:54
  Speaker 3: three men, returned to their own country, full of gladness,
• 1:59:58
  Speaker 3: wondering at our stre and we thereon made sale for
• 2:00:02
  Speaker 3: Spain with two hundred twenty two captive slaves, and reached
• 2:00:06
  Speaker 3: the port of Callis Cadiz on the fifteenth day of
• 2:00:10
  Speaker 3: October fourteen ninety eight, where we were well received and
• 2:00:14
  Speaker 3: sold our slaves. Such is what befell me most noteworthy
• 2:00:20
  Speaker 3: in this my first voyage ends. The first voyage begins
• 2:00:25
  Speaker 3: the second end of section.
• 2:00:28
  Speaker 2: Six section seven of the First four Voyages of Americo Vespucci.
• 2:00:39
  Speaker 2: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
• 2:00:42
  Speaker 2: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 2:00:47
  Speaker 2: visit LibriVox dot org. The First four Voyages of Americo
• 2:00:51
  Speaker 2: Vespucci by Americo Vespucci and Francisco Adolfo de von Hagen,
• 2:00:56
  Speaker 2: translated by M. K. The second voyage wood cut of
• 2:01:01
  Speaker 2: two ships at sea. As for the second voyage, in
• 2:01:05
  Speaker 2: what I saw in it most worthy of record, it
• 2:01:07
  Speaker 2: is as follows here. We started from the port of
• 2:01:10
  Speaker 2: Callis Cadis, three ships in company, on the sixteenth day
• 2:01:15
  Speaker 2: of May fourteen ninety nine note the Latin has fourteen
• 2:01:20
  Speaker 2: eighty nine by error end of note, and began our
• 2:01:24
  Speaker 2: voyage in a direct course to the islands of Caboverte,
• 2:01:28
  Speaker 2: passing in sight of the island of Great Canary. In
• 2:01:31
  Speaker 2: so much way did we make that we dropped anchor
• 2:01:34
  Speaker 2: at an island which is called the Island of Fire
• 2:01:37
  Speaker 2: Lesola del fuoco, and having here taken in our provision
• 2:01:41
  Speaker 2: of water and firewood, we resumed our voyage, going southwestwards
• 2:01:46
  Speaker 2: per Ilibecchio, and in forty four days. Note the Latin
• 2:01:51
  Speaker 2: has nineteen days, and so has Farnhagen, notwithstanding that his
• 2:01:56
  Speaker 2: text is correct. End of note, upon a new land,
• 2:02:01
  Speaker 2: and redeemed that it was part of a continent and
• 2:02:04
  Speaker 2: continuous with that land of which mention is made above footnote.
• 2:02:09
  Speaker 2: That is, in the preceding relation of the first voyage.
• 2:02:12
  Speaker 2: The Latin makes a blunder here and says opposite to
• 2:02:15
  Speaker 2: instead of continuous with. The translator must have read contardia
• 2:02:20
  Speaker 2: for continua end of footnote. The which new land is
• 2:02:25
  Speaker 2: situated within the torred zone and southwardly beyond the equinoctial line,
• 2:02:30
  Speaker 2: above which the southern pole rises, to the elevation of
• 2:02:33
  Speaker 2: five degrees beyond every climate footnote. This means simply at
• 2:02:39
  Speaker 2: five degrees south latitude end of note, and it is
• 2:02:43
  Speaker 2: five hundred leagues distant southwesterly perre elvento libeccio from the
• 2:02:50
  Speaker 2: said islands, that is, the Canaries. And we found that
• 2:02:54
  Speaker 2: the days were equal with the knights, for we reached
• 2:02:57
  Speaker 2: it on the twenty seventh day of June, when the
• 2:02:59
  Speaker 2: sun is the tropic of cancer, which land we found
• 2:03:03
  Speaker 2: to be all overflowed with water and full of very
• 2:03:05
  Speaker 2: large rivers. Footnote Farnhagen inserts here from the Latin a
• 2:03:11
  Speaker 2: statement about the greenness of the land and that it
• 2:03:13
  Speaker 2: was full of large trees, which does not at all
• 2:03:16
  Speaker 2: appear in the text end of note. As yet in
• 2:03:20
  Speaker 2: questo Princhipio we saw no people. We brought our ships
• 2:03:25
  Speaker 2: to anchor and put out our boats in them. We
• 2:03:28
  Speaker 2: pulled to the land, and as I have said, we
• 2:03:30
  Speaker 2: found it full of the largest rivers and inundated by
• 2:03:33
  Speaker 2: very great floods, which we met with. And we attempted
• 2:03:37
  Speaker 2: it in many places to see if we could enter
• 2:03:39
  Speaker 2: therein and because of the great floods poured by the rivers,
• 2:03:42
  Speaker 2: however strenuously we strove, we could find no spot that
• 2:03:45
  Speaker 2: was not inundated. We observed on the waters many tokens
• 2:03:49
  Speaker 2: that the land was inhabited, and seeing that in this
• 2:03:52
  Speaker 2: quarter we could not enter it, we decided to return
• 2:03:55
  Speaker 2: to the ships and to attempt landing in another place.
• 2:03:58
  Speaker 2: And we weighed our anchor and sailed east southeast in
• 2:04:02
  Speaker 2: fre Levante Esciloco, always coasting the shore which trended in
• 2:04:08
  Speaker 2: that direction, and in a space of forty leagues, we
• 2:04:11
  Speaker 2: made attempts to land in several places, and it was
• 2:04:14
  Speaker 2: all lost time. We found on that coast the sea
• 2:04:18
  Speaker 2: current so strong that they did not allow us to navigate,
• 2:04:21
  Speaker 2: and they all ran from southeast to northwest. Consequently, seeing
• 2:04:26
  Speaker 2: so many impediments to our navigation, we held a council
• 2:04:29
  Speaker 2: and decided to turn our course to the northwest, and
• 2:04:33
  Speaker 2: we sailed along the land till we arrived at a
• 2:04:35
  Speaker 2: very fine port, which was formed by a large island
• 2:04:39
  Speaker 2: that was situated at the mouth, inside of which there
• 2:04:42
  Speaker 2: was a bay very deeply indented. And while sailing by
• 2:04:46
  Speaker 2: the side of the island to enter into the harbor,
• 2:04:49
  Speaker 2: we beheld many people, and, rejoicing thereat, we directed our
• 2:04:52
  Speaker 2: vessels thither so as to drop anchor where we saw
• 2:04:56
  Speaker 2: the people being, probably then about four leagues away, to
• 2:04:59
  Speaker 2: seaward from them. Footnote there's some confusion here. They could
• 2:05:04
  Speaker 2: hardly have been able to see a crowd of people
• 2:05:06
  Speaker 2: at four leagues distance end of note. And preceding thus,
• 2:05:11
  Speaker 2: we had sight of a canoe that was coming from
• 2:05:13
  Speaker 2: the high sea in which there were coming many persons,
• 2:05:16
  Speaker 2: and we resolved to seize it haver la a la mano,
• 2:05:21
  Speaker 2: and we turned our vessels round to meet it, navigating
• 2:05:24
  Speaker 2: in such order that we should not lose it, and
• 2:05:27
  Speaker 2: sailing towards it with a brisk breeze fresco tempo. We
• 2:05:31
  Speaker 2: observed that they were at a standstill, with their oars lifted.
• 2:05:35
  Speaker 2: I believe in wonder at our ships. And when they
• 2:05:38
  Speaker 2: perceived that we were advancing to approach them, they dipped
• 2:05:40
  Speaker 2: their oars in the water and began to row towards
• 2:05:43
  Speaker 2: the land. And as in our company, there was a
• 2:05:46
  Speaker 2: caravel of forty five tons, a very quick sailor. She
• 2:05:50
  Speaker 2: took station to windward barlo vento of the canoe, And
• 2:05:54
  Speaker 2: when it seemed to be time to bear down upon it,
• 2:05:57
  Speaker 2: the caravel shook out a narco le aparichi full sail
• 2:06:03
  Speaker 2: and made for the canoe. And we likewise, And when
• 2:06:06
  Speaker 2: the caravel came abreast of it, and did not seek
• 2:06:09
  Speaker 2: to board the canoe, she passed by and then stood
• 2:06:12
  Speaker 2: still against the wind. And when they saw themselves at
• 2:06:15
  Speaker 2: a vantage, they began to struggle hard with their oars
• 2:06:18
  Speaker 2: to escape, and we who had our boats already astern
• 2:06:22
  Speaker 2: manned with good crews, thinking they would take it the canoe.
• 2:06:26
  Speaker 2: And they labored for more than two hours, and at last,
• 2:06:29
  Speaker 2: if the little caravel had not tacked again upon them,
• 2:06:32
  Speaker 2: we should have lost it the canoe. And when they
• 2:06:35
  Speaker 2: found themselves hemmed in by the caravel and the boats,
• 2:06:37
  Speaker 2: they all flung themselves into the sea, probably some seventy
• 2:06:41
  Speaker 2: men in number note the Latin has twenty men and
• 2:06:45
  Speaker 2: note and they were at a distance of about two
• 2:06:48
  Speaker 2: leagues from land, and following them with our boats the
• 2:06:51
  Speaker 2: whole day we were unable to take more than two
• 2:06:54
  Speaker 2: of them. For certain it was all the others reached
• 2:06:57
  Speaker 2: the land in safety. And in the canoe there remained
• 2:07:00
  Speaker 2: four boys who were not of their tribe, for they
• 2:07:03
  Speaker 2: brought them as captives from another land. And they had
• 2:07:06
  Speaker 2: castrated them, for they were all without the virile member,
• 2:07:10
  Speaker 2: and had the wound still fresh. Whereat we marveled much,
• 2:07:14
  Speaker 2: and being taken into the ships, they told us by
• 2:07:16
  Speaker 2: signs that the men of the canoe had castrated them
• 2:07:19
  Speaker 2: in order to eat them. And we learned that those
• 2:07:22
  Speaker 2: who were people who are called Kambali, very savage, who
• 2:07:26
  Speaker 2: ate human flesh towing the canoe astern we made in
• 2:07:30
  Speaker 2: our ships for the land, and anchored at the distance
• 2:07:33
  Speaker 2: of half a league, And as we saw great numbers
• 2:07:35
  Speaker 2: of people on the shore, we rowed to the land
• 2:07:37
  Speaker 2: in our boats, taking with us the two men we'd captured,
• 2:07:40
  Speaker 2: And having landed, all the people fled away and betook
• 2:07:43
  Speaker 2: themselves to the forests, And we let go one of
• 2:07:47
  Speaker 2: the two men, giving him several little bells sonagli, little
• 2:07:51
  Speaker 2: bells or rattles, and indicating that we desired to be
• 2:07:54
  Speaker 2: their friends, which he whom we sent to them, affected
• 2:07:58
  Speaker 2: very well, and brought with him all the tribe, who
• 2:08:00
  Speaker 2: were about four hundred men and many women, who came
• 2:08:03
  Speaker 2: without any weapons to where we were standing with our boats.
• 2:08:07
  Speaker 2: And having made good friendship with them, we restored to
• 2:08:10
  Speaker 2: them the second captive, and sent to the ships for
• 2:08:13
  Speaker 2: their canoe, and gave it back to them. This canoe
• 2:08:15
  Speaker 2: was twenty six paces long and two yards braccia broad,
• 2:08:20
  Speaker 2: and entirely hollowed out of a single tree, and very
• 2:08:24
  Speaker 2: elaborately made. And when they had docked it in a
• 2:08:26
  Speaker 2: river and put it in a safe place, they all
• 2:08:28
  Speaker 2: fled away and would no further hold. Intercourse with us,
• 2:08:32
  Speaker 2: which seemed to us a quite barbarous action, so that
• 2:08:35
  Speaker 2: we deemed them a people of little faith and ill condition.
• 2:08:39
  Speaker 2: With them, we saw some little gold which they had
• 2:08:41
  Speaker 2: in their ears. We departed from these and made our
• 2:08:44
  Speaker 2: way to the inner part of the bay. Note instead
• 2:08:48
  Speaker 2: of a simple statement, and made our way et cetera.
• 2:08:50
  Speaker 2: The Latin inserts quote. Having voyaged along the coast for
• 2:08:54
  Speaker 2: about eighty leagues, we came to a safe harbor end quote,
• 2:08:58
  Speaker 2: which is absurd, but as apparently influenced Varnhagen, who evidently
• 2:09:02
  Speaker 2: made the mistake of incautiously referring sometimes to the Latin
• 2:09:05
  Speaker 2: and sometimes to the Italian text, thus failing to see
• 2:09:09
  Speaker 2: all the discrepancies. End of note. Where we found such
• 2:09:13
  Speaker 2: a multitude of people that it was marvelous, with whom
• 2:09:16
  Speaker 2: on landing we made a friendship, and many of us
• 2:09:19
  Speaker 2: went with them to their villages, very safely and well received.
• 2:09:23
  Speaker 2: In this place we obtained one hundred and fifty pearls.
• 2:09:27
  Speaker 2: Note rich Attammo, the Latin has five hundred instead of
• 2:09:31
  Speaker 2: one hundred and fifty. End of note, which they gave
• 2:09:35
  Speaker 2: us in exchange for our little bell and some little
• 2:09:37
  Speaker 2: gold which they gave us for nothing ti gratia. And
• 2:09:41
  Speaker 2: in this land we found that they drank a wine
• 2:09:43
  Speaker 2: made of their fruits and grain, in the manner of beer,
• 2:09:46
  Speaker 2: both white and red. And the best was made of
• 2:09:49
  Speaker 2: miro balance miro bolani, and was very good. And they
• 2:09:54
  Speaker 2: ate infinite numbers of these, it being then the season
• 2:09:57
  Speaker 2: for them. It is a very good fruit, pleasant to
• 2:10:00
  Speaker 2: the taste, and healthful to the body. The soil abounds
• 2:10:03
  Speaker 2: greatly with everything they need for subsistence, and the people
• 2:10:06
  Speaker 2: were of polite behavior and the most pacific we had
• 2:10:09
  Speaker 2: as yet met with. We remained in this harbor for
• 2:10:12
  Speaker 2: seventeen days with much pleasure, and every day fresh people
• 2:10:16
  Speaker 2: from the interior of the country came to see us,
• 2:10:19
  Speaker 2: wondering at our appearance and whiteness, and our clothing and arms,
• 2:10:23
  Speaker 2: and at the shape and great size of the ships.
• 2:10:26
  Speaker 2: From those people we had information of a tribe that
• 2:10:28
  Speaker 2: lived further to the west of them, who were their enemies,
• 2:10:31
  Speaker 2: who had an infinite quantity of pearls. And at those
• 2:10:35
  Speaker 2: pearls which they our friends had, were what they had
• 2:10:38
  Speaker 2: taken from them the enemies in their wars. And they
• 2:10:41
  Speaker 2: told us how they fished for them, and in what
• 2:10:43
  Speaker 2: manner they the pearls were produced, and we found that
• 2:10:46
  Speaker 2: they spoke with truth, as your magnificence shall hear. We
• 2:10:50
  Speaker 2: departed from this harbor and navigated along the coast, on
• 2:10:53
  Speaker 2: which we continually saw clouds of smoke arising fumante by
• 2:10:58
  Speaker 2: error for fuma with people on the beach, And at
• 2:11:03
  Speaker 2: the end of several days we came to anchor in
• 2:11:05
  Speaker 2: a harbor for the purpose of repairing one of our ships,
• 2:11:08
  Speaker 2: which had sprung a great leak Facheva Molta Aqua, where
• 2:11:13
  Speaker 2: we found that there was a large population with whom
• 2:11:16
  Speaker 2: we were not able, neither by force nor for love,
• 2:11:19
  Speaker 2: to obtain any conversation whatever. And when we went on land,
• 2:11:23
  Speaker 2: they struggled fiercely to prevent us from doing so, and
• 2:11:26
  Speaker 2: when they could hold out no longer, they fled through
• 2:11:28
  Speaker 2: the forests and did not await us. Finding them so barbarous,
• 2:11:32
  Speaker 2: we went away from hence, and proceeding on our voyage,
• 2:11:35
  Speaker 2: we had sight of an island distant fifteen leagues out
• 2:11:38
  Speaker 2: to sea from the mainland, and we decided on going
• 2:11:41
  Speaker 2: to see if it were inhabited. We found therein the
• 2:11:44
  Speaker 2: most brutish and loathsome people that were ever seen, and
• 2:11:48
  Speaker 2: they were on this wise in behavior and looks. They
• 2:11:51
  Speaker 2: were very repulsive, and they all had their cheeks swollen
• 2:11:55
  Speaker 2: out with the green herb inside which they were constantly
• 2:11:58
  Speaker 2: chewing like beasts, so that they could scarcely utter speech.
• 2:12:02
  Speaker 2: And each one had suspended upon his neck two dried gourds,
• 2:12:06
  Speaker 2: one of which was full of that herb, which they
• 2:12:08
  Speaker 2: kept in their mouths, and the other full of a
• 2:12:10
  Speaker 2: white flower which looked like powdered chalk, And from time
• 2:12:14
  Speaker 2: to time, with a small stick which they kept moistening
• 2:12:16
  Speaker 2: in their mouths, they dipped it into the flower, and
• 2:12:19
  Speaker 2: then put it into their mouths inside both cheeks, thus
• 2:12:22
  Speaker 2: mixing the flour the herb which they had in their mouths,
• 2:12:26
  Speaker 2: And this they did very frequently, and marveling at such
• 2:12:29
  Speaker 2: a thing, we were unable to comprehend this secret, nor
• 2:12:32
  Speaker 2: with what object they acted. Thus, these people, when they
• 2:12:36
  Speaker 2: saw us, came to us as familiarly as if we'd
• 2:12:38
  Speaker 2: been united with them in friendship. Going with them along
• 2:12:42
  Speaker 2: the beach, talking and desirous of drinking fresh water, they
• 2:12:45
  Speaker 2: made signs to us that they had none, and offered
• 2:12:48
  Speaker 2: us some of that herb and flower of theirs, so
• 2:12:50
  Speaker 2: that we concluded by inference that this land was poor
• 2:12:53
  Speaker 2: in water, and that it was to preserve themselves against thirst.
• 2:12:57
  Speaker 2: They kept that herb in their mouths and the flour
• 2:12:59
  Speaker 2: for the sus same reason. We went through the island
• 2:13:02
  Speaker 2: for a day and a half without ever finding any
• 2:13:05
  Speaker 2: flowing water. And we observed that the water which they
• 2:13:08
  Speaker 2: drank was of a dew which fell by night on
• 2:13:10
  Speaker 2: certain leaves that looked like asses ears, and which became
• 2:13:14
  Speaker 2: full of water. And hereof they drank. It was most
• 2:13:17
  Speaker 2: excellent water. And that is but they had not those
• 2:13:22
  Speaker 2: leaves in many places. They had no form of victuals
• 2:13:25
  Speaker 2: nor roots, as on the mainland, and they subsisted on fish,
• 2:13:29
  Speaker 2: which they took in the sea, and of these they
• 2:13:32
  Speaker 2: had very great abundance, and they were most expert fishermen,
• 2:13:36
  Speaker 2: and they presented to us many turtles and many very
• 2:13:39
  Speaker 2: excellent fish of great size. Their women did not use
• 2:13:43
  Speaker 2: to keep the herb in their mouths like the men,
• 2:13:45
  Speaker 2: but all carried a gourd with water and drank thereof.
• 2:13:48
  Speaker 2: They had no villages, neither of houses nor huts, save
• 2:13:52
  Speaker 2: that they dwelt underneath a kind of arbors which protected
• 2:13:56
  Speaker 2: them from the sun and not from the water, for
• 2:13:58
  Speaker 2: I believe it rained very seldom in that island. When
• 2:14:02
  Speaker 2: they were at sea fishing, they all had a leaf
• 2:14:04
  Speaker 2: of great size and so broad that they were quite
• 2:14:06
  Speaker 2: in shadow beneath it, and they used to fix it
• 2:14:09
  Speaker 2: in the ground, And as the sun revolved, so did
• 2:14:12
  Speaker 2: they turn the leaf, and in this manner they protected
• 2:14:15
  Speaker 2: themselves from the sun. The island contains many animals of
• 2:14:19
  Speaker 2: various kinds, and they drink marsh water. And seeing that
• 2:14:22
  Speaker 2: they had nothing profitable for us, we departed and took
• 2:14:25
  Speaker 2: our course to another island, and we found afterwards that
• 2:14:28
  Speaker 2: a race of very great stature dwelt therein. We then
• 2:14:32
  Speaker 2: landed to sea if we found could find fresh water,
• 2:14:35
  Speaker 2: and imagining that the island was not inhabited, because we
• 2:14:38
  Speaker 2: saw no people, going along the shore, we beheld very
• 2:14:42
  Speaker 2: large footprints of men on the sand, and we judged,
• 2:14:45
  Speaker 2: if their other members were of corresponding size, that they
• 2:14:48
  Speaker 2: must be very big men. And proceeding onwards, we came
• 2:14:51
  Speaker 2: upon a pathway which led to the interior of the land,
• 2:14:55
  Speaker 2: and nine of us agreed and concluded that the island,
• 2:14:58
  Speaker 2: being small, could not contain in itself many people, and
• 2:15:02
  Speaker 2: thereupon we went onward through it to see what manner
• 2:15:05
  Speaker 2: of people they were, And after we'd gone for about
• 2:15:08
  Speaker 2: a league, we beheld in a valley five of their huts,
• 2:15:11
  Speaker 2: which appeared uninhabited, and we made our way to them,
• 2:15:14
  Speaker 2: and found only five women, two old ones, and three girls,
• 2:15:17
  Speaker 2: so lofty in stature that we gazed at them in astonishment.
• 2:15:22
  Speaker 2: And when they saw us, so much terror overcame them
• 2:15:25
  Speaker 2: that they had not even spirit to flee away. And
• 2:15:28
  Speaker 2: the two old women began to invite us with words,
• 2:15:31
  Speaker 2: bringing us many things to eat, and they put us
• 2:15:34
  Speaker 2: in a hut. And they were in stature taller than
• 2:15:37
  Speaker 2: a tall man, so that they would be quite as
• 2:15:40
  Speaker 2: big of body as was Francesco degli Albizzi, but better proportioned,
• 2:15:45
  Speaker 2: insomuch that we were all of a mind to take
• 2:15:48
  Speaker 2: away the three girls from them by force, and to
• 2:15:51
  Speaker 2: carry them to Castile as a prodigy. And while thus discoursing,
• 2:15:55
  Speaker 2: there began to enter through the door of the hut
• 2:15:57
  Speaker 2: full thirty six men, much bigger than the women, men
• 2:16:01
  Speaker 2: so well built that it was a famous sight to
• 2:16:04
  Speaker 2: see them, who put us in such anxiety that we
• 2:16:07
  Speaker 2: would much rather have been in our ships than in
• 2:16:09
  Speaker 2: the company of such people. They carried very large bows
• 2:16:13
  Speaker 2: and arrows with large knobbed clubs, and they spoke among
• 2:16:16
  Speaker 2: themselves in such a tone as though they meant to
• 2:16:18
  Speaker 2: lay hands upon us. Seeing that we were in such danger,
• 2:16:22
  Speaker 2: we debated of various plans among ourselves. Some of us
• 2:16:26
  Speaker 2: said that we ought to attack immediately in the house,
• 2:16:29
  Speaker 2: and others that it were better on the open ground outside,
• 2:16:32
  Speaker 2: and others who said that we ought not to begin
• 2:16:34
  Speaker 2: the quarrel until we should see what they meant to do.
• 2:16:37
  Speaker 2: And we agreed to go forth from the hut and
• 2:16:39
  Speaker 2: to make our way slyly towards the ships. And so
• 2:16:42
  Speaker 2: we did, and having taken our way, we returned to
• 2:16:45
  Speaker 2: the ships. Those savages, however, came following behind us, always
• 2:16:50
  Speaker 2: at the distance of a stone's throat, speaking amongst themselves.
• 2:16:55
  Speaker 2: I believe that they were no less afraid of us
• 2:16:57
  Speaker 2: than we were of them, because we halted sometimes, and
• 2:17:00
  Speaker 2: they did the same without approaching nearer. Until we reached
• 2:17:04
  Speaker 2: the shore where the boats were awaiting us, and we
• 2:17:06
  Speaker 2: entered into them. And when we were at some distance,
• 2:17:09
  Speaker 2: they danced about and shot many arrows at us, But
• 2:17:13
  Speaker 2: we had little dread of them. Now we fired two
• 2:17:15
  Speaker 2: gun trots at them, more to terrify them than to
• 2:17:18
  Speaker 2: do any hurt, and at the explosion they all fled
• 2:17:21
  Speaker 2: to the hill note almonte. Perhaps it means in a heap,
• 2:17:26
  Speaker 2: were in a confused rout en note. And so we
• 2:17:29
  Speaker 2: departed from them, having, as it seemed to us, escaped
• 2:17:32
  Speaker 2: from a perilous day's work. They went entirely naked like
• 2:17:36
  Speaker 2: the others. I call that island the Isle of Giants
• 2:17:39
  Speaker 2: because of their great size. And we proceeded onwards, still
• 2:17:43
  Speaker 2: skirting the coast, on which it befell us many times
• 2:17:46
  Speaker 2: to have to fight them, as they sought not to
• 2:17:48
  Speaker 2: allow us to take anything from the land, And since
• 2:17:52
  Speaker 2: it was our desire to return now to Castile, as
• 2:17:55
  Speaker 2: we had been about a year at sea, and we
• 2:17:57
  Speaker 2: had but a small stock of provisions remaining, and that
• 2:18:01
  Speaker 2: little damaged by reason of the great heats that we endured.
• 2:18:05
  Speaker 2: Because from the time when we started for the isles
• 2:18:08
  Speaker 2: of Cablverde till now we had continually navigated in the
• 2:18:12
  Speaker 2: tour its own, and twice crossed the Echinoctial line. For
• 2:18:16
  Speaker 2: as I have said above, we had gone to five
• 2:18:18
  Speaker 2: degrees below it southwardly, and here we were at fifteen
• 2:18:22
  Speaker 2: degrees north of it. Being in this mind pleased the
• 2:18:25
  Speaker 2: Holy Ghost to give us some relief for so much travail,
• 2:18:29
  Speaker 2: which was that, while we were seeking a harbor wherein
• 2:18:32
  Speaker 2: to repair our vessels, we met with a nation which
• 2:18:36
  Speaker 2: received us with great friendliness, and we found that they
• 2:18:39
  Speaker 2: had a great abundance of very fine oriental pearls, with
• 2:18:43
  Speaker 2: whom we stayed for forty seven days, and we bought
• 2:18:45
  Speaker 2: from them one hundred and nineteen marks note marchis Marco,
• 2:18:50
  Speaker 2: a way of eight ounces and of note of pearls
• 2:18:55
  Speaker 2: for very little merchandise. For I believe they did not
• 2:18:58
  Speaker 2: cost us the value of forty ducats, since that which
• 2:19:01
  Speaker 2: we gave them was nothing but little bells and looking
• 2:19:04
  Speaker 2: glasses and beads day chipale footnote conte day chipali et
• 2:19:10
  Speaker 2: foglis di Octune day chipalli must be some sort of
• 2:19:14
  Speaker 2: balls or playing marbles end of note, and sheets of tin. Indeed,
• 2:19:20
  Speaker 2: for a single little bell a man gave us as
• 2:19:22
  Speaker 2: many pearls as he had from them. The natives, we
• 2:19:26
  Speaker 2: learned how and where they fished for them the pearls,
• 2:19:29
  Speaker 2: and they gave us many of the oysters in which
• 2:19:31
  Speaker 2: they grew. We bought also an oyster in which one
• 2:19:35
  Speaker 2: hundred and thirty pearls were growing, and others with lass.
• 2:19:39
  Speaker 2: The Queen took note from the Queen took down to
• 2:19:43
  Speaker 2: she should not see omitted in Latin end of note
• 2:19:47
  Speaker 2: from me that with the one hundred and thirty and
• 2:19:49
  Speaker 2: others I took care she should not see. And your
• 2:19:53
  Speaker 2: magnificence must know that unless the pearls are matured and
• 2:19:56
  Speaker 2: drop out of themselves, they do not last, because they
• 2:20:00
  Speaker 2: perish quickly. And of this I have had actual experience.
• 2:20:04
  Speaker 2: When they are mature, they lie within the shell, detached
• 2:20:07
  Speaker 2: and set in the flesh. Footnote. The text is obscure,
• 2:20:11
  Speaker 2: the Latin is explicatory, and I presume correct in its
• 2:20:14
  Speaker 2: account of the nature of pearls. End of note. And
• 2:20:18
  Speaker 2: these ones are good, whatsoever bad ones they had, though
• 2:20:22
  Speaker 2: the most of them were rough and ill pierced. Still
• 2:20:25
  Speaker 2: they were worth good money because the mark sold for
• 2:20:28
  Speaker 2: note a blank in the text from good to sold
• 2:20:33
  Speaker 2: for omitted in Latin. End of note. And at the
• 2:20:36
  Speaker 2: end of forty seven days we quitted the people, leaving
• 2:20:40
  Speaker 2: them great friends towards us. We departed and through the
• 2:20:43
  Speaker 2: necessity of our victualling, we made for the island of Antiglia, Hispaniola,
• 2:20:49
  Speaker 2: which is the same that Christophe Colombo discovered several years ago,
• 2:20:53
  Speaker 2: where we took in much store of provision and remained
• 2:20:57
  Speaker 2: two months and seventeen days note the Latin two months
• 2:21:01
  Speaker 2: and two days end of note, where we underwent many
• 2:21:05
  Speaker 2: perils and troubles with the very Christians who were in
• 2:21:07
  Speaker 2: this island, along with Colombo. Note along with Columbus omitted
• 2:21:12
  Speaker 2: in Latin and not noted by Varnhagen end of note.
• 2:21:16
  Speaker 2: I believe through envy, but in order not to be
• 2:21:19
  Speaker 2: prolis I refrained from narrating them. We departed from the
• 2:21:24
  Speaker 2: said island on the twenty second day of July, and
• 2:21:27
  Speaker 2: we navigated during a month and a half and entered
• 2:21:29
  Speaker 2: into the port of Calis Cadis, which was on the
• 2:21:32
  Speaker 2: eighth day of September by daylight. My second voyage, God
• 2:21:37
  Speaker 2: be praised ended. The second voyage begins the third end
• 2:21:43
  Speaker 2: of section seven, read by Sandra New Montreal, twenty twenty four.
• 2:21:53
  Speaker 3: Section eight of the first four voyages of Amerigo Vespucci.
• 2:21:58
  Speaker 3: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
• 2:22:02
  Speaker 3: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
• 2:22:06
  Speaker 3: visit LibriVox dot org. The first four Voyages of Amerigo
• 2:22:10
  Speaker 3: Vespucci by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco Aldolpho de Vernhagen, translated
• 2:22:16
  Speaker 3: by M. K. Letter continued third and fourth voyages. Third
• 2:22:23
  Speaker 3: voyage would cut of a ship at sea, being afterwards
• 2:22:28
  Speaker 3: in Seville, wresting myself from so many travails that I
• 2:22:32
  Speaker 3: had in those two voyages undergone, and purposing to return
• 2:22:36
  Speaker 3: to the land of the pearls, when fortune not contented
• 2:22:40
  Speaker 3: with my labors. For I know not how it came
• 2:22:43
  Speaker 3: into the mind of this most serene King, Don Manuel
• 2:22:46
  Speaker 3: of Portugal to wish to employ me, And being in
• 2:22:50
  Speaker 3: Seville without any thought of coming to Portugal, there comes
• 2:22:54
  Speaker 3: to me a messenger with a letter of his Royal
• 2:22:57
  Speaker 3: Crown footnote i e. And a official letter from the
• 2:23:01
  Speaker 3: Crown and footnote which entreated me to come to Lisbon
• 2:23:05
  Speaker 3: to speak with His Highness, promising to give me recompense.
• 2:23:10
  Speaker 3: I was not of opinion that I should come. I
• 2:23:13
  Speaker 3: sent away the messenger saying that I was ill in health,
• 2:23:17
  Speaker 3: and that when I should be well, and His Highness
• 2:23:20
  Speaker 3: still desired to employ me, that I would do whatever
• 2:23:23
  Speaker 3: he should command me, And seeing that he could not
• 2:23:26
  Speaker 3: have me, he decided to send for me. I e
• 2:23:30
  Speaker 3: to fetch me Giuliano di Bartholomeo del Jacondo, residing here
• 2:23:35
  Speaker 3: in Lisbon, with a commission to bring me by whatever means.
• 2:23:40
  Speaker 3: The said Giuliano came to Seville, through whose coming and
• 2:23:44
  Speaker 3: entreaty I was compelled to come footnote He means go
• 2:23:49
  Speaker 3: and in the next line going, but was led to
• 2:23:52
  Speaker 3: say come and coming from the consciousness that he was
• 2:23:56
  Speaker 3: writing his letter in Lisbon and footnote. But my coming
• 2:24:01
  Speaker 3: was regarded with ill favor by so many as knew me,
• 2:24:04
  Speaker 3: because I quitted Castile, where honor had been done me
• 2:24:08
  Speaker 3: and the king kept me in ample competence footnote in
• 2:24:12
  Speaker 3: bona possessione in high consideration, as Latin has it, and footnote.
• 2:24:19
  Speaker 3: The worst was that I went in solutato hospita footnote
• 2:24:24
  Speaker 3: without bidding adieu to my host and footnote, And having
• 2:24:28
  Speaker 3: presented myself before this King of Portugal, he showed himself
• 2:24:33
  Speaker 3: pleased with my coming and prayed me to join the
• 2:24:36
  Speaker 3: company of three of his ships, which were ready to
• 2:24:39
  Speaker 3: go in discovery of new lands, and as a king's
• 2:24:42
  Speaker 3: request is a command, I had to consent to whatever
• 2:24:46
  Speaker 3: he desired of me. And we sailed from this port
• 2:24:49
  Speaker 3: of Lisbon three ships in company on the tenth day
• 2:24:53
  Speaker 3: of May fifteen o one, and took our route directly
• 2:24:57
  Speaker 3: for the island of Great Canary, and we passed in
• 2:25:00
  Speaker 3: sight of it without halting, And from hence we went
• 2:25:04
  Speaker 3: skirting along the coast of Africa on the west side,
• 2:25:07
  Speaker 3: on which coast we exercised our fishing skill on a
• 2:25:11
  Speaker 3: kind of fish which are called parchi footnote Portuguese pargos
• 2:25:17
  Speaker 3: and footnote where we stopped three days, and from hence
• 2:25:21
  Speaker 3: we made for the coast of Ethiopia to a port
• 2:25:25
  Speaker 3: which is called beschic Sa footnote Latin has basilica and
• 2:25:30
  Speaker 3: footnote which is within the torrid zone over which the
• 2:25:35
  Speaker 3: north pole is at an elevation of fourteen and a
• 2:25:37
  Speaker 3: half degrees situated in the first climate footnote that is
• 2:25:42
  Speaker 3: fourteen and a half degrees north latitude and footnote where
• 2:25:46
  Speaker 3: we remained eleven days, taking in water and firewood. Because
• 2:25:51
  Speaker 3: my intention was to make our seaway southerly through the
• 2:25:54
  Speaker 3: Atlantic Gulf footnote ocean and footnote we quitted the Sethiopian
• 2:26:00
  Speaker 3: port and navigated southwesterly, taking one quarter by south, until
• 2:26:06
  Speaker 3: after a course of sixty seven days, we anchored at
• 2:26:09
  Speaker 3: a land which was seven hundred leagues to the southwest
• 2:26:12
  Speaker 3: of the said port. And in those sixty seven days
• 2:26:16
  Speaker 3: we had the worst weather that ever any seafarer had,
• 2:26:20
  Speaker 3: through numerous storm showers, whirlwinds, and tempests which struck us,
• 2:26:25
  Speaker 3: for we passed through much adverse weather because the greater
• 2:26:29
  Speaker 3: part of our navigation was continually close to the equinoctial line.
• 2:26:33
  Speaker 3: For in the month of June it is winter, and
• 2:26:36
  Speaker 3: we found that the day was equal with the night,
• 2:26:39
  Speaker 3: and we found that the shadows fell constantly towards the south.
• 2:26:43
  Speaker 3: It pleased God to show us new land, and this
• 2:26:47
  Speaker 3: was on the seventeenth day of August, when we anchored
• 2:26:50
  Speaker 3: at half a league from the shore and put out
• 2:26:53
  Speaker 3: our boats and went to inspect the land whether it
• 2:26:57
  Speaker 3: was inhabited by people and who these were, And we
• 2:27:01
  Speaker 3: found that it was inhabited by a people who were
• 2:27:03
  Speaker 3: worse than animals. However, your magnificence must understand that as
• 2:27:08
  Speaker 3: yet we saw no people, but we perceived well that
• 2:27:12
  Speaker 3: it was inhabited from many signs that we observed therein
• 2:27:16
  Speaker 3: we took possession of it. For this most serene King
• 2:27:20
  Speaker 3: don Manuel. Footnote the Latin says, by mistake, King of Castile,
• 2:27:25
  Speaker 3: and footnote which land we found to be very pleasant
• 2:27:29
  Speaker 3: and green and of goodly appearance. It was five degrees
• 2:27:33
  Speaker 3: towards the south, beyond the equinoctial line. And for the
• 2:27:37
  Speaker 3: present footnote perquesto ita in Latin, he means probably for
• 2:27:43
  Speaker 3: this day and footnote we returned to the ships, and
• 2:27:48
  Speaker 3: because we were in great want of water and firewood,
• 2:27:51
  Speaker 3: we determined the next day to return to the shore
• 2:27:54
  Speaker 3: to provide ourselves with what was needful. And when on
• 2:27:58
  Speaker 3: land we beheld held some people on the top of
• 2:28:01
  Speaker 3: a hill who stood gazing and did not venture to
• 2:28:04
  Speaker 3: come down. They were naked and of the same color
• 2:28:08
  Speaker 3: and fashion as were the other former savages we had
• 2:28:12
  Speaker 3: met with elsewhere, And although we strove to induce them
• 2:28:16
  Speaker 3: footnote by signals of course and footnote to come and
• 2:28:20
  Speaker 3: speak with us, we were totally unable to reassure them,
• 2:28:24
  Speaker 3: for they had no trust in us, and seeing their obstinacy,
• 2:28:29
  Speaker 3: and as it was already late, we returned to the ships,
• 2:28:33
  Speaker 3: leaving on the ground for them several little bells and
• 2:28:35
  Speaker 3: looking glasses and other things within their can And when
• 2:28:40
  Speaker 3: we were at a distance on sea, they descended from
• 2:28:43
  Speaker 3: the hill and came for the things we had left them,
• 2:28:46
  Speaker 3: displaying great wonderment at these And for that day we
• 2:28:50
  Speaker 3: provided ourselves only with water. The next morning we saw
• 2:28:55
  Speaker 3: from the ships that the land's people were making great
• 2:28:58
  Speaker 3: clouds of smoke, and thinking that they were calling us
• 2:29:01
  Speaker 3: to them, we went on shore, where we found that
• 2:29:04
  Speaker 3: great numbers of them had come, and yet they remained
• 2:29:08
  Speaker 3: aloof from us, and they made signs to us that
• 2:29:11
  Speaker 3: we should go with them into the interior of the land.
• 2:29:15
  Speaker 3: Wherefore two of our Christians were moved to ask the
• 2:29:18
  Speaker 3: captain that he would give them leave, as they wished
• 2:29:21
  Speaker 3: to undertake the risk of going with these savages into
• 2:29:24
  Speaker 3: the land to see what manner of people they were,
• 2:29:28
  Speaker 3: and whether they had any riches, or spices or druggies.
• 2:29:32
  Speaker 3: And so much did they beseech that the captain was
• 2:29:35
  Speaker 3: pleased to allow it, and they prepared themselves with many
• 2:29:39
  Speaker 3: things for barter, and quitted us with the order that
• 2:29:42
  Speaker 3: they should not be more than five days before returning,
• 2:29:46
  Speaker 3: because we would wait for them just so long, and
• 2:29:50
  Speaker 3: they took their way through the country, and we remained
• 2:29:53
  Speaker 3: by the ships awaiting them. And almost every day people
• 2:29:57
  Speaker 3: came to the beach and would never hold beach with us.
• 2:30:01
  Speaker 3: And the seventh day we went on land and found
• 2:30:04
  Speaker 3: that they had brought their women with them. And when
• 2:30:07
  Speaker 3: we leaped to shore, the land's men sent many of
• 2:30:10
  Speaker 3: their women to speak with us, and seeing they did
• 2:30:14
  Speaker 3: not seem confident, we decided to send one of our
• 2:30:17
  Speaker 3: men to them, who was a young fellow given to
• 2:30:20
  Speaker 3: feats of strength, and to reassure them. We entered into
• 2:30:25
  Speaker 3: our boats, and he went among the women, and when
• 2:30:28
  Speaker 3: he reached them, they made a great circle around him,
• 2:30:32
  Speaker 3: touching him and gazing at him in wonderment. And while
• 2:30:36
  Speaker 3: he was thus encircled, we saw a woman come from
• 2:30:39
  Speaker 3: the hill, and she carried a great steak in her hand,
• 2:30:43
  Speaker 3: And when she reached to where our Christians stood, she
• 2:30:46
  Speaker 3: came behind him, and, lifting the club, gave him such
• 2:30:50
  Speaker 3: a tremendous blow that she stretched him dead on the
• 2:30:53
  Speaker 3: ground in an instant. The other women took hold of
• 2:30:56
  Speaker 3: him by the feet and dragged him along by his
• 2:30:59
  Speaker 3: feet towards the hill, and the men bounded towards the beach,
• 2:31:04
  Speaker 3: and with their bows and arrows, began to shoot at us,
• 2:31:07
  Speaker 3: and they put our people into such terror, the boats
• 2:31:11
  Speaker 3: being held fast by the small anchors, which were sunk
• 2:31:13
  Speaker 3: in the ground, that because of the numerous arrows the
• 2:31:17
  Speaker 3: natives shot into the boats, no one had courage to
• 2:31:20
  Speaker 3: snatch up his arms. However, we fired four gunshots at them,
• 2:31:25
  Speaker 3: and they took no effect, save that on hearing the explosion,
• 2:31:30
  Speaker 3: they all fled towards the hill and to where the
• 2:31:32
  Speaker 3: women were already cutting the Christian into bits, and at
• 2:31:36
  Speaker 3: a great fire which they had made, they were roasting
• 2:31:39
  Speaker 3: him before our eyes, holding up several pieces towards us,
• 2:31:44
  Speaker 3: and then eating them. And the men were making signs
• 2:31:47
  Speaker 3: to us by their gestures how they had killed the
• 2:31:50
  Speaker 3: other two Christians and eaten them, which grieved us greatly,
• 2:31:55
  Speaker 3: seeing with our eyes the cruelty they were exercising on
• 2:31:59
  Speaker 3: the dead man. To all of us, it was an
• 2:32:01
  Speaker 3: intolerable offense, and more than forty of us being determined
• 2:32:06
  Speaker 3: to jump on land and revenge such a cruel death
• 2:32:10
  Speaker 3: and an action so bestial and inhuman. The admiral footnote
• 2:32:16
  Speaker 3: Capitano Maggiore and footnote would not give his consent, and
• 2:32:21
  Speaker 3: so they, the natives, remained glutted with so monstrous an
• 2:32:25
  Speaker 3: act of wrong, and we departed from them ill willingly
• 2:32:30
  Speaker 3: and with much shamefulness because of our captain. We quitted
• 2:32:35
  Speaker 3: that place and began our navigation east southeast. And thus
• 2:32:39
  Speaker 3: the land trended, and we made many descents on land,
• 2:32:44
  Speaker 3: and never did we meet a tribe that was willing
• 2:32:46
  Speaker 3: to hold parley with us. And thus we navigated onward
• 2:32:50
  Speaker 3: till we found that the line of the land was
• 2:32:53
  Speaker 3: turning to southwestward. When we doubled a cape, to which
• 2:32:57
  Speaker 3: we gave the name of Cape Saint Augustine. In footnote
• 2:33:01
  Speaker 3: the Latin has Saint Vincent and footnote we began to
• 2:33:06
  Speaker 3: sail southwest. And this cape is one hundred fifty leagues
• 2:33:10
  Speaker 3: distant to the east of the aforesaid land which we
• 2:33:13
  Speaker 3: saw where they slew the Christians. And this cape is
• 2:33:17
  Speaker 3: eight degrees south of the equinoctial line. And while thus sailing,
• 2:33:22
  Speaker 3: we had sight one day of many people who were
• 2:33:25
  Speaker 3: standing on the beach to behold the wondrous apparition of
• 2:33:28
  Speaker 3: our ships, and the manner of our navigation. We directed
• 2:33:32
  Speaker 3: our course towards them and anchored in a good place,
• 2:33:36
  Speaker 3: and made in our boats for land, and found them
• 2:33:39
  Speaker 3: a better conditioned people than the last. And although it
• 2:33:43
  Speaker 3: was a toil to us to tame them, yet we
• 2:33:46
  Speaker 3: made them our friends and held intercourse with them. We
• 2:33:50
  Speaker 3: stayed five days in this place, and here we found
• 2:33:54
  Speaker 3: canafistola footnote cassia or wild cinnamon, and footnote very thick
• 2:34:01
  Speaker 3: and green and dry on the tops of the trees.
• 2:34:05
  Speaker 3: We decided to take in this place a couple of
• 2:34:07
  Speaker 3: native men, so that they should explain for us the language.
• 2:34:12
  Speaker 3: And there came three of their own free will to
• 2:34:15
  Speaker 3: come to Portugal. And for the present, tired, as I
• 2:34:19
  Speaker 3: am already of so much writing, your magnificence shall know
• 2:34:23
  Speaker 3: that we departed from that port, navigating always within sight
• 2:34:27
  Speaker 3: of land in a southwest direction, frequently making descents upon shore,
• 2:34:33
  Speaker 3: and speaking with an infinite number of peoples. And so
• 2:34:37
  Speaker 3: far did we proceed southwards that we are now beyond
• 2:34:40
  Speaker 3: the Tropic of Capricorn, where the south pole was at
• 2:34:44
  Speaker 3: an elevation of thirty two degrees above the horizon, and
• 2:34:48
  Speaker 3: we had already quite lost sight of Ursa Minor, and
• 2:34:51
  Speaker 3: Ursa Major was very low and appeared to us to
• 2:34:55
  Speaker 3: be almost on the line of the horizon, and we
• 2:34:58
  Speaker 3: guided ourselves by the star of the other pole, that
• 2:35:01
  Speaker 3: of the south, which are numerous and much larger and
• 2:35:05
  Speaker 3: more brilliant than those of our pole. And I drew
• 2:35:09
  Speaker 3: diagrams of most of them, and especially of those of
• 2:35:12
  Speaker 3: the first and greater magnitude, with an exposition of the
• 2:35:16
  Speaker 3: orbits which they describe around the southern pole, and a
• 2:35:20
  Speaker 3: declaration of their diameters and semi diameters, as may be
• 2:35:24
  Speaker 3: seen in my for giornate footnote lequatro giornat the projected
• 2:35:31
  Speaker 3: book to which he has already made more than one
• 2:35:33
  Speaker 3: reference and footnote. We ran along this coast to the
• 2:35:38
  Speaker 3: length of seven hundred fifty leagues, one hundred fifty leagues
• 2:35:42
  Speaker 3: from the cape called Cape Saint Augustine towards the west,
• 2:35:46
  Speaker 3: and six hundred leagues footnote Latin has seven hundred and
• 2:35:51
  Speaker 3: footnote to the southwest. And if I wished to narrate
• 2:35:55
  Speaker 3: the things which I saw on this coast and what
• 2:35:58
  Speaker 3: we underwent, twice the number of leaves of paper would
• 2:36:02
  Speaker 3: not suffice me. And on this coast we saw nothing
• 2:36:06
  Speaker 3: of value except an infinite number of dye wood, and
• 2:36:09
  Speaker 3: cassia trees, and those which beget mrh, and other wonders
• 2:36:14
  Speaker 3: of nature which cannot be recounted. And having already been
• 2:36:18
  Speaker 3: fully ten months voyaging, and seeing that in this land
• 2:36:22
  Speaker 3: we found nothing of mineral wealth, we decided to hasten
• 2:36:26
  Speaker 3: away from there and to put to sea for some
• 2:36:29
  Speaker 3: other quarter. And having held our council, it was resolved
• 2:36:33
  Speaker 3: that the course should be followed which I should think fitting,
• 2:36:37
  Speaker 3: and the command of the fleet was entirely handed over
• 2:36:40
  Speaker 3: to me. And I then ordered that all the crews
• 2:36:43
  Speaker 3: and the fleet should provide themselves with water and wood
• 2:36:47
  Speaker 3: for six months, as the masters of the ships judged
• 2:36:50
  Speaker 3: that we might navigate in them for so much time.
• 2:36:54
  Speaker 3: Having taken in our stores from this land, we began
• 2:36:58
  Speaker 3: our voyage towards the southeast. And it was on the
• 2:37:01
  Speaker 3: fifteenth day of February footnote Latin has thirteen and footnote
• 2:37:08
  Speaker 3: when the sun was already nearing the equinox and turning
• 2:37:12
  Speaker 3: towards this our northern hemisphere. And so long did we
• 2:37:16
  Speaker 3: sail by the wind, that we found ourselves at so
• 2:37:19
  Speaker 3: high a latitude. Footnote so high that is so far south,
• 2:37:24
  Speaker 3: and footnote that the southern pole stood quite fifty two
• 2:37:28
  Speaker 3: degrees above our horizon, and we no longer beheld the
• 2:37:32
  Speaker 3: stars either of URSA minor or URSA major. And we
• 2:37:36
  Speaker 3: were already at a distance of full five hundred leagues
• 2:37:40
  Speaker 3: southeast from the harbor whence we had set out, And
• 2:37:43
  Speaker 3: this was on the third day of April. And on
• 2:37:46
  Speaker 3: that day there arose a tempest of so much violence
• 2:37:49
  Speaker 3: upon the sea that we were compelled to haul down
• 2:37:52
  Speaker 3: all our sails, and we scudded under bare poles before
• 2:37:56
  Speaker 3: the great wind, which was southwest, with the enormous waves
• 2:38:01
  Speaker 3: and a very stormy sky, and so fierce was the
• 2:38:04
  Speaker 3: tempest that all the fleet was in great dread. The
• 2:38:08
  Speaker 3: nights were very long, so that on the seventh day
• 2:38:11
  Speaker 3: of April we had a night which was fifteen hours long,
• 2:38:16
  Speaker 3: for the sun was at the end of aries, and
• 2:38:19
  Speaker 3: in that region it was winter then, as your magnificence
• 2:38:23
  Speaker 3: may well consider. And while in this tempest, on the
• 2:38:26
  Speaker 3: seventh day of April footnote second April Latin and footnote,
• 2:38:33
  Speaker 3: we had sight of a new land along which we
• 2:38:36
  Speaker 3: ran for about twenty leagues, and found that it was
• 2:38:39
  Speaker 3: wholly a wild, rough coast, and we beheld therein neither
• 2:38:44
  Speaker 3: any harbor nor any people, because, as I believe, of
• 2:38:49
  Speaker 3: the cold, which was so intense that no one in
• 2:38:52
  Speaker 3: our fleet could fortify himself against it or endure it.
• 2:38:56
  Speaker 3: In so much that finding ourselves in so great a danger,
• 2:39:00
  Speaker 3: and in such a tempest that one ship could hardly
• 2:39:03
  Speaker 3: see another, for the great billows that were running between us,
• 2:39:07
  Speaker 3: and for the deep gloominess of the weather, we deliberated
• 2:39:11
  Speaker 3: with the admiral footnote Capitano maggiore and footnote to signal
• 2:39:16
  Speaker 3: to the rest of the fleet to approach, and that
• 2:39:19
  Speaker 3: we should abandon this land and turn round in the
• 2:39:22
  Speaker 3: direction of Portugal. And it was a very good resolve,
• 2:39:26
  Speaker 3: for it is certain that if we had delayed that night,
• 2:39:29
  Speaker 3: we had all been lost, because when we turned astern,
• 2:39:34
  Speaker 3: both that night and the next day, the tempest grew
• 2:39:37
  Speaker 3: to such a height that we were in fear of
• 2:39:39
  Speaker 3: being lost, and we had to make vows of pilgrimage
• 2:39:43
  Speaker 3: and other ceremonies, as is the custom of sailors at
• 2:39:47
  Speaker 3: such times. We scudded for five days footnote in Latin
• 2:39:52
  Speaker 3: there is added here in which five days we made
• 2:39:55
  Speaker 3: two hundred and fifty leagues of sea passage, and footnote,
• 2:40:00
  Speaker 3: and kept still drawing nearer to the equinoctial line, with
• 2:40:03
  Speaker 3: the weather and the sea becoming more temperate, and it
• 2:40:07
  Speaker 3: pleased God that we should escape from so great a parel.
• 2:40:11
  Speaker 3: And our course was with the wind between north and northeast,
• 2:40:15
  Speaker 3: because our intention was to go and reconnoiter the coast
• 2:40:18
  Speaker 3: of Ethiopia footnote Africa and footnote. As we were distant
• 2:40:24
  Speaker 3: therefrom only three hundred leagues across the gulf of the
• 2:40:27
  Speaker 3: Atlantic Sea. And by the grace of God, on the
• 2:40:31
  Speaker 3: tenth day of May, we came to a land therein
• 2:40:34
  Speaker 3: lying southward, which is called La Sera Leona footnote Sierra
• 2:40:40
  Speaker 3: Leone and footnote, where we stayed fifteen days, taking our refreshment.
• 2:40:46
  Speaker 3: And from here we departed, taking our course towards the
• 2:40:50
  Speaker 3: island of the Azores, which are distant about seven hundred
• 2:40:54
  Speaker 3: fifty leagues from this place of the Serra, And we
• 2:40:57
  Speaker 3: reached the islands at the end of July, where we
• 2:41:00
  Speaker 3: stayed fifteen days more, taking some recreation, and we quitted
• 2:41:05
  Speaker 3: them for Lisbon, being then three hundred leagues to the
• 2:41:08
  Speaker 3: west of it. And we entered into this port of
• 2:41:12
  Speaker 3: Lisbon on the seventh day of September fifteen o two
• 2:41:16
  Speaker 3: in good condition. God be thanked with two ships only
• 2:41:20
  Speaker 3: because we had burnt the other in the Sara Leona,
• 2:41:24
  Speaker 3: as it was disabled from further navigation. For we were
• 2:41:28
  Speaker 3: about fifteen months on this voyage. Footnote Latin has sixteen
• 2:41:34
  Speaker 3: and footnote. And for eleven days we navigated without seeing
• 2:41:39
  Speaker 3: the polar star or the greater and lesser bear, which
• 2:41:42
  Speaker 3: are called the Corono footnote corno quare a typographical error
• 2:41:49
  Speaker 3: for Caro the waine and footnote, and we steered by
• 2:41:53
  Speaker 3: the stars of the other hemisphere. This is what I
• 2:41:57
  Speaker 3: saw on this voyage or Jurnata. Fourth voyage would cut
• 2:42:04
  Speaker 3: of a ship at anchor, two figures in it and
• 2:42:06
  Speaker 3: one on land towers in the background. It remains for
• 2:42:11
  Speaker 3: me to tell the things seen by me in the
• 2:42:13
  Speaker 3: fourth voyage or Jiirnata, and as I am already wearied,
• 2:42:18
  Speaker 3: and also because this fourth voyage was not carried out
• 2:42:21
  Speaker 3: in accordance with the purpose I had formed through a
• 2:42:25
  Speaker 3: mishap which befell us in the gulf of the Atlantic Sea.
• 2:42:29
  Speaker 3: As your magnificence shall learn in the sequel briefly, I
• 2:42:33
  Speaker 3: will endeavor to be brief. We departed from this port
• 2:42:37
  Speaker 3: of Lisbon six ships in company, with the intention of
• 2:42:41
  Speaker 3: going to discover an island towards the east, which is
• 2:42:45
  Speaker 3: called Malacca, of which there are news that it is
• 2:42:49
  Speaker 3: very rich, and that it is, as it were, the
• 2:42:52
  Speaker 3: storehouse of all the ships which come from the Gangetic
• 2:42:55
  Speaker 3: Sea and from the Indian Sea, just as Callous Cadiz
• 2:43:00
  Speaker 3: is the waiting room of all the vessels which pass
• 2:43:02
  Speaker 3: from east to west and from west to east by
• 2:43:05
  Speaker 3: the route of the Gallagate footnote. This is a puzzling
• 2:43:10
  Speaker 3: sentence like the statement that Malacca lay to the west
• 2:43:13
  Speaker 3: of Callicate and footnote. And this Malacca is more westerly
• 2:43:19
  Speaker 3: than Calugate, and much more to the southward footnote mistranslated
• 2:43:24
  Speaker 3: in the Latin and footnote, for we know that it
• 2:43:28
  Speaker 3: lies at the level of thirty three degrees footnote. As
• 2:43:32
  Speaker 3: vern Hagen justly corrects, this must have been meant for
• 2:43:35
  Speaker 3: three and footnote degrees of the Antarctic hemisphere. We departed
• 2:43:41
  Speaker 3: on the tenth day of May fifteen o three and
• 2:43:44
  Speaker 3: made directly for the isles of Cape Verde, where we
• 2:43:47
  Speaker 3: koreened and took some manner of refreshment. Where we stayed
• 2:43:52
  Speaker 3: thirteen days footnote Latin has twelve and misunderstands the carinage
• 2:43:59
  Speaker 3: and footnote. And from here we departed on our voyage,
• 2:44:04
  Speaker 3: sailing by the southeast wind. And as our chief captain
• 2:44:08
  Speaker 3: was a presumptuous and very obstinate man, he would go
• 2:44:12
  Speaker 3: to examine Sara Leona, a land of southern Ethiopia, without
• 2:44:17
  Speaker 3: having any need except to make it be seen that
• 2:44:20
  Speaker 3: he was captain of six ships, against the wish of
• 2:44:23
  Speaker 3: all the rest of us captains, and thus navigating. When
• 2:44:27
  Speaker 3: we reached the said land, so great were the whirlwinds
• 2:44:31
  Speaker 3: that struck us, and with them the weather so adverse,
• 2:44:35
  Speaker 3: that although we were in sight of it the shore
• 2:44:37
  Speaker 3: quite three days, the foul weather never allowed us to land,
• 2:44:42
  Speaker 3: so that we were compelled to return to our proper
• 2:44:45
  Speaker 3: course and to quit the said Sarah and navigating hence
• 2:44:49
  Speaker 3: to the sioud West, which is the wind between south
• 2:44:53
  Speaker 3: and southwest. Footnote in Frameso di elebecchio, he evidently denied
• 2:45:00
  Speaker 3: quite understand the Portuguese term or else su dust is
• 2:45:04
  Speaker 3: a typographical blunder for sud Sudueste and footnote. Through the
• 2:45:10
  Speaker 3: immensity of the sea being then quite three degrees south
• 2:45:14
  Speaker 3: of the equinoctial line, we became aware of a land
• 2:45:18
  Speaker 3: from which we were probably twenty two leagues distant. Footnote
• 2:45:23
  Speaker 3: Latin has du Odessim and footnote whereat We marveled, and
• 2:45:29
  Speaker 3: we found that it was an island in the middle
• 2:45:31
  Speaker 3: of the sea, and was very lofty, a very marvelous
• 2:45:35
  Speaker 3: work of nature, since it was no more than two
• 2:45:38
  Speaker 3: leagues in length and one in breadth in which island
• 2:45:42
  Speaker 3: never had there been habitation by any people, and it
• 2:45:46
  Speaker 3: was bad island for all the fleet. For your magnificence
• 2:45:50
  Speaker 3: must know that by the ill council and steering of
• 2:45:53
  Speaker 3: our chief captain, he lost his ship here, since he
• 2:45:58
  Speaker 3: struck with it upon a rock, and it split open
• 2:46:01
  Speaker 3: on Saint Lawrence's night, which was on the tenth day
• 2:46:04
  Speaker 3: of August, and went to the bottom, and there was
• 2:46:07
  Speaker 3: nothing saved thereof except the crew. It was a ship
• 2:46:11
  Speaker 3: of three hundred tons in which went all the importance
• 2:46:15
  Speaker 3: of the fleet. And when all the fleet had labored
• 2:46:18
  Speaker 3: to save it, the captain commanded me to make with
• 2:46:21
  Speaker 3: my ship for the said island, to seek a good
• 2:46:24
  Speaker 3: anchorage where all the ships might anchor. And as my
• 2:46:28
  Speaker 3: boat manned with nine of my sailors was in service
• 2:46:32
  Speaker 3: and aiding to belay the ships footnote ligare bind together
• 2:46:37
  Speaker 3: and footnote. He willed that I should not take it,
• 2:46:41
  Speaker 3: and that I should proceed without it, telling me that
• 2:46:44
  Speaker 3: they should take it to me at the island. I
• 2:46:47
  Speaker 3: quitted the fleet for the island, as he ordered me.
• 2:46:50
  Speaker 3: Without a boat and with the deficiency of half my crew,
• 2:46:55
  Speaker 3: and I went to the said island, which was about
• 2:46:57
  Speaker 3: four leagues distant, in which I found an excellent harbor
• 2:47:02
  Speaker 3: where all the ships could anchor very safely, where I
• 2:47:05
  Speaker 3: awaited my captain and the fleet fully eight days, and
• 2:47:09
  Speaker 3: they never came, so that we were very discontented, and
• 2:47:14
  Speaker 3: the men that had remained with me in the ship
• 2:47:16
  Speaker 3: were in such dread that I was unable to console them.
• 2:47:20
  Speaker 3: And being thus the eighth day we beheld a ship
• 2:47:24
  Speaker 3: coming upon the sea, and from fear that it might
• 2:47:27
  Speaker 3: not see us, we weighed with our ships footnote ship
• 2:47:32
  Speaker 3: he had only one sea above and footnote and made
• 2:47:37
  Speaker 3: for it, thinking that it brought me my boat and crew.
• 2:47:41
  Speaker 3: And when we came alongside of it, after having saluted,
• 2:47:45
  Speaker 3: they told us how the admiral's ship had gone to
• 2:47:47
  Speaker 3: the bottom, and how the crew had been saved, and
• 2:47:51
  Speaker 3: that my boat and crew had remained with the fleet,
• 2:47:54
  Speaker 3: which was gone further on that sea, which was to
• 2:47:58
  Speaker 3: us so great an any annoyance, as your magnificence may conceive,
• 2:48:03
  Speaker 3: finding ourselves one thousand leagues away from Lisbon and on
• 2:48:07
  Speaker 3: the ocean footnote gulfo and footnote. And with a little crew, however,
• 2:48:14
  Speaker 3: we set our prow at fortune and went still onward.
• 2:48:18
  Speaker 3: We returned to the island and provided ourselves with water
• 2:48:22
  Speaker 3: and timber by means of my companion's boat. Which island
• 2:48:26
  Speaker 3: we found uninhabited, and it contained many fresh and sweet
• 2:48:30
  Speaker 3: waters footnote that is streams or springs, and footnote innumerable trees,
• 2:48:37
  Speaker 3: and was so full of so many sea and land
• 2:48:40
  Speaker 3: birds that they were beyond count and they were so
• 2:48:43
  Speaker 3: tame that they allowed themselves to be taken with the hand.
• 2:48:47
  Speaker 3: And so many of them did we take that we
• 2:48:50
  Speaker 3: loaded a boat with those animals. We saw none other
• 2:48:54
  Speaker 3: except very large rats and lizards with two tails, and
• 2:48:58
  Speaker 3: some snakes. Having made our provision, we departed by the
• 2:49:02
  Speaker 3: wind between south and southwest, For we had an ordinance
• 2:49:06
  Speaker 3: of the King which commanded us that whichever of the
• 2:49:09
  Speaker 3: ships should lose sight of the fleet or of its
• 2:49:12
  Speaker 3: captain should make for the land that we discovered in
• 2:49:15
  Speaker 3: the previous voyage at a harbor to which we gave
• 2:49:18
  Speaker 3: the name of Badhiya di Tucti isanti footnote mistake for
• 2:49:24
  Speaker 3: Bahia d'e Todos o Santos. This confusion of D and
• 2:49:29
  Speaker 3: H in Vespucci's handwriting led to long continued error in
• 2:49:33
  Speaker 3: the maps and footnote. And it pleased God to give
• 2:49:38
  Speaker 3: us such good weather that in seventeen days we reached
• 2:49:41
  Speaker 3: land therein which was distant from the island full three
• 2:49:45
  Speaker 3: hundred leagues, where we found neither our captain nor any
• 2:49:49
  Speaker 3: other ship of the fleet. In which harbor we waited
• 2:49:52
  Speaker 3: quite two months and four days, and seeing that there
• 2:49:56
  Speaker 3: came no arrival, we agreed my partner and die to
• 2:50:00
  Speaker 3: run the coast, and we sailed two hundred sixty leagues
• 2:50:04
  Speaker 3: further on till we arrived in a harbor where we
• 2:50:08
  Speaker 3: decided to construct a fort and we did so and
• 2:50:11
  Speaker 3: left therein twenty four Christian men, whom my partner had
• 2:50:16
  Speaker 3: for us, whom she had collected from the flag ship
• 2:50:19
  Speaker 3: that had been lost in which port we stayed full
• 2:50:22
  Speaker 3: five months making the fortress and loading our ships with
• 2:50:26
  Speaker 3: verzino footnote, brazil wood or dye wood and footnote as
• 2:50:32
  Speaker 3: we were unable to proceed further because we had not
• 2:50:36
  Speaker 3: many enough and I was deficient of many pieces of
• 2:50:39
  Speaker 3: ship tackle. All this done, we determined to turn our
• 2:50:43
  Speaker 3: course towards Portugal, which lay in the direction of the
• 2:50:46
  Speaker 3: wind between northeast and north. And we left the twenty
• 2:50:51
  Speaker 3: four men who remained in the fort with provision for
• 2:50:54
  Speaker 3: six months, and with twelve big guns footnote bombarde footnote
• 2:51:01
  Speaker 3: and many other arms, and we pacified all the land's people,
• 2:51:05
  Speaker 3: of whom no mention has been made in this voyage,
• 2:51:09
  Speaker 3: not because we did not see and traffic with an
• 2:51:12
  Speaker 3: infinite number of them. For we went quite thirty men
• 2:51:16
  Speaker 3: of US forty leagues inland, where I saw so many
• 2:51:19
  Speaker 3: things that I omit to tell them, reserving them for
• 2:51:23
  Speaker 3: my for giornate. This land lies eighteen degrees south of
• 2:51:28
  Speaker 3: the equinoctial line and thirty seven degrees to the west
• 2:51:32
  Speaker 3: of the longitude of Lisbon, as is demonstrated by our instruments.
• 2:51:37
  Speaker 3: And all this being done, we took leave of the
• 2:51:40
  Speaker 3: Christians and the land and began our navigation to Nor
• 2:51:44
  Speaker 3: Nordeste footnote. It is printed nor nodeste and footnote which
• 2:51:51
  Speaker 3: is the wind between north and northeast, with the intention
• 2:51:54
  Speaker 3: of making our navigation in a direct course to the
• 2:51:58
  Speaker 3: city of Lisbon. And in seventy seven days, after so
• 2:52:02
  Speaker 3: many travails and perils, we entered into this port on
• 2:52:06
  Speaker 3: the eighteenth day of June fifteen o four. God be praised,
• 2:52:11
  Speaker 3: where we were received very well and beyond all belief,
• 2:52:15
  Speaker 3: because all the city believed us lost, since the other
• 2:52:18
  Speaker 3: ships of the fleet had all been lost through the
• 2:52:21
  Speaker 3: arrogance and folly of our captain. For so does God
• 2:52:25
  Speaker 3: reward pride. And at present I find myself here in Lisbon,
• 2:52:30
  Speaker 3: and I know not what the King will want to
• 2:52:32
  Speaker 3: do with me, for I desire much to take repose footnote.
• 2:52:38
  Speaker 3: The Latin substitutes this messenger in the meantime, commending much
• 2:52:42
  Speaker 3: to your majesty Amerigus Vesputius in Lisbon. For all the
• 2:52:47
  Speaker 3: text which follows the word repose and footnote. The present bearer,
• 2:52:53
  Speaker 3: who is Benvenuto de Dominico BENVENUCTI will tell your magnificence
• 2:52:58
  Speaker 3: of my condition and of some things which for prolixity
• 2:53:03
  Speaker 3: have been left unsaid, For he has seen and felt
• 2:53:07
  Speaker 3: them God be footnote Giosio o d followed by a blank.
• 2:53:14
  Speaker 3: This is incomprehensible and may be God be something not
• 2:53:19
  Speaker 3: understood by the printer or de suis Oki with his
• 2:53:24
  Speaker 3: own eyes, which would imply that Benvenuto had accompanied Vespucci
• 2:53:29
  Speaker 3: in this voyage. And footnote. I have gone on compressing
• 2:53:34
  Speaker 3: the letter as much as I could, and there have
• 2:53:37
  Speaker 3: been omitted to be told many natural things. Footnote things
• 2:53:41
  Speaker 3: relating to natural history, and footnote because of avoiding prolixity.
• 2:53:47
  Speaker 3: May your magnificence pardon me whom I beseech to hold
• 2:53:51
  Speaker 3: me in the number of your servants. And I recommend
• 2:53:54
  Speaker 3: to you, Sir Antonio Vespucci, my brother and all my
• 2:53:58
  Speaker 3: house remain praying of God that He may increase the
• 2:54:03
  Speaker 3: days of your life, and that the state of this
• 2:54:05
  Speaker 3: sublime Republic and the honor of your magnificence may be exalted,
• 2:54:10
  Speaker 3: et cetera. Given in Lisbon on the fourth day of
• 2:54:13
  Speaker 3: September fifteen o four, your servant, Americo Vespucci, in Lisbon.
• 2:54:21
  Speaker 3: End of section eight. End of the first four Voyages
• 2:54:25
  Speaker 3: of Amerigo Vespucci by Amerigo Vespucci and Francisco Adelfo de Vernehagen,
• 2:54:32
  Speaker 3: Translated by m K.