Latest / What's Your Problem? / Blockers | A Preview of Michael Lewis's New Audiobook
Transcript
- 0:00Speaker 1: Hey, it's Jacob. I am here today with a preview
- 0:04Speaker 1: from a new book by Michael Lewis. You probably know
- 0:07Speaker 1: Michael Lewis is one of the greatest nonfiction writers around.
- 0:11Speaker 1: He wrote Liar's Poker, Moneyball, The Big Short, among many others.
- 0:15Speaker 1: The new book is called Blockers. It's about a handful
- 0:17Speaker 1: of civil servants who dedicated their careers to government work
- 0:21Speaker 1: until the Department of Government Efficiency, aka Doge, came along.
- 0:27Speaker 1: The book is called Blockers. I hope you like the excerpt,
- 0:30Speaker 1: and if you want to buy the whole audiobook, you
- 0:32Speaker 1: can do so at blockers.fm. Again, blockers.fm. Here's the preview.
- 0:42Speaker 2: I do solemnly swear that I will support and defend
- 0:45Speaker 2: the Constitution of the United States.
- 0:47Speaker 3: Against all enemies, foreign and domestic, that I will bear
- 0:51Speaker 3: true faith and allegiance to the same.
- 0:53Speaker 4: That I take this obligation freely without any mental reservation
- 0:57Speaker 4: or purpose of evasion.
- 0:59Speaker 1: And that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties
- 1:01Speaker 1: of the office on which I am about to enter.
- 1:04Speaker 3: So help me God.
- 1:05Speaker 1: Civil Service Oath of Office, Title V, U.S. Code, Section 3331.
- 1:16Speaker 3: From at MU's, Doge. The Doge team fought for days
- 1:21Speaker 3: to gain access to the United States Institute of Peace. Eventually,
- 1:25Speaker 3: with help from the FBI and Metro Police... Doge was
- 1:27Speaker 3: able to access the agency and discovered massive fraud, waste,
- 1:31Speaker 3: and abuse, including payments to Taliban and Iraq.
- 1:36Speaker 5: Elon Musk. Any government institution is most likely to be
- 1:41Speaker 5: the opposite of its name. Elon Musk. They deleted a
- 1:47Speaker 5: terabyte of financial data to cover their crimes. But they
- 1:51Speaker 5: don't understand technology, so we recovered it.
- 1:57Speaker 4: Prologue, The Guns Colin O'Brien was the chief security officer
- 2:04Speaker 4: at the United States Institute of Peace. Mostly that meant
- 2:08Speaker 4: keeping the Institute's 400 employees scattered across 28 difficult countries,
- 2:13Speaker 4: safe from harm. Mostly, it succeeded. There'd been close calls
- 2:19Speaker 4: in Haiti, and Colin himself had been with a group
- 2:21Speaker 4: that had come under rocket fire in Kiev. But no
- 2:24Speaker 4: one had been killed. No new doves to add to
- 2:28Speaker 4: the five already on the Wall of the Fallen. Now,
- 2:31Speaker 4: on this late afternoon of March 14, 2025, the threat
- 2:35Speaker 4: was right here, in Washington, D.C. Three young men from
- 2:40Speaker 4: the Department of Government Efficiency were trying to argue their
- 2:43Speaker 4: way into the Institute building. Once inside, it was game over.
- 2:48Speaker 4: Just as it had been at the U.S. Agency for
- 2:50Speaker 4: International Development, USAID, and the African Development Foundation, and a
- 2:54Speaker 4: bunch of other places. During the presidential campaign, he hadn't
- 2:58Speaker 4: taken Doge seriously. Trump's promise to create a Department of
- 3:01Speaker 4: Government Efficiency, run by Elon Musk, felt, to Colin, like
- 3:06Speaker 4: his promise to make Mexico pay for the wall, or
- 3:09Speaker 4: to end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours. It
- 3:12Speaker 4: was not something that would ever survive contact with reality,
- 3:15Speaker 4: said Colin. Watching Musk do various weird things on various
- 3:19Speaker 4: political stages only reinforced his sense that Doge was pure theater.
- 3:24Speaker 4: His views had changed only after they'd busted into federal
- 3:27Speaker 4: agencies to shut them down, and Congress had failed to respond.
- 3:32Speaker 4: If that could happen in broad daylight with no response,
- 3:35Speaker 4: then no organization was safe, he said. He'd left work
- 3:38Speaker 4: early on the 14th, a Friday. His daughter needed help
- 3:42Speaker 4: with her math homework, and he assumed nothing would happen
- 3:45Speaker 4: late in the afternoon before a holiday weekend. Then came
- 3:48Speaker 4: the call from one of his guys, saying that these
- 3:51Speaker 4: Doge kids were out on the sidewalk and asking to
- 3:53Speaker 4: be let in. Colin immediately sent a text to his
- 3:56Speaker 4: IT people that said simply, shut it down, and they'd
- 4:00Speaker 4: instantly thrown the building into lockdown. After the magnetic lock
- 4:04Speaker 4: snapped shut, no one on the inside could get out,
- 4:07Speaker 4: and no one on the outside could get in. By
- 4:10Speaker 4: the time Colin arrived to spring the staff from the building,
- 4:13Speaker 4: the three Doge guys had given up and left. Two
- 4:16Speaker 4: hours later, they returned with reinforcements, a rare Doge female,
- 4:21Speaker 4: and two FBI agents. This time, Colin went out to
- 4:25Speaker 4: meet them. He'd been tracking Doge's movements through the federal bureaucracy.
- 4:30Speaker 4: He'd created files on each member. The security guys who
- 4:33Speaker 4: had called Colin had spotted them from the photos Colin
- 4:36Speaker 4: had provided. But this was the first time Colin had
- 4:40Speaker 4: seen any of them in the flesh. Skinny jeans, T-shirts,
- 4:43Speaker 4: and little backpacks. Tech bro wear. The FBI agents, like Colin,
- 4:48Speaker 4: wore suits to work and were clearly uneasy in their
- 4:51Speaker 4: new role as Doge Muscle. The Doge trio didn't have
- 4:54Speaker 4: a warrant or a court order or really anything else
- 4:57Speaker 4: except attitudes. One of the FBI men told Colin that
- 5:00Speaker 4: he was just hoping to facilitate a cordial conversation. But
- 5:05Speaker 4: the lead Doge guy, Nate Cavanaugh, was not cordial. He
- 5:10Speaker 4: was expecting me to jump too, said Colin. Colin wasn't
- 5:14Speaker 4: really built to jump too. His appearance was deceptive. He
- 5:18Speaker 4: looked like the sort of guy who could fix your car,
- 5:20Speaker 4: but he was more like the guy who noticed what
- 5:22Speaker 4: your choice of car said about you. He was big
- 5:25Speaker 4: and broad like an offensive tackle, with an army haircut
- 5:28Speaker 4: and a polite attentiveness that suggested he was just here
- 5:31Speaker 4: to take orders. What he was really doing was watching
- 5:34Speaker 4: you closely and figuring out just how full of shit
- 5:37Speaker 4: you were. He knew what little was public about Nate Kavanaugh,
- 5:41Speaker 4: that he'd dropped out of Indiana University to start some
- 5:44Speaker 4: not-obviously-world-changing tech company in Los Angeles. His authority came entirely
- 5:49Speaker 4: from his personal association with Elon Musk, whose own came
- 5:53Speaker 4: from his personal association with Donald Trump. By night, he
- 5:57Speaker 4: and some other 20-something Doge guys were bunking with Musk
- 6:00Speaker 4: on the sixth floor of the Government Services Administration, like
- 6:03Speaker 4: it was another tech startup. By day, he was marching
- 6:06Speaker 4: into other executive office buildings and telling everyone that he
- 6:10Speaker 4: was now in charge. And they were fired. While the
- 6:14Speaker 4: young Doge guys tried to talk their way past Colin
- 6:16Speaker 4: and into the front of the building, The young Doge woman,
- 6:20Speaker 4: Laken Rapier, ran around to the back and pounded on
- 6:23Speaker 4: the door and asked to be let in to use
- 6:26Speaker 4: the bathroom. When the guards refused to open the door,
- 6:29Speaker 4: she shouted at them that as she was a government
- 6:32Speaker 4: employee and this was a government building, she had a
- 6:35Speaker 4: right to relieve herself inside of it. She didn't seem
- 6:38Speaker 4: to understand that the Institute wasn't a government building. Even
- 6:42Speaker 4: the FBI agents seemed to get that point. Eventually, they
- 6:45Speaker 4: gave up and left. Colin unlocked the building, let out
- 6:49Speaker 4: the few employees who remained inside the U.S. Institute of Peace,
- 6:54Speaker 4: then waited for Doge to return. You never know what's
- 7:01Speaker 4: going to catch your eye and become a story. Back
- 7:04Speaker 4: in 2016, the first time Donald Trump collided with the U.S. government,
- 7:08Speaker 4: it was a throwaway line, something Trump said. In the
- 7:11Speaker 4: months before the election, well-meaning people tried to prepare Trump
- 7:15Speaker 4: to govern. Chris Christie, former New Jersey governor and close
- 7:18Speaker 4: Trump ally, assembled a transition team of 500 or so people,
- 7:23Speaker 4: many of them with government experience. The idea was that
- 7:27Speaker 4: if Trump won, his team would rush into the federal government,
- 7:30Speaker 4: not just into the White House, but into all the
- 7:32Speaker 4: federal agencies, from the CIA to the Department of Agriculture,
- 7:37Speaker 4: and figure out what was going on. They'd teach the
- 7:40Speaker 4: president-elect whatever he needed to know about, say, the Iran
- 7:44Speaker 4: nuclear deal. or the plight of the American farmer. Trump
- 7:48Speaker 4: might not know or even really care about this complicated machine,
- 7:52Speaker 4: but all was still well. Chris Christie's transition team would
- 7:56Speaker 4: study the machine and teach him how it worked. That
- 8:00Speaker 4: never happened. Instead, right after the 2016 election, Trump fired
- 8:06Speaker 4: his entire transition team. Chris, you and I are so
- 8:09Speaker 4: smart that we can leave the victory party two hours
- 8:11Speaker 4: early and do the transition ourselves, he'd told Christie. That
- 8:16Speaker 4: was the throwaway line that caught my eye and invited
- 8:19Speaker 4: me to reach out and pull on it until a
- 8:21Speaker 4: story unspooled. The United States government was arguably the most
- 8:26Speaker 4: complex and powerful machine ever designed by man. Trump had
- 8:30Speaker 4: no personal experience inside it and had made no effort
- 8:34Speaker 4: to educate himself. Handed the task of managing it, he
- 8:37Speaker 4: was just going to wing it. And that's what he did.
- 8:41Speaker 4: Right after the election, all these experts across the federal
- 8:44Speaker 4: government people who managed the nuclear stockpile in the Department
- 8:47Speaker 4: of Energy, people who ran pandemic preparedness at the Centers
- 8:51Speaker 4: for Disease Control and Prevention, people who ran the National
- 8:54Speaker 4: Weather Service in the Department of Commerce, and on and
- 8:57Speaker 4: on and on, put out finger sandwiches and sparkling water
- 9:01Speaker 4: and sat around waiting for someone from the Trump administration
- 9:04Speaker 4: to turn up just to let them know what they
- 9:07Speaker 4: were working on and what they might need to do
- 9:10Speaker 4: to prevent various horrible things from happening. In most agencies,
- 9:14Speaker 4: no one showed. or they showed up months late, without questions. But,
- 9:19Speaker 4: and here was the happy news, mostly that didn't seem
- 9:23Speaker 4: to matter much. Or, if it mattered, it was hard
- 9:27Speaker 4: to see why. Total neglect didn't result in immediate catastrophe.
- 9:34Speaker 4: I wound up writing a short book called The Fifth Risk,
- 9:37Speaker 4: the gist of which was that inside the federal government,
- 9:40Speaker 4: there were lots of public-spirited people dealing with an insane
- 9:44Speaker 4: number of big problems that the private sector would never address.
- 9:48Speaker 4: The entire system was screwed up, budgets changing wildly year
- 9:52Speaker 4: to year, bosses coming and going like Tinder dates. But
- 9:56Speaker 4: the people working in it often were not. Their stories
- 10:00Speaker 4: were often inspiring. But those stories were seldom told. American
- 10:05Speaker 4: civil servants, as a group, have learned that any attention
- 10:09Speaker 4: they receive tends to be negative attention. And in any case,
- 10:12Speaker 4: the sort of person who goes to work for the
- 10:14Speaker 4: government isn't usually looking to be the life of the party.
- 10:18Speaker 4: The federal bureaucracy wasn't exactly out of touch with the
- 10:21Speaker 4: society it served, but its society was out of touch
- 10:24Speaker 4: with it. But that, too, seemed okay. For better and worse,
- 10:30Speaker 4: the United States government has a crude autopilot feature that,
- 10:33Speaker 4: like a Tesla's, works well enough to lull you into
- 10:36Speaker 4: a stupor. You can play the Battle of Polytopia while
- 10:39Speaker 4: doing 75 on the interstate and after a while feel
- 10:42Speaker 4: that you don't even need to look up. But there
- 10:45Speaker 4: will come a moment when something happens that requires your attention.
- 10:49Speaker 4: And in that moment, if you are wholly absorbed with
- 10:52Speaker 4: the decision of whether to attack to kill or attack
- 10:55Speaker 4: to wound, you'll wind up not only dead, but trending
- 10:58Speaker 4: on X. That's sort of what happened at the end
- 11:01Speaker 4: of 2019, when a virus in China leapt from either
- 11:05Speaker 4: a lab or an animal and raced towards an unprepared
- 11:08Speaker 4: American population. The United States government's shockingly poor performance in
- 11:13Speaker 4: the global pandemic is another story. I wrote a book
- 11:16Speaker 4: about that, too. though it may partly explain why Trump's
- 11:20Speaker 4: second collision with the U.S. government felt so different from
- 11:22Speaker 4: the first. This time, Trump kept at least one eye
- 11:26Speaker 4: on the road. Instead of firing his transition team after
- 11:29Speaker 4: the election, he created the most energetic and empowered transition
- 11:32Speaker 4: team in history and put the world's most famous businessman
- 11:36Speaker 4: in charge of it. The stated ambition of the Department
- 11:39Speaker 4: of Government Efficiency was huge, from annual federal spending just
- 11:44Speaker 4: shy of $ 7 trillion to Elon Musk claimed he could
- 11:47Speaker 4: cut $ 2 trillion. And from the moment his minions began
- 11:51Speaker 4: their hunt for waste, fraud, and abuse, his tweets, subtweets,
- 11:55Speaker 4: and reposts came thick and fast. In his first two
- 11:59Speaker 4: months on the job, Musk averaged more than 100 posts
- 12:01Speaker 4: every day on X. And every day, he generated new
- 12:05Speaker 4: material to tweet about. In just the first couple of months,
- 12:09Speaker 4: his team had either closed or shrunk beyond recognition entire
- 12:12Speaker 4: federal agencies. the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the Department of Education, USAID,
- 12:20Speaker 4: and more. Then, in mid-March, they invaded the U.S. Institute
- 12:23Speaker 4: of Peace. Odd as it might sound, that's what finally
- 12:27Speaker 4: grabbed my attention this time. In the year I'd spent
- 12:30Speaker 4: wandering around the first Trump administration, I thought I'd seen
- 12:33Speaker 4: or at least heard about most of our government. I'd
- 12:36Speaker 4: spent weeks wrestling with what seemed at the time like
- 12:39Speaker 4: pressing questions. Which is inherently more thrilling, the Department of
- 12:43Speaker 4: Energy or the Department of the Interior? Or, why is
- 12:47Speaker 4: an agency that spends three-fifths of its budget collecting and
- 12:50Speaker 4: analyzing and disseminating weather data called the Department of Commerce?
- 12:55Speaker 4: I carried around with me a U.S. government org chart
- 12:58Speaker 4: and reduced every federal agency to a file on the
- 13:00Speaker 4: floor of my office. And yet, I'd never even heard
- 13:05Speaker 4: of the U.S.
- 13:05Speaker 3: Institute of Peace.
- 13:07Speaker 4: Not so much as a faint whisper about it. That's
- 13:10Speaker 4: why what might seem in context like a trivial event
- 13:13Speaker 4: pulled me up short. I couldn't begin to guess what
- 13:17Speaker 4: the U.S. Institute of Peace actually did. It sounded like
- 13:20Speaker 4: a front for a drug operation. And so I asked
- 13:23Speaker 4: around and learned that the reason it never wound up
- 13:26Speaker 4: in a file on my office floor with the federal
- 13:28Speaker 4: agencies is that it wasn't a federal agency. It was
- 13:32Speaker 4: a private corporation. Its employees weren't civil servants, but ordinary workers.
- 13:39Speaker 5: The U.S.
- 13:39Speaker 4: Institute of Peace wasn't a thing the president was supposed
- 13:42Speaker 4: to control. Donald Trump had gone from paying no attention
- 13:45Speaker 4: at all to the federal government to paying more attention
- 13:48Speaker 4: than any president ever. He had become so interested in
- 13:51Speaker 4: running the federal government that he was now trying to
- 13:53Speaker 4: run even the parts of it that he wasn't meant to.
- 13:57Speaker 4: The effect was to create a kind of negative space.
- 14:00Speaker 4: The story to tell about Trump's first term was all
- 14:03Speaker 4: about the price of ignorance and the risk of radical neglect.
- 14:06Speaker 4: The story to tell about his second term was different.
- 14:10Speaker 4: It was about all those people in roles— in and
- 14:13Speaker 4: around the United States government, once taken for granted, that
- 14:16Speaker 4: were now gone. The second Trump administration was a bit
- 14:19Speaker 4: like a meteor strike or some other massive environmental shift.
- 14:24Speaker 4: It killed off entire species and made room for new ones.
- 14:28Speaker 4: That different species had died in different ways and for
- 14:31Speaker 4: different reasons only heightened the story's interest. It enabled you
- 14:35Speaker 4: to cobble together the various wiped-out species into a portrait
- 14:40Speaker 4: of the new environment. That new environment needed to be
- 14:42Speaker 4: understood not merely by the new life forms it sustained,
- 14:46Speaker 4: but by the old ones that it didn't. If you
- 14:53Speaker 4: asked Colin O'Brien what made a person a good security officer,
- 14:57Speaker 4: he'd start by telling you what didn't. The problem in
- 15:00Speaker 4: the security field is that there are so many asshats
- 15:04Speaker 4: in it, he'd say. Either they're Paul Blart the mall
- 15:07Speaker 4: cop and just mailing it in, or they're the Navy
- 15:10Speaker 4: SEAL who wants to tell you what a badass Navy
- 15:13Speaker 4: SEAL they were. If you pressed him a bit, he'd
- 15:16Speaker 4: tell you that when he was hiring someone for a
- 15:18Speaker 4: security job, he looked not just for the protective instincts
- 15:21Speaker 4: of an offensive lineman and a taste for work, those
- 15:24Speaker 4: were a given, but for an extreme sensitivity to the environment.
- 15:28Speaker 4: To be any good, you had to notice things that
- 15:30Speaker 4: most people didn't. It might be that the landscaping or
- 15:34Speaker 4: the lighting created possibilities for concealment, or that the wrong
- 15:38Speaker 4: type of screw in a door frame caused it to
- 15:40Speaker 4: fail faster under force. You have to see all the
- 15:43Speaker 4: little things, said Colin. And you have to have a
- 15:46Speaker 4: passion for it. The other quality Colin looked for was
- 15:50Speaker 4: an ability to improvise. You can't war game out whatever
- 15:54Speaker 4: shit is going to happen, he said. There's no checklist.
- 15:57Speaker 4: When shit happens, nothing you think you know is going
- 16:00Speaker 4: to work in the moment. Interviewing people for security work,
- 16:03Speaker 4: he'd always try to surprise them. Have it come out
- 16:06Speaker 4: of left field and see how they respond. How did
- 16:09Speaker 4: they adapt to an uncomfortable situation? One time, after an
- 16:13Speaker 4: applicant had sat down for what he assumed would be
- 16:15Speaker 4: the conventional interview, Colin had simply tossed a tourniquet at
- 16:19Speaker 4: him and said, What is this and how do you
- 16:21Speaker 4: use it? I didn't care if he knew how to
- 16:23Speaker 4: use a tourniquet, said Colin. I just wanted to see
- 16:26Speaker 4: how he'd respond. For as long as Colin could remember,
- 16:30Speaker 4: he'd wanted to be a cop. It is such a
- 16:33Speaker 4: badass job. I love the idea of law enforcement. I
- 16:37Speaker 4: love the idea of serving something bigger than myself, and
- 16:40Speaker 4: I love catching bad guys. His parents hated the idea.
- 16:45Speaker 4: They thought it was too dangerous. If you would have
- 16:48Speaker 4: asked my parents, they would have told you I was
- 16:50Speaker 4: going to grow out of it, said Colin. He didn't
- 16:53Speaker 4: grow out of it. As he approached his high school graduation,
- 16:57Speaker 4: his mother insisted he go on to college. Colin loved
- 17:00Speaker 4: playing for his high school football team, offensive line and linebacker,
- 17:04Speaker 4: but hated the classrooms. He thought college would be a
- 17:08Speaker 4: waste of money, and he didn't want to spend another minute,
- 17:10Speaker 4: much less the rest of his life, behind a desk.
- 17:14Speaker 4: He cut a deal with his mom. If she signed
- 17:16Speaker 4: the papers that allowed him to enlist in the U.S.
- 17:18Speaker 4: Army at the age of 17, he'd serve on active
- 17:21Speaker 4: duty only the required five years. After that, if she
- 17:25Speaker 4: still wanted him to go to college, he'd go to college.
- 17:29Speaker 4: And then, this part he didn't tell her, he'd become
- 17:32Speaker 4: a cop. He loved his mom and dad, but he
- 17:35Speaker 4: was always his own guy. And in any case, the
- 17:38Speaker 4: best way to show you loved your mom and dad
- 17:41Speaker 4: was to insist on being who you were. He'd scored
- 17:44Speaker 4: so high on the aptitude test that they told him
- 17:47Speaker 4: he could pick his first assignment. He chose the place
- 17:50Speaker 4: he knew the least about, South Korea. There he wound
- 17:53Speaker 4: up assigned to the elite SWAT team as a sniper.
- 17:57Speaker 4: He did well enough that they pulled him to work
- 17:59Speaker 4: on the security detail of Leon Laporte, the four-star general
- 18:02Speaker 4: who ran the region. I loved it, said Colin. When
- 18:06Speaker 4: his five years were up, Laporte's successor, Burwell Baxter B.B.
- 18:10Speaker 4: Bell III, another four-star general, called him into his office
- 18:14Speaker 4: and told him that if he agreed to reenlist, he
- 18:17Speaker 4: could have most any other job at his pay grade
- 18:19Speaker 4: that he wanted in the U.S.
- 18:20Speaker 2: Army.
- 18:21Speaker 4: Colin found himself nervously explaining to General B.B. Bell how
- 18:25Speaker 4: his mom had raised him to keep his promises and
- 18:27Speaker 4: that he had made a promise to his mom. But
- 18:30Speaker 4: he'd never lost his original ambition. After studying constitutional law
- 18:35Speaker 4: and graduating from the University of Maryland, he joined the
- 18:38Speaker 4: Montgomery County Police Force. He was as suited to the
- 18:41Speaker 4: job as he'd imagined, but it beat the hell out
- 18:44Speaker 4: of him. In a police boxing class, they tossed him
- 18:47Speaker 4: into a ring with a guy even bigger than him,
- 18:50Speaker 4: who with a single punch broke Collins' neck. Another time,
- 18:54Speaker 4: he found himself racing after four kids, speeding in a
- 18:57Speaker 4: stolen car. The kids ran the car off the road
- 19:00Speaker 4: and into a tree, where it caught fire. As Colin
- 19:03Speaker 4: sprinted into the wreck to yank the kids out, the
- 19:06Speaker 4: car exploded into flames ten feet high. He extracted the
- 19:10Speaker 4: driver before grabbing a second kid who was on fire.
- 19:12Speaker 4: I had one of those weird moments, said Colin. I
- 19:16Speaker 4: just remembered the phrase, drop and roll. I dropped on
- 19:19Speaker 4: top of him and rolled him down the street, and
- 19:21Speaker 4: the flames went out. That boy survived. The other two
- 19:25Speaker 4: burned to death before he could get to them. The
- 19:28Speaker 4: driver died later in the hospital. Colin emerged with burns
- 19:32Speaker 4: and a broken shoulder that never again felt right. He'd
- 19:36Speaker 4: spent eight years as a cop before leaving in 2016
- 19:39Speaker 4: when his body couldn't take it anymore. He'd gone from
- 19:42Speaker 4: wearing a gun every day to reaching down only to
- 19:45Speaker 4: realize he didn't have one. It took me a little
- 19:48Speaker 4: bit before I was like, I don't have to have
- 19:50Speaker 4: a gun to be safe. He'd gone from chasing down
- 19:53Speaker 4: people who had done bad things to preventing the bad
- 19:56Speaker 4: things from happening in the first place. You can't really
- 20:00Speaker 4: measure prevention, he said. When something bad does not happen,
- 20:04Speaker 4: there's no clear way to prove why. Did it not
- 20:07Speaker 4: occur because you noticed and fixed a problem no one
- 20:10Speaker 4: else saw? Because you were good at your job? Because
- 20:13Speaker 4: you were lucky? Or because nothing was ever going to
- 20:15Speaker 4: happen in the first place? That ambiguity is part of
- 20:19Speaker 4: the work. It's about noticing small details, understanding human behavior,
- 20:24Speaker 4: and acting on things that feel just slightly out of place.
- 20:27Speaker 4: When it works, nothing happens. His first encounter with Doge
- 20:33Speaker 4: on that Friday in March in 2025 had felt mostly
- 20:37Speaker 4: like luck. They were the Keystone cops, he said. They'd
- 20:41Speaker 4: shown up with a dubious-looking document on Institute of Peace
- 20:44Speaker 4: letterhead signed by Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, Secretary of
- 20:49Speaker 4: State Marco Rubio, and Pete Garvin, head of the National
- 20:53Speaker 4: Defense University, the three ex-officio members of the Institute's board.
- 20:59Speaker 4: It announced that they were firing the Institute's acting president,
- 21:02Speaker 4: George Moose, and replacing him with a Doge guy. but
- 21:06Speaker 4: they didn't have the legal authority to do it. Colin,
- 21:09Speaker 4: and for that matter, the FBI agents, could see the
- 21:12Speaker 4: document was fake. The letterhead had been photocopied from some
- 21:16Speaker 4: genuine institute stationary, probably from the letter George Moose himself
- 21:20Speaker 4: had sent to the Doge people to explain the law.
- 21:23Speaker 4: That law wasn't complicated.
- 21:27Speaker 2: It is the purpose of this title to establish an independent, non-profit,
- 21:31Speaker 2: national institute to serve the people and the government through
- 21:35Speaker 2: the widest possible range of education and training, basic and
- 21:39Speaker 2: applied research opportunities, and peace information services on the means
- 21:44Speaker 2: to promote international peace and the resolution of conflicts among
- 21:48Speaker 2: the nations and peoples of the world without recourse to violence.
- 21:58Speaker 4: That was one of its nine big bullet points. Passed
- 22:00Speaker 4: by Congress and signed by Ronald Reagan in 1984, the
- 22:05Speaker 4: law stipulated that the U.S. Institute of Peace would be
- 22:08Speaker 4: run by a board of 15 people, only eight of
- 22:11Speaker 4: whom could belong to a single political party. All served
- 22:16Speaker 4: longer terms than the president. The president could appoint board
- 22:19Speaker 4: members but not remove them, except for extreme malfeasance. The
- 22:24Speaker 4: White House had no control over its spending. The money
- 22:28Speaker 4: for the new institute would come from both Congress and
- 22:31Speaker 4: private donations. The land for its building would be leased
- 22:35Speaker 4: to the institute for free in perpetuity. The building wound
- 22:40Speaker 4: up being paid for with $ 100 million from Congress and
- 22:43Speaker 4: $ 70 million in private donations, but it was wholly owned
- 22:48Speaker 4: by the private corporation. The whole point of the structure
- 22:52Speaker 4: was to remove the U.S. Institute of Peace from day-to-day politics.
- 22:57Speaker 4: There was a long history of these congressionally bred mongrels,
- 23:00Speaker 4: institutions that both received help from and gave help to
- 23:04Speaker 4: the federal government while remaining privately controlled, the first of
- 23:08Speaker 4: which had been the Red Cross back in 1900. In 1935,
- 23:12Speaker 4: the Supreme Court upheld, by unanimous vote, the right of
- 23:17Speaker 4: Congress to breed mongrel institutions, and Congress had since bred
- 23:21Speaker 4: more of them. But in a funny way, the U.S.
- 23:24Speaker 4: Institute of Peace predated them all, even the Red Cross.
- 23:28Speaker 4: In his final address to Congress in 1796, George Washington
- 23:32Speaker 4: had proposed creating two private but national colleges, one to
- 23:37Speaker 4: train warriors, the other to train peacemakers. Six years later,
- 23:42Speaker 4: Congress agreed to fund West Point, but not the Peace College,
- 23:46Speaker 4: whose merits were the subject of an on-again, off-again debate
- 23:50Speaker 4: for the next 188 years. The idea got a massive
- 23:54Speaker 4: push after the Vietnam War from a handful of United
- 23:57Speaker 4: States senators who'd served in combat and emerged from the
- 24:00Speaker 4: experience with a conviction that the best war was the
- 24:04Speaker 4: war that never happened, and that one way to prevent
- 24:07Speaker 4: war was to invest a bit more in the art
- 24:10Speaker 4: of peace. Yeah, you can have a Department of War,
- 24:14Speaker 4: but what you really want to do is stay out
- 24:15Speaker 4: of war, said Colin. How do you stop people from
- 24:18Speaker 4: blowing other people up? These were people who genuinely want
- 24:21Speaker 4: to make the world a less shitty place. Of all
- 24:25Speaker 4: the mongrel institutions created by Congress, the Federal Trade Commission,
- 24:29Speaker 4: the Inter-American Foundation, the Legal Services Corporation, and others, the U.S.
- 24:34Speaker 4: Institute of Peace was legally the most removed from presidential control.
- 24:38Speaker 4: If Elon Musk, acting on behalf of Donald Trump, could
- 24:43Speaker 4: send Nate Kavanaugh in to just take the building away
- 24:46Speaker 4: and fire everyone inside... He could take anything and fire anyone.
- 24:53Speaker 4: The Federal Reserve, for example, or the Kennedy Center. Plus,
- 24:58Speaker 4: of course, the entire two-million-person civil service. This attempt to
- 25:03Speaker 4: strip a building from its rightful owner was a pure
- 25:07Speaker 4: assertion of power, an attempt to change the way the
- 25:10Speaker 4: government had been run for more than a century, to
- 25:13Speaker 4: reduce it to nothing more or less than a servant
- 25:16Speaker 4: of whoever happens to be president. Holding the building meant
- 25:20Speaker 4: more to Colin than just holding the building. I knew
- 25:24Speaker 4: what I was fighting for, he said. I knew what
- 25:27Speaker 4: I was trying to protect. By the time he ushered
- 25:30Speaker 4: Nate Cavanaugh back into his big black car, Colin had
- 25:33Speaker 4: a fully formed opinion of him. It wasn't favorable. He
- 25:38Speaker 4: had these white Converse sneakers that make you want to
- 25:40Speaker 4: scuff them with whatever you have, said Colin. Had this
- 25:43Speaker 4: air of superiority. You could feel him looking down on you.
- 25:48Speaker 4: Whatever he was up to, Colin could see. It wasn't
- 25:51Speaker 4: deficit reduction. More than 80% of federal spending went to
- 25:55Speaker 4: national defense, entitlement programs, and interest payments on the federal debt.
- 25:59Speaker 4: Doge wasn't even pretending to touch any of that. Anyway,
- 26:03Speaker 4: Congress controlled federal spending. And Doge was making no effort
- 26:07Speaker 4: to engage Congress. What was happening felt to Colin less
- 26:11Speaker 4: like cost-cutting than total destruction. The people who ran the U.S.
- 26:15Speaker 4: Institute of Peace were less fatalistic than Colin. They believed
- 26:19Speaker 4: they could survive. They thought they could hide in the
- 26:21Speaker 4: tall grass, said Colin. He heard them talk about the
- 26:25Speaker 4: traits that the Institute possessed, lacked by other quasi-government institutions,
- 26:30Speaker 4: that enhanced its likelihood of survival. Number one, they were tiny.
- 26:36Speaker 4: The Institute's $ 55 million annual budget was. 0007857 % of
- 26:37Speaker 4: the federal budget. Number two, They had nothing inside it
- 26:48Speaker 4: labeled diversity, equity, and inclusion. Their workforce was diverse, but
- 26:53Speaker 4: they came by that without making a point of it.
- 26:56Speaker 4: Number three, people close to Trump, Marco Rubio, Lindsey Graham,
- 27:01Speaker 4: had long supported the Institute's work. Number four, Trump's obsession
- 27:07Speaker 4: with the Nobel Peace Prize. Destroying something called the United
- 27:11Speaker 4: States Institute of Peace would look bad on his application.
- 27:16Speaker 4: Number five, the actual importance of their work. Though how
- 27:21Speaker 4: many Americans, let alone the Americans who had just moved
- 27:24Speaker 4: into the White House, could tell you what they did?
- 27:28Speaker 4: Number six, their legal independence. Even as the Doge people
- 27:33Speaker 4: drove off, and even as his bosses made hopeful noises,
- 27:38Speaker 4: Colin was almost sure that the Institute was doomed. These
- 27:42Speaker 4: people I work for are eternal optimists. and they believe
- 27:46Speaker 4: in the rule of law, he said. I'm thinking, you
- 27:49Speaker 4: can't fight an army with a piece of paper. His
- 27:52Speaker 4: goal was now simple. As he said, to keep possession
- 27:57Speaker 4: of the building until we can get in front of
- 27:59Speaker 4: a judge. But the situation was moving fast. The next day, Saturday,
- 28:05Speaker 4: March 15th, Colin received a phone call from a retired
- 28:09Speaker 4: former employee of the private company, Intercon, that the Institute
- 28:13Speaker 4: of Peace hired to guard the building. The guy told
- 28:17Speaker 4: Colin he'd just gotten this weird call from the FBI,
- 28:21Speaker 4: asking him if he was still in charge of the
- 28:23Speaker 4: Institute's security guards. These fucking kids just ran it through grok,
- 28:28Speaker 4: said Colin, and they think he's still in charge of security.
- 28:32Speaker 4: That's when the light bulb went off in my head.
- 28:35Speaker 4: They're going to use Intercon to get into the building.
- 28:39Speaker 3: The U.S.
- 28:39Speaker 4: Department of State alone paid Intercon $ 460 million a year
- 28:45Speaker 4: to guard its properties. If forced to choose between that
- 28:50Speaker 4: and the $ 2. 7 million they were being paid by the
- 28:53Speaker 4: Institute of Peace, Intercon wouldn't think twice. I realize that
- 28:58Speaker 4: we need to get rid of the guards, said Colin,
- 29:00Speaker 4: that the way to make us safer is to get
- 29:02Speaker 4: rid of the people protecting us. When he was done,
- 29:06Speaker 4: there was only one outstanding key to the single mechanical
- 29:09Speaker 4: lock on the entire building, held by Kevin Simpson, who
- 29:13Speaker 4: oversaw Intercon's security guards. Colin couldn't find him. And in
- 29:18Speaker 4: any case, he was an old and trusted friend of
- 29:20Speaker 4: several people who worked for the Institute of Peace. Colin
- 29:23Speaker 4: hoped that if Doge found him, Kevin Simpson would just
- 29:26Speaker 4: keep mum about the key. Of all the people out there,
- 29:29Speaker 4: he said, Kevin is the person I can trust. On Sunday,
- 29:34Speaker 4: Colin had another phone call, this one from a senior
- 29:37Speaker 4: FBI agent named Doug Silk. Silk told Colin that he
- 29:41Speaker 4: was under investigation by the Department of Justice for the
- 29:45Speaker 4: events of March 14th and asked him to come in
- 29:48Speaker 4: that day for questioning. I said, yeah, that's not going
- 29:51Speaker 4: to happen. Then, because he was not home when he
- 29:54Speaker 4: received the threat, Colin called his wife and told her
- 29:57Speaker 4: to lock the doors to their house and not let
- 29:59Speaker 4: anyone in. no matter who they said they were. He
- 30:03Speaker 4: got to work at five the next morning, St. Patrick's Day.
- 30:06Speaker 4: They'd told the staff to stay home, so it was
- 30:09Speaker 4: just him and George Moose and their lawyers. I know
- 30:13Speaker 4: their objective was going to be to destroy us, said Colin.
- 30:16Speaker 4: And I know I was being asked to be the D.C.
- 30:19Speaker 4: version of Davy Crockett. And I know that the analogy
- 30:23Speaker 4: is not exact. He was looking out over the streets
- 30:26Speaker 4: from an upper story window when he saw them approach.
- 30:29Speaker 4: It's three vehicles. A dogemobile, a tinted-out black Tahoe or Escalade,
- 30:35Speaker 4: followed by a Tesla.
- 30:36Speaker 3: And a Jeep.
- 30:38Speaker 4: He watched as an intercom guy named Derek left one
- 30:40Speaker 4: of the cars and tried to open the front door.
- 30:43Speaker 4: His badge doesn't work, said Colin. The U.S. Institute of
- 30:47Speaker 4: Peace building hadn't been designed to repel an invading force.
- 30:52Speaker 4: It had been designed to emit light. It was all
- 30:55Speaker 4: clerestory windows topped by a roof of glass panels shaped
- 30:58Speaker 4: like the wings of a dove. The Valhalla of think
- 31:02Speaker 4: tank architecture, one critic called it. Colin had no idea
- 31:06Speaker 4: where the next assault would come from, but he knew
- 31:08Speaker 4: the most vulnerable point in his defense. The side door.
- 31:13Speaker 4: The door that still had the mechanical lock. Colin's hope
- 31:17Speaker 4: that the Doge people would never find Kevin Simpson, or
- 31:19Speaker 4: his key, faded 15 minutes after the Dogemobiles pulled up.
- 31:24Speaker 4: when Simpson himself appeared inside the building. Colin descended to
- 31:29Speaker 4: find him and three other intercom patrol people in plain
- 31:32Speaker 4: clothes just wandering around.
- 31:35Speaker 3: D.C.
- 31:35Speaker 4: Law banned the security officers who protected the courthouses and
- 31:39Speaker 4: agencies and embassies from carrying their weapons home from work.
- 31:44Speaker 4: The guns needed to be stored someplace. The only odd
- 31:48Speaker 4: fact about the gun room in the basement of the
- 31:50Speaker 4: Institute of Peace is is that neither Colin nor anyone
- 31:53Speaker 4: who actually worked for the Institute knew the code to
- 31:56Speaker 4: open the safe. The 34 9mm Glocks were owned and
- 32:00Speaker 4: controlled by Intercon. The Intercon cops headed straight to the basement.
- 32:05Speaker 4: Colin had someone call the D.C. police to report trespassers.
- 32:10Speaker 3: The D.C.
- 32:10Speaker 4: Police didn't show. After the Intercon guards secured their guns,
- 32:15Speaker 4: they toured the building like they owned it, refusing either
- 32:18Speaker 4: to answer questions or surrender Simpson's key. The Institute, out
- 32:23Speaker 4: of the kindness of its heart, was still paying their salaries.
- 32:27Speaker 4: They were now an obviously hostile presence, but they didn't
- 32:30Speaker 4: really know how to play the new role. At one point,
- 32:34Speaker 4: they gathered all together in one place, the portico. Colin
- 32:37Speaker 4: seized that moment to throw the portico into lockdown. The
- 32:41Speaker 4: portico was self-contained. At the press of a button, Colin
- 32:45Speaker 4: turned it into a prison cell. He couldn't forcibly eject
- 32:48Speaker 4: a battalion of armed private security guys all by himself.
- 32:52Speaker 4: but he could stop them from leaving and others from entering.
- 32:55Speaker 4: For the next two hours, he watched the intercom guys
- 32:58Speaker 4: on the security cam pushing on doors that wouldn't yield
- 33:01Speaker 4: and making phone calls to anyone they thought might rescue them.
- 33:04Speaker 4: They were pissed, said Colin. With the guards all trapped,
- 33:08Speaker 4: Colin walked outside and removed the mechanical lock cylinder from
- 33:12Speaker 4: the side door so no one else could use a
- 33:14Speaker 4: key to enter. It's not a fire code violation if
- 33:17Speaker 4: you can't get into the building, he explained. That triggered
- 33:22Speaker 4: some irate phone calls to his boss, George Moose, whom
- 33:25Speaker 4: Colin had safely locked behind roughly ten different doors on
- 33:28Speaker 4: the fifth floor of the building. The first call was
- 33:31Speaker 4: Intercon's CEO, angrily but more or less politely asking Moose
- 33:36Speaker 4: to tell Colin O'Brien that he needed to release his guards.
- 33:40Speaker 4: The final, less polite call came from the acting U.S.
- 33:43Speaker 4: attorney for the District of Columbia, Ed Martin. At length,
- 33:47Speaker 4: Colin unlocked the outside door to the portico. and the
- 33:50Speaker 4: security guards exited the building. An hour later, there came
- 33:54Speaker 4: a knock on another door.
- 33:56Speaker 3: The D.C.
- 33:57Speaker 4: Police. Finally, Colin thought, the D.C. police are doing their
- 34:01Speaker 4: fucking jobs. Someone opened the door, and in streamed an
- 34:05Speaker 4: army of cops, followed by a bunch of intercom guys, and,
- 34:09Speaker 4: trotting after them, Nate Cavanaugh, along with more Doge people.
- 34:14Speaker 4: They're ordering the D.C. cops around like their own private army,
- 34:17Speaker 4: said Colin. I didn't see that coming. I didn't see
- 34:21Speaker 4: the police taking sides. It's like the cops showing up
- 34:24Speaker 4: at your house and saying, get the fuck out, these
- 34:26Speaker 4: people live here now. As the D.C. cops escorted Colin
- 34:30Speaker 4: from the building, the senior Intercon guy approached him and
- 34:34Speaker 4: said he was sorry that it had gone down this way,
- 34:37Speaker 4: but that Doge had given him no choice. They had
- 34:40Speaker 4: indeed threatened to pull Intercon's $ 460 million State Department contract.
- 34:46Speaker 4: Doge soon selected the next president of the U.S. Institute
- 34:49Speaker 4: of Peace. Nate Kavanaugh, who until that moment had exhibited
- 34:54Speaker 4: zero interest in or knowledge of the United States government
- 34:58Speaker 4: or its foreign policy, who promptly moved the title of
- 35:01Speaker 4: the Institute's building into the General Services Administration, swept its
- 35:05Speaker 4: money into government accounts, and fired nearly its entire staff.
- 35:11Speaker 4: A mere two days, Colin couldn't help but notice, before
- 35:14Speaker 4: their health insurance was set to renew. There was intent
- 35:17Speaker 4: to hurt these families, he said. It was, Let's fuck
- 35:21Speaker 4: 400 families, and then they laughed about it. In his
- 35:25Speaker 4: time as a police officer, Colin had seen many different
- 35:27Speaker 4: kinds of anger. There was the fury of the drunk
- 35:30Speaker 4: NFL defensive lineman who bull rushed him and proved to
- 35:34Speaker 4: Colin that his taser worked. That was just the alcohol
- 35:38Speaker 4: doing its job and the lineman apologized the next day.
- 35:42Speaker 4: There was the anger of victims after the law failed
- 35:44Speaker 4: to satisfy their need for vengeance. That felt more like frustration.
- 35:50Speaker 4: There was the general hatred of the police, but that
- 35:53Speaker 4: didn't really feel personal, and Colin never took it personally.
- 35:57Speaker 4: Police rarely meet people on their best day, he said.
- 36:00Speaker 4: Whatever was animating these doge people didn't feel like any
- 36:03Speaker 4: of those. They weren't reacting to an event, said Colin.
- 36:07Speaker 4: They were on a crusade. Their hostility didn't come from fear, loss,
- 36:12Speaker 4: and pain. It came from a lack of empathy and
- 36:16Speaker 4: an inability to deal with complexity. It was just fundamentally
- 36:20Speaker 4: different from anything I had encountered before. But in their
- 36:23Speaker 4: attitude to the world around them, they did remind Colin
- 36:27Speaker 4: of something that had happened back when he was a cop.
- 36:30Speaker 4: He'd responded to a home invasion in a poor black neighborhood.
- 36:34Speaker 4: His partner was a younger guy who had come from
- 36:36Speaker 4: a well-to-do family. They had arrived at the scene to
- 36:40Speaker 4: find a terrified and distraught single mother with two small children.
- 36:45Speaker 4: Her next-door neighbor was a drug dealer, she explained. and
- 36:48Speaker 4: these disturbed addicts kept mistaking her apartment for his. They
- 36:52Speaker 4: kept breaking in to steal drugs. Colin's partner listened to
- 36:56Speaker 4: her and then said matter-of-factly, why don't you just move?
- 37:01Speaker 4: And Colin thought, this guy has no ability to imagine
- 37:05Speaker 4: himself into her situation. Why does that happen, he asked.
- 37:10Speaker 4: Because this is someone who has no worldly experience to
- 37:13Speaker 4: understand that she can't move. It simply didn't occur to
- 37:17Speaker 4: the guy. just as it didn't seriously occur to Nate Kavanaugh,
- 37:21Speaker 4: to consider the suffering he was making possible. Once Doge
- 37:25Speaker 4: had control of the building, Nate and the other guys
- 37:27Speaker 4: went rooting around in the Institute's computers. Elon Musk was
- 37:31Speaker 4: given first crack at the fresh material. Then the Doge
- 37:34Speaker 4: account on X posted a list of their findings.
- 37:41Speaker 3: Each year, the.
- 37:42Speaker 5: United States Institute for Peace, UCIB, receives $ 55 million in
- 37:47Speaker 5: congressional taxpayer funds. Prior management would sweep excess funds into
- 37:52Speaker 5: its private endowment, zero congressional oversight. In the past 10 years,
- 37:58Speaker 5: USIP has transferred about $ 13 million to its private endowment,
- 38:02Speaker 5: mainly used for private events and travel. USIP contracts, now canceled,
- 38:07Speaker 5: include $ 132, 000 to Mohamed Qasem Halimi, an ex-Taliban member who
- 38:15Speaker 5: was Afghanistan's former chief of protocol. $ 2, 232, 500 to its outside accountant,
- 38:24Speaker 5: who attempted to delete over one terabyte of accounting data,
- 38:28Speaker 5: now recovered, after new leadership entered the building. $ 1, 307, 061 to
- 38:33Speaker 5: the Al-Tadamun Iraqi League for Youth, $ 675, 000 for private aviation services.
- 38:48Speaker 4: The list was both interesting and true, but as it
- 38:50Speaker 4: turned out, the bits that were interesting weren't true, and
- 38:54Speaker 4: the bits that were true weren't interesting. For instance, the
- 38:57Speaker 4: law that had created the Institute required it to move
- 39:00Speaker 4: any unused funds into its endowment, and so, by law,
- 39:04Speaker 4: for the past 40 years, that's what they'd done. The
- 39:07Speaker 4: Institute was also required by law to hire an accountant
- 39:11Speaker 4: to audit its books every year, so that it might
- 39:13Speaker 4: report its spending to Congress. For those services, it paid
- 39:18Speaker 4: roughly $ 380, 000 a year. The amount that Doge accused the
- 39:23Speaker 4: Institute of spending on its accountants corresponded not to their
- 39:26Speaker 4: accountant's bill, but to a six-year contract for legal services.
- 39:30Speaker 4: The actual sum paid to the Al-Tataman Iraqi League for
- 39:33Speaker 4: Youth was not more than a million dollars, but less
- 39:36Speaker 4: than half that. The money had funded a single project, which,
- 39:40Speaker 4: because it had such obvious value, had been explicitly approved
- 39:44Speaker 4: by Marco Rubio. Essentially, it was an attempt to reduce extremism,
- 39:49Speaker 4: and anti-American terrorism. The collapse of the Bashar al-Assad government
- 39:54Speaker 4: in December 2024 had stranded thousands of Iraqis, mostly women
- 39:59Speaker 4: and children, in a camp in Syria's northeast. The Islamic
- 40:03Speaker 4: State had gained some traction inside the camp, which back
- 40:07Speaker 4: in 2019 had held 30,000 refugees, and the godforsaken place
- 40:12Speaker 4: had become a breeding ground for future ISIS fighters. The
- 40:16Speaker 4: institute's local Iraqi staff members of the League for Youth,
- 40:20Speaker 4: had been working successfully with the U.S. State Department to
- 40:24Speaker 4: persuade village elders in Iraq to accept the refugees in
- 40:27Speaker 4: their villages and provide them a path to a peaceful life.
- 40:31Speaker 4: Before they accepted anyone, the elders demanded evidence that they
- 40:35Speaker 4: have no connection to ISIS or any other terrorist group.
- 40:39Speaker 4: The Institute's staff arranged small conferences to walk the elders
- 40:42Speaker 4: through the personal histories of the refugees. The Institute footed
- 40:47Speaker 4: the bill for the venues, plus the tea and coffee,
- 40:49Speaker 4: and occasionally lunch. God knows the efficiency of that particular effort.
- 40:55Speaker 4: No one inside Doge seems ever to have bothered to ask.
- 40:58Speaker 4: Had they dug a bit, they could have found evidence
- 41:00Speaker 4: that similar sorts of programs had been wildly efficient. For example,
- 41:05Speaker 4: the work the Institute of Peace had done in 2007
- 41:07Speaker 4: in Iraq, in an area south of Baghdad, that had
- 41:11Speaker 4: become known as the Triangle of Death. A region of
- 41:14Speaker 4: a million people was riven by tribal warfare and and
- 41:17Speaker 4: laced with insurgents, who had killed 54 members of the U.S.
- 41:22Speaker 4: Army's 10th Mountain Division and wounded hundreds more. At the
- 41:26Speaker 4: behest of the Army, the Institute had brought together 30
- 41:29Speaker 4: elders of warring tribes. The Institute's structure, both an instrument
- 41:34Speaker 4: of the United States and removed from its political control,
- 41:38Speaker 4: created a useful ambiguity. It allowed it to facilitate conversations
- 41:43Speaker 4: that official government authorities could not. Years earlier, a scholar
- 41:48Speaker 4: named I. William Zartman, working on an Institute of Peace grant,
- 41:53Speaker 4: had framed the idea of the hurting stalemate. His big
- 41:58Speaker 4: point was the success of a peace initiative might have
- 42:01Speaker 4: less to do with the specifics of the proposal than
- 42:04Speaker 4: with its timing. So long as neither side saw any
- 42:08Speaker 4: value in moving away from their anger and their violence,
- 42:11Speaker 4: there wasn't much you could say or do to stop
- 42:13Speaker 4: them fighting. But when both sensed that anger and violence
- 42:17Speaker 4: weren't going to get them what they wanted, when the
- 42:19Speaker 4: status quo became sufficiently painful, they became vulnerable to peace.
- 42:25Speaker 4: The trick was to have trusted people on the ground
- 42:27Speaker 4: who could spot these moments and seize them. The Institute's
- 42:31Speaker 4: staff had started by handing out questionnaires for the warring
- 42:35Speaker 4: Iraqi tribal leaders to fill out anonymously. Each made his
- 42:39Speaker 4: list of grievances. The lists were then passed around for
- 42:42Speaker 4: everyone to read. and something happened. The collective realization of
- 42:48Speaker 4: how they'd all endured the same terrible losses took just
- 42:52Speaker 4: enough steam out of the room that they began to talk.
- 42:56Speaker 4: The talks led to peace that has lasted to this day.
- 43:00Speaker 4: Inside the Institute's servers, the Doge guys might have found
- 43:04Speaker 4: evidence of this triumph. For example, the letter of thanks
- 43:08Speaker 4: from General David Petraeus. In the Pentagon's view, the Institute
- 43:13Speaker 4: had saved both American lives and taxpayer dollars. Before the
- 43:17Speaker 4: Institute became involved, the U.S. Army had been spending $ 150
- 43:21Speaker 4: million a month to pacify the Triangle of Death. The
- 43:26Speaker 4: peace talks cost a million dollars. The savings they yielded
- 43:31Speaker 4: were likely greater than the entire cost up to that
- 43:33Speaker 4: point of the Institute of Peace. The most disturbing item
- 43:37Speaker 4: on Doge's list was the $ 132, 000 sent to Mohamed Qasem Halimi.
- 43:44Speaker 4: In the 1990s, Halimi, a religious scholar, had indeed worked
- 43:48Speaker 4: in the Taliban-run government as a liaison to foreign diplomats.
- 43:53Speaker 4: It was the only good job I could find, he
- 43:55Speaker 4: explained to ProPublica. But after the 9-11 attack and the
- 43:59Speaker 4: U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in December 2001, he'd quit the
- 44:04Speaker 4: Taliban and served American interests. the Taliban had tried three
- 44:09Speaker 4: times to assassinate him.
- 44:11Speaker 2: The U.S.
- 44:12Speaker 4: Institute of Peace had paid him $ 10, 000 a month for
- 44:15Speaker 4: a variety of services. Halimi had fled the country with
- 44:19Speaker 4: the U.S. military, but he maintained a network that reported
- 44:22Speaker 4: to him on the Taliban's treatment of women, information that
- 44:25Speaker 4: the U.S. State Department was unable to gather any other way.
- 44:29Speaker 4: He had earned the trust of religious scholars across the region,
- 44:32Speaker 4: so that he might point out when the Taliban's behavior
- 44:35Speaker 4: violated the Koran. and they, in turn, might pressure the
- 44:39Speaker 4: Taliban to modify its behavior. In Trump's first term, Halimi
- 44:44Speaker 4: had actually prepped U.S. negotiators for their talks with the Taliban.
- 44:48Speaker 4: He wasn't exactly an American spy, but he was certainly
- 44:52Speaker 4: an ally. By outing him on social media, Musk had
- 44:56Speaker 4: essentially exposed a U.S. asset to enemies of America. After
- 45:01Speaker 4: the tweet, the Taliban rounded up Halimi's relatives still living
- 45:04Speaker 4: in Afghanistan and for beatings and imprisonment. So much of
- 45:09Speaker 4: what Nate Kavanaugh and his Doge pals claimed was obviously outrageous.
- 45:14Speaker 4: But what especially infuriated Colin O'Brien was the final item
- 45:17Speaker 4: on their list, $ 675, 000 for private aviation services. When the
- 45:25Speaker 4: United States finished pulling out of Afghanistan in the summer
- 45:27Speaker 4: of 2021, it imperiled the lives of every Afghan who
- 45:32Speaker 4: had helped, including the Institute of Peace's local staff and
- 45:36Speaker 4: their families. The male staffers assumed that if they fell
- 45:40Speaker 4: into the Taliban's hands, they'd be summarily executed. The female
- 45:45Speaker 4: staffers expected to be enslaved and packed off into forced marriages.
- 45:50Speaker 4: It fell to the Institute's security chief to extract what
- 45:53Speaker 4: in the end amounted to 256 people. That was the
- 45:58Speaker 4: only private aviation service the Institute had engaged. It was
- 46:03Speaker 4: one fucking flight, said Colin. A 737 from Kabul to Qatar.
- 46:08Speaker 4: To get them out before they were taken by the Taliban.
- 46:12Speaker 4: You said we have private jets. Fuck you. We had
- 46:16Speaker 4: a charter plane to rescue our people from a war zone.
- 46:19Speaker 4: He took pride in that exercise. Their final two Afghan employees,
- 46:24Speaker 4: who had been working in a remote part of the
- 46:26Speaker 4: country and were unable to make the flight, Colin had
- 46:29Speaker 4: arranged to be smuggled across the Pakistan border and kept
- 46:32Speaker 4: hidden from the Pakistani government for three years before getting
- 46:36Speaker 4: them to safety. A few weeks after the barrage of
- 46:40Speaker 4: distortions and deceptions, Musk gathered his team on Fox News.
- 46:45Speaker 4: The idea was to use host Jesse Waters' open sympathy
- 46:49Speaker 4: for what they had done to reveal to the American
- 46:51Speaker 4: people the specific waste and fraud they'd uncovered. As Exhibit A,
- 46:56Speaker 4: Musk introduced Nate Kavanaugh and his work inside the U.S.
- 47:00Speaker 4: Institute of Peace.
- 47:04Speaker 6: What has been the biggest resistance? Is there one agency?
- 47:09Speaker 2: Is there one department that when you guys walk in,
- 47:13Speaker 2: they all start fighting you, start hiding things?
- 47:17Speaker 3: Wait, I thought you weren't going to talk.
- 47:21Speaker 5: I'm sorry.
- 47:22Speaker 3: But I guess you can answer that question.
- 47:25Speaker 6: Sure.
- 47:25Speaker 3: I mean, yes, we've certainly had some battles.
- 47:29Speaker 4: Battles?
- 47:29Speaker 2: Yeah, yeah.
- 47:31Speaker 5: I mean, who should talk about Yusuf?
- 47:34Speaker 6: Oh, Nate.
- 47:35Speaker 3: Okay.
- 47:37Speaker 6: The small agency called the United States Institute of Peace
- 47:41Speaker 6: is definitely the agency we had the most fight at.
- 47:44Speaker 6: We actually went into the agency and found that they
- 47:46Speaker 6: had loaded guns inside of their headquarters. Institute for Peace.
- 47:50Speaker 2: I mean, any given company, any given organizational name is
- 47:53Speaker 2: going to kind of be the opposite of the title.
- 47:55Speaker 5: Right.
- 47:56Speaker 6: Yeah. Yeah, so it was by far the least peaceful
- 47:59Speaker 6: agency that we've worked with, ironically. Of course. Additionally, we
- 48:03Speaker 6: found that they were spending money on things like private jets,
- 48:06Speaker 6: and they even had a $ 130, 000 contract with a former
- 48:09Speaker 6: member of the Taliban. This is real. We don't encounter
- 48:12Speaker 6: that at most agencies.
- 48:15Speaker 4: That is how Colin O'Brien had lost the building. He'd
- 48:19Speaker 4: expected to lose it, but still he was surprised by
- 48:22Speaker 4: how it had gone down. It really was true that
- 48:26Speaker 4: in security work, you could never war game out what
- 48:28Speaker 4: eventually happened. He had lost the building to its own
- 48:32Speaker 4: private security company after it was blackmailed by the Trump administration.
- 48:37Speaker 4: To the D.C. police, which for some reason were now
- 48:41Speaker 4: acting as a private security force for these random kids
- 48:44Speaker 4: Elon Musk had empowered. To the FBI, which had somehow
- 48:48Speaker 4: reconfigured itself as yet another battalion in the White House's army.
- 48:53Speaker 4: Thrust into this new environment, These people and institutions had
- 48:57Speaker 4: done what they needed to do to survive. All that
- 49:00Speaker 4: now mattered was power. Who had physical control of a building?
- 49:06Speaker 4: Who had the guns? An institution dedicated to the idea
- 49:10Speaker 4: that conflict did not need to lead to violence now
- 49:13Speaker 4: found itself in a society in which might meant right.
- 49:18Speaker 4: Of course it had to die. Legally, the battle wasn't
- 49:22Speaker 4: completely over. In mid-May, U.S. District Judge Beryl A. Howell
- 49:27Speaker 4: of Washington issued a scathing ruling that required the Trump
- 49:32Speaker 4: administration to vacate the building. Colin had the brief pleasure
- 49:36Speaker 4: of rolling in with an army of off-duty Baltimore cops
- 49:39Speaker 4: and old pals of his, and taking it back. And
- 49:43Speaker 4: finding that the Institute's flags had been stolen, its logo
- 49:47Speaker 4: had been ripped from the wall, and that the Doge
- 49:49Speaker 4: Boys had left behind a pile of beer bottles and
- 49:52Speaker 4: cheap weed. A month later, a panel of Trump-appointed judges
- 49:57Speaker 4: on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
- 50:00Speaker 4: issued a stay, and the building was returned to the
- 50:03Speaker 4: Trump administration. And in December 2025, it was renamed Donald J.
- 50:06Speaker 4: Trump United States Institute of Peace.