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Transcript
- 0:01Speaker 1: Khulaseh, Kitab-e Rishahay Ejtemayi Diktatori Wa Demokrasi Arbab Wa Dehgan
- 0:09Speaker 1: Dar Sakhtan-e Jahan-e Modern Nveshte-e Brington Moore Social Origins of
- 0:17Speaker 1: Dictatorship and Democracy Lord and Peasant in the Making of
- 0:22Speaker 1: the Modern World Chaharoma Oute 1789 Nime Shab The National
- 0:30Speaker 1: Council of France One after the other, Ashraf's representatives withdraw
- 0:34Speaker 1: from their positions and withdraw from their constitutional rights, from
- 0:38Speaker 1: the conditions that have been taken from them for centuries.
- 0:43Speaker 1: Talar urges and encourages, tomorrow France is another country and
- 0:49Speaker 1: Ashraf is a great hero. But Jean-Paul Marat, the journalist
- 0:56Speaker 1: of the revolution, wrote something else about that night. He wrote,
- 1:01Speaker 1: Why did England, France and America reach democracy? Germany and
- 1:04Speaker 1: Japan took over from the fascists. And there was a
- 1:07Speaker 1: communist revolution in Russia and China. and India did not
- 1:31Speaker 1: take any of these three paths. Brinton Moore, in his book,
- 1:36Speaker 1: Social Rulings of Dictatorship and Democracy, does not answer the
- 1:41Speaker 1: question of becoming an artist, nor does he answer the
- 1:44Speaker 1: question of the religion and culture of nations. To his belief,
- 1:48Speaker 1: the political situation of each country has taken shape in Russia,
- 1:51Speaker 1: in the relationship of the tyrants and the tyrants, and
- 1:55Speaker 1: in what they have done to the market and the state.
- 2:00Speaker 1: Most of the pioneers of the time of the Moors
- 2:02Speaker 1: answered this question in the workshops and cities. They said
- 2:06Speaker 1: that becoming industrial either brings democracy or dictatorship. But it
- 2:13Speaker 1: was interesting for the Moors that the communist revolutions did
- 2:17Speaker 1: not take place in industrial countries. Russia and China, when
- 2:21Speaker 1: the communists came to power there, were not industrial countries
- 2:25Speaker 1: but agricultural countries. So, the answer must be somewhere else,
- 2:30Speaker 1: in the middle of Arbab and Dehgan. Most of his
- 2:35Speaker 1: research has shown that democracy and fascism have a link
- 2:39Speaker 1: in the relationship between Arbab and Dehgan.
- 2:41Speaker 2: If we.
- 2:44Speaker 1: Want to summarize this 560-page book in one sentence, it
- 2:46Speaker 1: is this. The political history of each country in Russia
- 2:50Speaker 1: has changed. Jāi kē Arbābān khud-ešon tājir šodan yā dār
- 3:00Speaker 1: enqilāb-e Dehqān-hā az mian raftan, demokrasi umad. Jāi kē Arbāb
- 3:07Speaker 1: bā komak-e dōulat Dehqān-rō dār band negahdāšt, šod fāshism. Wā
- 3:13Speaker 1: jāi kē dōulat fūrū rīkht wā Dehqān-hān shūrīdand-o enqilāb-kardand, šod komonism.
- 3:20Speaker 1: Wā hiç-kodom az-een rāhā-ham bī-hazīnē nabūd.
- 3:26Speaker 2: Hello, I am Esfandiar Khudai.
- 3:28Speaker 1: In the days when our Iran is more than always
- 3:33Speaker 1: in need of knowledge and books, in the sound university
- 3:38Speaker 1: of Chikide Mandegar, every week we summarize an important book
- 3:42Speaker 1: of Iran and the world in the fields of human science,
- 3:45Speaker 1: especially history and politics, in the shortest possible time. Books
- 3:50Speaker 1: that you may not have the opportunity to read. Regarding
- 3:58Speaker 1: the writer, Brinton Moore Jr. came to the world in
- 4:04Speaker 1: 1913 in Washington in a wealthy family, studied classical literature
- 4:09Speaker 1: at the Williams College, and in 1941 received a doctorate
- 4:13Speaker 1: in sociology from Yale University. In World War II, in
- 4:17Speaker 1: the US Department of Health Services, the development of the
- 4:22Speaker 1: Black Organization, and stayed in the center of the Russian
- 4:32Speaker 1: universities of Harvard until 1948.
- 4:34Speaker 2: His two first books were.
- 4:36Speaker 1: About Shoravi, Shoravi's Politics and the Book of Wildness and
- 4:42Speaker 1: Advancement in the Shoravi Union in 1954. Friedman and Scott,
- 4:46Speaker 1: who wrote the preface to this book, They say that Mour,
- 4:59Speaker 1: after studying Shouravi for a long time, was aware of
- 5:03Speaker 1: the distance between the promise of revolution and the non-human
- 5:07Speaker 1: act of revolution. Later, his question became bigger. Where does
- 5:12Speaker 1: the dictatorship come from? He found its answer in Russia.
- 5:16Speaker 1: And for more than 10 years, he left different countries
- 5:20Speaker 1: on this land. Its title was the book of social
- 5:24Speaker 1: roots of dictatorship and democracy which was published in 1966. Later,
- 5:29Speaker 1: his questions became more moral and to the injustice, the
- 5:35Speaker 1: social roots of obedience and.
- 5:37Speaker 2: Rebellion reached in 1978.
- 5:39Speaker 1: Charles Tilly, an American scholar and historian who knows Moore closely,
- 5:43Speaker 1: writes that He used to go to the ski resorts
- 5:55Speaker 1: and ski resorts, but he was bizarre in every way.
- 6:02Speaker 1: Teda Eskachpol, his student, later wrote one of the most
- 6:07Speaker 1: important theories of the revolution. He died in 2005 at
- 6:11Speaker 1: the age of 92. In three pages of this book,
- 6:20Speaker 1: Edward Friedman and James Scott, two prominent politicians, write that
- 6:24Speaker 1: this book has changed the image of the American English,
- 6:29Speaker 1: an image that sees democracy as an easy means from
- 6:35Speaker 1: the British Magna Carta to the declaration of today's American independence.
- 6:43Speaker 1: But Moore showed that democracy is built on the great
- 6:48Speaker 1: pain of the oppressors. Daron Ajamoglu and James Robinson, the
- 6:55Speaker 1: winners of the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economy, which you
- 6:58Speaker 1: are probably familiar with with their books, i.e. Raah-e-Bariq-e-Azadi and Chara-Millat-ha-Shikast-Mee-Khorand,
- 7:06Speaker 1: and we have previously published the summary of each of
- 7:09Speaker 1: the two books in Chekide-e-Mandegar, about the book on the
- 7:15Speaker 1: economic roots of dictatorship and democracy, they clearly wrote about.
- 7:21Speaker 2: Their own ideas. And the official.
- 7:25Speaker 1: Memorandum of Harvard University in 2011, which was signed by
- 7:30Speaker 1: Scott Poole and four other professors, says that in 1986,
- 7:32Speaker 1: when this book was written, when a large part of
- 7:35Speaker 1: the American social sciences.
- 7:43Speaker 2: Or was a great.
- 7:44Speaker 1: Theory of thought or a special theory of theory, Moor
- 7:49Speaker 1: compared six countries over centuries. He showed how the rulers
- 7:56Speaker 1: and rulers paved the way for fascism, communism and democracy.
- 8:02Speaker 1: The plan of the issue Moor puts the history of
- 8:09Speaker 1: six countries next to each other in this book. English, French, American, Chinese,
- 8:17Speaker 1: Japanese and Indian. And he asks four questions in each
- 8:20Speaker 1: of them. What did the landlords do with the king?
- 8:24Speaker 1: What did they do when the bazaar came? Did they
- 8:27Speaker 1: unite with the city dwellers and.
- 8:30Speaker 2: Merchants, i.e.
- 8:31Speaker 1: The bourgeois class, or did they fight? And what was
- 8:36Speaker 1: the end of Dehgan? Mour asks these four questions to
- 8:41Speaker 1: show us It has political changes not in cities and workplaces,
- 8:46Speaker 1: but in the relationships of the people and the people.
- 8:49Speaker 1: This amount of geographical and historical expansion of the book
- 8:55Speaker 1: makes it much more difficult, because we must also know
- 9:00Speaker 1: concepts such as feudalism, bourgeoisie, capitalism and proletariat, and also
- 9:05Speaker 1: know the historical aspects of each of these six countries.
- 9:11Speaker 1: For example, Magna Carta and the British Revolution or in
- 9:16Speaker 1: France the 1789 Revolution and Robespierre. In America, the Civil
- 9:24Speaker 1: War and the Japanese Samurai Revolution and the Meiji Revolution.
- 9:29Speaker 1: In China, the Kuomintang and Mao and in India, the
- 9:34Speaker 1: Kasto Gandhi regime. The first part of the book is
- 9:51Speaker 1: about the democratic path. England, France, America. The second part
- 9:56Speaker 1: is about Asia, China, Japan and India. And the third
- 10:01Speaker 1: part is about three theories about democracy, fascism and communism.
- 10:07Speaker 1: Which brings out the core of the whole of this
- 10:10Speaker 1: six narratives. At the end, we also dedicate a part
- 10:14Speaker 1: to Iran, which is of course not from the book.
- 10:18Speaker 1: Because Moor didn't write anything about Iran, but we can
- 10:24Speaker 1: discuss the history of Iran based on his questions. Moor
- 10:30Speaker 1: himself says that this book is a fable that shows
- 10:33Speaker 1: the path of Qarrar, not the streets and houses.
- 10:36Speaker 2: We also show the main path.
- 10:39Speaker 1: Now let's go to England, where this story begins with
- 10:42Speaker 1: Pashm and Gosfand. Fasle awal Engelistan. Sahme khushunat dar gozar tadriji.
- 10:58Speaker 1: Paiz 1830. Rusta hai Jounoub Engelistan. Karegaran keshawarz ke mashin
- 11:05Speaker 1: hai kharman koub noun shon ro boride boud shourish mikonan.
- 11:10Speaker 1: Wazir keshwar Lord Melbourne sarkoub shon mikone. Noh nafar eedam,
- 11:17Speaker 1: 457 nafar tab'id. Wa shomari zendani. He does not do
- 11:22Speaker 1: anything to reduce their poverty. According to Moore, the leaders
- 11:25Speaker 1: of the Whig Party have announced that they want England
- 11:31Speaker 1: to remain safe for ownership and finance.
- 11:35Speaker 2: Moore says that.
- 11:36Speaker 1: Unlike the French democracy, the English democracy, which is described
- 11:41Speaker 1: in books in a calm and gradual way, has been
- 11:44Speaker 1: built on a barrier that is less visible.
- 11:50Speaker 2: This story has three parts. Goosebump, King, Law. First part, Goosebump.
- 11:55Speaker 1: In the 16th century, when the Pashm sale was in
- 11:59Speaker 1: full swing, the farmers saw that Goosebump was more profitable
- 12:02Speaker 1: than Dehgan. So they plowed the land, built a quarry
- 12:05Speaker 1: and took Dehgan out of the fields. It means that
- 12:17Speaker 1: the landowner did not sell it for himself but for
- 12:21Speaker 1: the market. But the sheep were not so big and
- 12:24Speaker 1: blessed everywhere. In the same period of time, the king
- 12:28Speaker 1: made the king stronger and helped him to become a king.
- 12:32Speaker 1: There was a difference in the relationship between the landowner
- 12:35Speaker 1: and the king. In Spain, the farmers became the tools
- 12:40Speaker 1: of the king.
- 12:46Speaker 2: But in England, they stood against.
- 12:51Speaker 1: Him.
- 12:51Speaker 2: Second part, the king.
- 12:55Speaker 1: The internal wars between the great kings, that is, the
- 13:01Speaker 1: wars of the days, had defeated the kings. And the
- 13:05Speaker 1: English king did not have any military power to control
- 13:08Speaker 1: the Rostas. The Rostas were managed by the middlemen, that is,
- 13:13Speaker 1: Najib Zadegan.
- 13:16Speaker 2: Who were making money from the market.
- 13:20Speaker 1: When the sultans wanted to be self-sufficient, the council remained
- 13:25Speaker 1: in front of them. In 1641, the council overthrew the
- 13:28Speaker 1: special court of the sultan named Star Chamber. The same
- 13:33Speaker 1: court that was the symbol of the power of the
- 13:35Speaker 1: sultan and, of course, sometimes defended the rebels against Hesar Kashi.
- 13:43Speaker 1: In this way, the Dehkhanans gave their most important support.
- 13:47Speaker 1: Eight years later, Padishah Charles I was beheaded.
- 13:51Speaker 2: Now, the third part is the law.
- 13:55Speaker 1: After the revolution, the siege continued, this time with.
- 14:00Speaker 2: The expulsion of the parliament.
- 14:03Speaker 1: Apparently, it was fair for each siege to have three-fourths
- 14:08Speaker 1: to four-fifths of the country's owners. But the votes were
- 14:13Speaker 1: not counted. It became a matter of country and capital.
- 14:16Speaker 1: A great master could have counted the votes of a
- 14:20Speaker 1: whole generation of small masters. Moor writes that this chaos
- 14:23Speaker 1: has been going on for a long time and mainly
- 14:27Speaker 1: in the corner of the law and in the end
- 14:31Speaker 1: made the democracy stronger. We should not ignore the fact
- 14:40Speaker 1: that there was a great chaos that the upper and
- 14:44Speaker 1: lower classes carried out.
- 14:45Speaker 2: Now what happened to the Dehganans?
- 14:49Speaker 1: The main victims were landless and small traders whose land
- 14:52Speaker 1: was sold in larger properties. Hesarkeshi was the final blow
- 14:55Speaker 1: to the Sunni Rusta. With industrialization, Dehgan became a laborer
- 15:08Speaker 1: and no longer remained a place of rebellion and no
- 15:11Speaker 1: longer a source of prosperity. And what happened to bourgeoisie?
- 15:17Speaker 1: The capital became strong. The landowners of Hesarkesh bought and
- 15:23Speaker 1: sold the land like clothes. And Mour says that they
- 15:27Speaker 1: were a little bit like the bourgeoisie of the city,
- 15:30Speaker 1: a private economy. The city and landowners were united against
- 15:38Speaker 1: the king and the parliament was a place where their
- 15:43Speaker 1: interests were resolved. Because the landowners themselves were traders, no
- 15:48Speaker 1: evil was done against the people. Now the message of
- 15:52Speaker 1: the century, the democracy of England was built on two obstacles,
- 15:59Speaker 1: one revolution and the other siege.
- 16:04Speaker 2: And we hear less of the second one. Second season, France.
- 16:08Speaker 1: Revolution from the bottom. We said the first podcast on
- 16:15Speaker 1: the night of the 4th of August, 1789, at the
- 16:18Speaker 1: National Council of France. That night when the representatives of
- 16:23Speaker 1: Ashraf one by one took over their judicial rights. From
- 16:26Speaker 1: the events that the Qarnas took from the Dehganans, and
- 16:31Speaker 1: Talar encouraged him. At the same time, Mara, the journalist
- 16:37Speaker 1: of the revolution, wrote Ashraf in the light of the
- 16:40Speaker 1: lights of the castles in the heat of their burning,
- 16:44Speaker 1: they wore eye-catching clothes that the people had already been
- 16:49Speaker 1: forced to wear. Mour says that the blow of Morguebar
- 16:54Speaker 1: to feudalism in France came directly from the rebellion of
- 16:57Speaker 1: the Dehganans.
- 17:00Speaker 2: Why did the.
- 17:01Speaker 1: Change in France come down? Because the French authorities did
- 17:07Speaker 1: not bring the English to the market. They paid more
- 17:12Speaker 1: taxes than the courts, governmental and judicial authorities. Bourgeoisie was
- 17:18Speaker 1: also alive thanks to the king and was not a pioneer.
- 17:23Speaker 1: So France could not, like England, pull democracy out of
- 17:27Speaker 1: the middle class. When the revolution took place, Mour saw
- 17:34Speaker 1: something special. Every time the security forces wanted to stop
- 17:39Speaker 1: the revolution, a radical resistance pushed.
- 17:43Speaker 2: It forward from the bottom. The engine of these resistances
- 17:47Speaker 2: were the Sankolouts.
- 17:47Speaker 1: The Sankolouts were the supporters and workers of the poor
- 17:52Speaker 1: and homeless people of Paris, not the rebels. But they
- 17:57Speaker 1: defined the limit of the revolution by the rebels. When
- 18:01Speaker 1: the revolution became more radical, the rebels brought less food
- 18:06Speaker 1: to Paris and Russia was not ready to stay behind
- 18:09Speaker 1: the radical revolution of the city.
- 18:12Speaker 2: This stopped the people's position of radical revolution and massacre.
- 18:16Speaker 1: In the words of Moore, the poor of Paris created
- 18:20Speaker 1: the revolution, but the rebels determined where to go.
- 18:23Speaker 2: Of course, some rebels sometimes.
- 18:26Speaker 1: Started against the revolution. For example, in Vendée, in the
- 18:33Speaker 1: west of France, with the slogan of Long live the
- 18:36Speaker 1: king and our good farmers. Mour says that this rebellion
- 18:41Speaker 1: was basically against capitalism and against democracy, against the merchants
- 18:45Speaker 1: and artists of the city and for the benefit of
- 18:49Speaker 1: the king and the authorities. Vendée was a remote area
- 18:53Speaker 1: where there were fewer markets. The outbreak of the revolution
- 19:01Speaker 1: was severe in France, between 35,000 to 40,000 people were killed.
- 19:04Speaker 2: But Moore asks the.
- 19:05Speaker 1: Second question, what was the reason for not having a revolution?
- 19:11Speaker 1: We must also take into account the people of the
- 19:15Speaker 1: Kohan regime's hunger and injustice.
- 19:16Speaker 2: The conclusion of the century in one sentence.
- 19:20Speaker 1: In France, the resistance of the lower classes opened the
- 19:25Speaker 1: way of democracy. The poor women of Paris were the
- 19:30Speaker 1: engine of the revolution and the beggars were its thorns.
- 19:33Speaker 2: The third phase is America.
- 19:39Speaker 1: The last revolution of the capitalist system. The southern America
- 19:45Speaker 1: was a remnant of the Middle Ages.
- 19:47Speaker 2: Until 1840, economy went abroad, more to England.
- 19:52Speaker 1: And Britain took 4-5% of its income from the South
- 19:54Speaker 1: American economy. That is, the business houses of England, which
- 19:59Speaker 1: were the symbol of the industrial revolution, They used to
- 20:11Speaker 1: work with American smugglers. The South American smugglers, who fought
- 20:17Speaker 1: with half of the country's north, were not the last
- 20:22Speaker 1: of the Middle Ages. Moore says they were part of
- 20:27Speaker 1: the same capital. They produced smugglers and sold them in
- 20:30Speaker 1: the world market. They only kept their workers' smugglers by
- 20:32Speaker 1: force of law. To Moore's expression, Mazar-e-Bardadari was not an
- 20:39Speaker 1: industrial capital, it was a separate asset.
- 20:41Speaker 2: So the internal war of America.
- 20:43Speaker 1: Unlike the French Revolution, was not a war of capital
- 20:48Speaker 1: with a fair and fair manner.
- 20:50Speaker 2: It was a small form of capital.
- 20:52Speaker 1: Southern capital that was built on pressure on the laborer
- 20:57Speaker 1: of Barda and northern capital that the laborer.
- 21:00Speaker 2: Wanted to be free of industry.
- 21:06Speaker 1: In the middle of these two, the West of the
- 21:10Speaker 1: United States stood with its free farmers. The southern border
- 21:16Speaker 1: with the land of the West that the farmers had
- 21:18Speaker 1: taken from the Red Cross were opposed. The North gave
- 21:21Speaker 1: the opportunity to the West and united with the Western farmers.
- 21:26Speaker 1: This conflict brought Abraham Lincoln to power and became president. Here,
- 21:34Speaker 1: the Western countries were tied to the market and the
- 21:37Speaker 1: North's industry, not to the South's corrupt officials. In Germany,
- 21:43Speaker 1: it was the opposite. The industrialists were united with the landowners, i.e.
- 21:51Speaker 2: The Yonkers.
- 21:51Speaker 1: Now, in America, the North has won and the corruption
- 21:55Speaker 1: has returned. The radical Republicans wanted to finish the work.
- 21:59Speaker 1: Their slogan was this. freedom of speech, freedom of work,
- 22:03Speaker 1: freedom of school and freedom of speech. Their leader, Thaddeus Stevens,
- 22:10Speaker 1: wanted to separate the great southern lands and divide them
- 22:14Speaker 1: between the liberated Black Houses. Moore says they were not conquerors,
- 22:19Speaker 1: no other way could break the power of the southern landowners.
- 22:22Speaker 1: And in those years, where the land was given to
- 22:28Speaker 1: the Black Houses, They succeeded in conquering it, but this
- 22:33Speaker 1: plan was not implemented and the lands were taken from
- 22:36Speaker 1: the Black Forest and returned to the owners of the
- 22:39Speaker 1: White Forest. In the 1876 elections between Hayes and Tilden,
- 22:42Speaker 1: the North and the South fought each other. Hayz al-Jumhurikha
- 22:53Speaker 1: became president, but in return, the northern forces left the
- 22:57Speaker 1: south and the newly liberated fighters remained.
- 23:01Speaker 2: Without a backer.
- 23:01Speaker 1: The leaders of the two sides of the war came
- 23:05Speaker 1: together again. Now, the summary of the episode in one sentence.
- 23:10Speaker 1: In America, the war put the fighters back, but the north,
- 23:15Speaker 1: after the war, came to the south with the landowners,
- 23:21Speaker 1: and emptied the rear of the ship and the revolution
- 23:23Speaker 1: was incomplete.
- 23:24Speaker 2: The fourth chapter, China.
- 23:28Speaker 1: The misery of the empire and the roots of communism.
- 23:35Speaker 1: In 1930, the leader of the ruling party, Chiang Kai-shek,
- 23:40Speaker 1: attacked the communist army five times and could not defeat them.
- 23:44Speaker 1: But the communists refused to let go of their foothold
- 23:49Speaker 1: and set off. It was the only thing that was
- 23:53Speaker 1: proven to be the power of others. But 15 years later,
- 23:57Speaker 1: they ruled over all of China. How does the answer
- 24:01Speaker 1: start from the old China? China was not prosperous. It
- 24:20Speaker 1: was a divan salar, that is, the emperor managed the
- 24:24Speaker 1: country with government officials. The Chinese officials were not independent
- 24:30Speaker 1: against the British authorities, but they took their positions from
- 24:33Speaker 1: the government. Those officials were the landowners of Najibzadegan. So
- 24:38Speaker 1: why didn't they go to the market? Because it wasn't necessary.
- 24:45Speaker 1: The management of the state was enough. Even trade was
- 24:51Speaker 1: seen as something to be drunk on the ground.
- 24:54Speaker 2: Either they paid taxes on it or they confiscated it.
- 24:57Speaker 2: For example, salt.
- 24:58Speaker 1: As a result, the independent and powerful market class did
- 25:02Speaker 1: not form in China. When the empire collapsed, The local
- 25:13Speaker 1: military leaders, i.e. warlords, took every corner of the country.
- 25:21Speaker 1: Then the Kuomintang party took power by the leadership of
- 25:23Speaker 1: Chiang Kai-shek. At the beginning, there was a revolution, but
- 25:28Speaker 1: according to Moore, after the victory, he gave the same
- 25:32Speaker 1: regime to the country. Support from the landowners with bandwagon
- 25:38Speaker 1: and obviously Confuciusism. Its foundation was the conflict between the
- 25:43Speaker 1: landowners and the leaders of the cities' trade and industry.
- 25:48Speaker 1: Moore considers it to be like fascism, that is, a
- 25:50Speaker 1: military government that suppresses its opponents. But it was weak
- 25:54Speaker 1: because China did not have a strong industry and the
- 25:57Speaker 1: occupation of China by Japan weakened the city's capital. This
- 26:10Speaker 1: regime supported from the land, not from the land, and
- 26:15Speaker 1: the Chinese land, to the expression of the Moors, was
- 26:18Speaker 1: even more than the Russian land, a dynamite that exploded
- 26:22Speaker 1: the Kohan regime. The communists went to these lands. The
- 26:27Speaker 1: war with Japan also gave the feelings of the Chinese
- 26:32Speaker 1: nation a clear goal and motivation. Summary of the 4th
- 26:38Speaker 1: century in one sentence. In China, Ashraf, instead of bringing trade,
- 26:44Speaker 1: construction and markets, was attached to the management of land
- 26:48Speaker 1: and governmental facilities, along with a government that guaranteed the
- 26:52Speaker 1: ownership of the land and kept Dehgan in a bind
- 26:55Speaker 1: and then sold Dehgan to the main force of the revolution.
- 27:00Speaker 1: Fifth Season, Japan 9 years of violence and fascism.
- 27:13Speaker 2: Spring 1932, Tokyo.
- 27:14Speaker 1: A group of young officers of the army and naval
- 27:17Speaker 1: forces attack the Japanese Prime Minister Inokai and kill him.
- 27:20Speaker 1: The journalists consider this day the end of the power
- 27:23Speaker 1: of the non-military politicians.
- 27:26Speaker 2: From then on, the military ruled Japan.
- 27:36Speaker 1: The question is, why did Japan, which had been quickly industrialized,
- 27:40Speaker 1: come here? The answer is in the construction of the
- 27:43Speaker 1: upper class. Construction that not the people, but the old
- 27:48Speaker 1: ruling class itself is advancing, and of course.
- 27:50Speaker 2: Keeps its own power. To understand this, we must return
- 27:53Speaker 2: to the old Japan.
- 27:56Speaker 1: For more than 200 years, Japan was under the rule
- 27:58Speaker 1: of Shogun. The emperor had a position of leader and
- 28:08Speaker 1: the real power was Shogun's hand. During this period of peace,
- 28:14Speaker 1: nearly two million samurai warriors did not have any work
- 28:19Speaker 1: to fight. Samurais took their rights as rice from their slaves,
- 28:27Speaker 1: but in peace, slaves reduced their rights for trade. Moor
- 28:31Speaker 1: names the lower-ranked samurai as the Vellgard's mercenaries. Khashmgin, Bikar
- 28:38Speaker 1: and Amadei Khushunad. Samurai and traders were in a fight.
- 28:44Speaker 1: Samurais needed money to convert rice to traders. And traders
- 28:47Speaker 1: needed support from samurais for their own security. This relationship
- 28:52Speaker 1: kept the traders weak. In England, traders were independent. and
- 29:04Speaker 1: this independence allowed them to lead the revolution.
- 29:07Speaker 2: In Japan, however, the.
- 29:10Speaker 1: Merchants never came out of the military-style of Samurai, so
- 29:14Speaker 1: the independent class that led the transition against the Kohan
- 29:17Speaker 1: regime did not take shape. In 1868, the Shogunate period
- 29:20Speaker 1: was over and the empire was once again in power.
- 29:33Speaker 2: Thank you for watching.
- 29:30Speaker 1: The regime was re-established under the leadership of Mijy. Its
- 29:34Speaker 1: leaders were not merchants. They were low-ranking Samurais from the
- 29:40Speaker 1: two Western states.
- 29:42Speaker 2: They built a.
- 29:43Speaker 1: Modern state, but they also preserved the privileges of the
- 29:47Speaker 1: former ruler. On April 4, they replaced their own rights
- 29:51Speaker 1: with the continuity of the constitution and until the year 1880,
- 29:58Speaker 1: More than 44% of the national banks were the hands
- 30:00Speaker 1: of the former and former Japanese officials. The officials had
- 30:04Speaker 1: become bankers. But what happened to our stories?
- 30:08Speaker 2: Why didn't they go after the revolution?
- 30:11Speaker 1: Moore says the reason is that the Japanese government did
- 30:15Speaker 1: not give its land to the British government.
- 30:17Speaker 2: In England, the British government.
- 30:26Speaker 1: Dehgan was left without land and turned it into a
- 30:29Speaker 1: rebel force. In Japan, however, Dehgani's society was not taken
- 30:33Speaker 1: care of, so neither the land was taken care of
- 30:35Speaker 1: nor the Rusta. For this reason, the Dehgani revolution did
- 30:39Speaker 1: not take place in Japan.
- 30:40Speaker 2: What was the result?
- 30:41Speaker 1: Because there were no independent traders who were against Ashraf
- 30:47Speaker 1: and no Dehgani who would revolutionize, the path for the
- 30:50Speaker 1: militants opened. They seized power and formed a single-speaker and
- 30:58Speaker 1: military government that suppressed its opponents. This exactly means fascism.
- 31:03Speaker 1: The summary of the period in one sentence. In Japan,
- 31:09Speaker 1: the military took power and built a modern state, but
- 31:13Speaker 1: they also preserved their privileges. The merchants were wealthy, but
- 31:16Speaker 1: they were not independent and their security was dependent on
- 31:20Speaker 1: the military. neither the bourgeois revolution like England, France and
- 31:58Speaker 1: the United States, nor the fascist conservative revolution like Germany
- 32:04Speaker 1: and Japan, nor the communist revolution like Russia and China.
- 32:10Speaker 1: With all this, India reached democracy without any of these revolutions.
- 32:15Speaker 1: When the death of Nahrou in 1964 was 17 years
- 32:18Speaker 1: of independence, and the democratic Indian political system was also
- 32:26Speaker 1: in decline. Moor considers this to be a change of peace,
- 32:32Speaker 1: a journey that had both rewards and costs. Moor compares
- 32:38Speaker 1: the Indian society to a sea star, which was cut
- 32:42Speaker 1: into pieces by angry fishermen, and each piece became a
- 32:45Speaker 1: new star.
- 32:46Speaker 2: The point is that.
- 32:52Speaker 1: Every opposition in India, instead of overthrowing the regime, turned
- 32:55Speaker 1: into a new and small group, like thousands of Indian
- 32:58Speaker 1: sects and religions. It was not the central power to
- 33:01Speaker 1: implement its will on all sides. The caste and sectarian
- 33:06Speaker 1: regime kept the opponents apart from.
- 33:07Speaker 2: Each other and did not allow the force to form
- 33:12Speaker 2: a part.
- 33:21Speaker 1: According to Moor, this rebellion took the front of the
- 33:24Speaker 1: revolution and prevented the emergence of a central and powerful government. Gandhi,
- 33:29Speaker 1: with the teaching of the absence of tyranny, made a
- 33:33Speaker 1: path between bourgeoisie and the tyrants and removed the national
- 33:39Speaker 1: movement from the path of revolution. The result was democracy,
- 33:43Speaker 1: but Moor asks.
- 33:44Speaker 2: What was its purpose.
- 33:46Speaker 1: The construction of land and agriculture remained in place, And
- 34:22Speaker 1: as a result, the Indian government and society turned a corner,
- 34:25Speaker 1: which of course.
- 34:27Speaker 2: Had its own treasures and dangers.
- 34:41Speaker 1: The result was that the Rostai poverty was not
- 34:54Speaker 1: taken and Qahti also decreased in the hinterland of India.
- 34:59Speaker 1: The message of the century in one sentence India took
- 35:04Speaker 1: democracy without revolution and its resources were the rest of
- 35:09Speaker 1: the construction of the land and Rostai poverty. Seventh century,
- 35:12Speaker 1: the democratic path In the third part of the book,
- 35:22Speaker 1: Moore puts three paths aside. The democratic path, England, France
- 35:28Speaker 1: and the United States. The path of revolution from above, fascism,
- 35:33Speaker 1: Germany and Japan. And the path of revolutionary and communist revolution,
- 35:38Speaker 1: Russia and China. This period is about the first path,
- 35:42Speaker 1: that is, the democratic path. Moore lists five conditions for
- 35:47Speaker 1: this path. First, the balance between Taj and Ashraf should
- 35:53Speaker 1: not be so strong that everything will be confiscated. Neither
- 35:56Speaker 1: should Ashraf be so independent that the central government will
- 36:01Speaker 1: be deprived of it and it will be a waste. Second,
- 36:04Speaker 1: commercial agriculture. Ashraf, instead of living on the path of
- 36:10Speaker 1: taking inheritance from the merchants, should enter the market and
- 36:15Speaker 1: produce clothes. The same thing that the English and French
- 36:22Speaker 1: authorities did and did not do and it was revolutionized. Third,
- 36:28Speaker 1: the diminishing of land ownership. Because the traditional power ownership
- 36:33Speaker 1: was the main obstacle to democracy. Fourth, the prevention of
- 36:38Speaker 1: the opposition of the bourgeoisie against the merchants and workers.
- 36:42Speaker 1: Because this opposition leads to dictatorship, like Germany and Japan.
- 36:50Speaker 1: And the fifth, the revolutionary crisis with the past, a
- 36:54Speaker 1: bad point that after it, the return to the country's
- 36:57Speaker 1: system is not possible. Without this crisis, the mountains return
- 37:02Speaker 1: and destroy democracy.
- 37:03Speaker 2: And then the.
- 37:05Speaker 1: Famous sentence of Mour, without bourgeoisie, democracy is not possible. Why?
- 37:13Speaker 2: Because bourgeoisie, i.e. the market class and the industrialists of cities.
- 37:18Speaker 1: They have an independent economy. They do not take from
- 37:25Speaker 1: the king and not.
- 37:26Speaker 2: From the land.
- 37:27Speaker 1: This independence gives them the power to demand democracy and
- 37:31Speaker 1: their own rights.
- 37:32Speaker 2: But Mour adds another dimension.
- 37:33Speaker 1: If bourgeoisie is alone, it can never build democracy. What
- 37:39Speaker 1: makes democracy possible is the bourgeoisie with farmers and farmers.
- 37:46Speaker 2: So the players of.
- 37:47Speaker 1: Roustan Although they do not have the main role, they
- 37:51Speaker 1: can be the door to democracy or its obstacle. If
- 37:55Speaker 1: the rebels unite with the bourgeoisie, the path of democracy
- 38:00Speaker 1: will open and if they remain under the rule of
- 38:02Speaker 1: the Ashraf, democracy will be lost.
- 38:05Speaker 2: The message of.
- 38:07Speaker 1: The seventh century is that democracy is not the result
- 38:12Speaker 1: of self-improvement. The value of the balance is damaging. Mian-e-Taj-o-Ashraf, Zamindaran-o-Burj-o-Azi-o-Shahr-o-Rustan. Fasl-e-Hashtom, Faschism, Engalab-az-Bala.
- 38:33Speaker 1: Masir-e-Faschisti ba Rah-e-Demokratik farg dar-e. Dar-in Masir, Arbab-an-e-Zamindar ba Komak-e-Dowlat
- 38:41Speaker 1: Dehqan-an-ro Ba-Zour-dar-Ban-Negah-mi-Daran. Bourgeoisie is also weak and has no ability
- 38:49Speaker 1: to deal with the rebels, so it is impossible to
- 38:52Speaker 1: get away from them and even unite with them. Germany
- 38:56Speaker 1: and Japan are examples of this path. In the fascist path,
- 39:00Speaker 1: the evil social structures remain untouched. Mour represents this situation
- 39:05Speaker 1: in an interesting way. A house with a modern kitchen
- 39:14Speaker 1: and a new light. But with broken and worn-out columns
- 39:18Speaker 1: and wooden walls that have been covered by a new wall.
- 39:21Speaker 2: It looks new and modern.
- 39:22Speaker 1: Appearance, but the foundation is the same columns of the
- 39:28Speaker 1: mountain and forest. This building eventually becomes a fairytale. This
- 39:35Speaker 1: is the same new construction without the change of social
- 39:39Speaker 1: structure and handing over to the columns of the mountain regime.
- 39:48Speaker 1: The fascist regimes such as Germany and Japan did great things.
- 39:54Speaker 1: They built a strong army, expanded the training of the
- 39:57Speaker 1: whole country, increased the number of soldiers, but they had
- 40:01Speaker 1: a problem that could not be solved. The barbarians of
- 40:05Speaker 1: the mountain were in their place. Their solution was militarism,
- 40:09Speaker 1: and this means fascism. Fascism was the final attempt of
- 40:14Speaker 1: the barbarians of the mountain This time with a public
- 40:20Speaker 1: and modern appearance. Fascism was completely established in Germany, because
- 40:27Speaker 1: Germany had both advanced industry and mountain farmers, i.e. Junkers,
- 40:34Speaker 1: the great landowner of Prussia, were in their place. Now
- 40:43Speaker 1: the Marxists said that to withstand the industrialization of the revolution,
- 40:47Speaker 1: the people's revolution is definitely necessary, the communist revolution. But
- 40:53Speaker 1: Moore stood next to them and said, this is just
- 40:56Speaker 1: a joke. Germany and Japan were industrialized without the people's revolution.
- 41:01Speaker 1: But since there was no people's revolution, the construction of
- 41:06Speaker 1: the power mountain was not achieved. Landowners, like the German Junkers,
- 41:11Speaker 1: were in their place and the weak bourgeoisie was united
- 41:16Speaker 1: with them, that is, with the landlords, not with the
- 41:21Speaker 1: workers and the beggars. This conflict made democracy disappear and
- 41:27Speaker 1: reached fascism. That is, if the revolution is not popular
- 41:32Speaker 1: and the construction of the mountain remains untouched, it is
- 41:36Speaker 1: possible to be industrialized, but not democracy.
- 41:40Speaker 2: In one sentence, the message of the century is.
- 41:43Speaker 1: That fascism is a heritage of construction that did not
- 41:46Speaker 1: touch the construction of the mountain of Rostar. The Arabs remained,
- 41:51Speaker 1: kept the Dehganans in the background and the industry came,
- 41:56Speaker 1: but democracy did not come. The ninth century, Dehganans and revolution.
- 42:04Speaker 1: Why did the Dehganans revolt and revolutionize in some places
- 42:07Speaker 1: and not in some places? Moor starts to put the
- 42:11Speaker 1: explanations of Sade Engaraneh aside by argument. Some claim that
- 42:16Speaker 1: the situation was due to the worst economic situation. But
- 42:20Speaker 1: the Indian government did not suffer less than the Chinese government.
- 42:25Speaker 1: Why did it never rise while the Chinese government rose
- 42:30Speaker 1: and revolutionized? The claim of life threatening English invaders were
- 42:38Speaker 1: driven out of Russia after the siege, but they did
- 42:41Speaker 1: not revolt. Why did the French invaders revolt and revolutionize?
- 42:46Speaker 1: The proletariat of Russia, that is, the workers of the
- 42:50Speaker 1: Russian land. But this power did not play a decisive
- 42:53Speaker 1: role in the revolutions of Russia and China. The answer
- 42:57Speaker 1: to this question, why did the invaders revolt and revolutionize
- 43:02Speaker 1: in some places and not in some places, It is
- 43:06Speaker 1: in the construction of the society. The first is the
- 43:11Speaker 1: middle of the society of the Dehqani and the Arbab.
- 43:14Speaker 1: Where this foundation was strong, like Japan, Dehqan remained silent. Why?
- 43:20Speaker 1: Because the Arbab and Dehqan needed each other and were
- 43:23Speaker 1: fighting each other. Dehqan wanted land and security and the
- 43:27Speaker 1: Arbab were.
- 43:28Speaker 2: The forces of work.
- 43:28Speaker 1: This foundation gave Dehqan a place in the system and
- 43:32Speaker 1: made the rebellion meaningless. Where this tradition was silent, like
- 43:38Speaker 1: China and Russia, the rulers were absent and only took
- 43:43Speaker 1: rent from afar, Dehgan had no reason to be loyal
- 43:47Speaker 1: and rebelled.
- 43:50Speaker 2: Second, caste. A very divided society like.
- 43:54Speaker 1: India is almost free of any Dehganist rebellion. Why? Because
- 43:58Speaker 1: when it is a society, is divided into thousands of
- 44:06Speaker 1: separate groups, each opposition is turned into a new group,
- 44:10Speaker 1: not into a series. Therefore, any dissatisfaction in the same
- 44:14Speaker 1: small group is reduced. Third, the cohesion of the Russians.
- 44:20Speaker 1: In Russia, the division of the land in Mir divided
- 44:22Speaker 1: Ghani with the poor, i.e. the division of poverty. because
- 44:30Speaker 1: they all had a small amount of land. As a result,
- 44:34Speaker 1: it led to a revolution. In Japan, solidarity was based
- 44:38Speaker 1: on division of labor and the sale of land was
- 44:41Speaker 1: in place in the existing system and the Japanese occupation
- 44:45Speaker 1: had no incentive for revolution. This solidarity of the conservatives
- 44:50Speaker 1: helped the fascists. Fourth, the success of the landowners in
- 44:55Speaker 1: bringing to the market Anywhere the landowners were more interested
- 45:01Speaker 1: in commercial agriculture, the Dehghani revolution was weaker. For example,
- 45:06Speaker 1: the English landowner took the land for the breeding of
- 45:11Speaker 1: sheep and took the Dehghan from the land, but did
- 45:14Speaker 1: not close it. Dehghan was freed and left Rostar, and
- 45:18Speaker 1: this Dehghani revolution was impossible in England. But the Dehghans
- 45:26Speaker 1: have never been alone. The Dehghans need leaders from other classes.
- 45:31Speaker 2: The Dehghans have been suppressed until long ago.
- 45:35Speaker 1: Success is possible when the upper classes make a mistake
- 45:40Speaker 1: and the Dehghans find a united force from other classes.
- 45:43Speaker 1: In France, with Bourgeoisie, in Russia with the Bolsheviks and
- 45:53Speaker 1: in China with the Communists. The history of the revolutionaries
- 45:58Speaker 1: is more than anything else the history of unsuccessful revolts.
- 46:02Speaker 1: For centuries, the revolutionaries were defeated and suppressed.
- 46:06Speaker 2: In Germany in the.
- 46:09Speaker 1: 16th century, in Russia in the 20th century, in China
- 46:13Speaker 1: until the 20th century, which succeeded for the first time.
- 46:17Speaker 1: But this success also had its consequences. Dehgan made the
- 46:21Speaker 1: revolution and then the first sacrifice of the new regime
- 46:25Speaker 1: was made. Mour says, Dehgan is the dynamite of the revolution,
- 46:30Speaker 1: not its architect and not its leader. The leadership comes
- 46:34Speaker 1: from other classes and Dehgan, even when the revolution progresses
- 46:37Speaker 1: and wins, eventually becomes the first sacrifice of.
- 46:40Speaker 2: The new regime, Dehgan himself.
- 46:47Speaker 1: Chapter 9 in one sentence Dehgan is the dynamite of
- 46:52Speaker 1: the revolution, not the architect of the revolution and not
- 46:54Speaker 1: the leader of the revolution. Mour also raises a few
- 46:59Speaker 1: moral questions. Why has the protest and the harassment of
- 47:02Speaker 1: the oppressors always been condemned, while the suppression of the
- 47:06Speaker 1: day-to-day system is always explained? He also asks, How can
- 47:15Speaker 1: taking the 19th product of Dehgan be self-sufficient and cruel?
- 47:20Speaker 1: Iran in Brinton Moore's theory This part is not from
- 47:23Speaker 1: the book, but is increased based.
- 47:27Speaker 2: On the history of Iran.
- 47:39Speaker 1: Moor has not written anything about Iran in his book,
- 47:44Speaker 1: but we can bring his questions to Iran with us.
- 47:46Speaker 2: First question, what.
- 47:48Speaker 1: Was the relationship between Iranian Arabs and Taj? Moor in
- 47:54Speaker 1: the seventh chapter of the book, one of the conditions
- 47:57Speaker 1: of the democratic path is the balance between Taj and Ashraf.
- 48:01Speaker 2: Not that the.
- 48:02Speaker 1: Padishah is so strong that he can take everything and
- 48:05Speaker 1: use it, and not to be so independent that the
- 48:10Speaker 1: central government should be separated from each other. Now, in Iran,
- 48:16Speaker 1: what did the Iranian officials have to do with Taj?
- 48:21Speaker 1: Sadiq Ziba Kalam, in the book, How We Became, and
- 48:26Speaker 1: Kazem Alamdari, in the book, Why Iran Stayed Back and
- 48:30Speaker 1: West Went Forward, we have summarized both books in a brief,
- 48:34Speaker 1: if you haven't had the opportunity yet, Ziba Kalam and
- 48:40Speaker 1: Alamdari show that the earthquakes in Iran such as Toyol
- 48:46Speaker 1: and Iqta were temporary and any moment could have been
- 48:51Speaker 1: taken back by its owner. Basically, in Iran, the real
- 48:56Speaker 1: ownership never took shape and power and authority were in
- 49:03Speaker 1: the center. This Iran is more like China, Brinton Moore says.
- 49:08Speaker 1: who were attached to government positions, including the British of Brintonmoor,
- 49:14Speaker 1: whose descendants were independent and brought to the market and industry.
- 49:10Speaker 1: The second question is how did the issue of Dehgan
- 49:13Speaker 1: in Iran be solved? Neither with the occupation of England
- 49:17Speaker 1: nor with the Dehgan revolution.
- 49:18Speaker 2: In China and Russia.
- 49:35Speaker 1: In Iran, the regional reforms of 1341 with the support
- 49:38Speaker 1: of the United States and the fear of the communist
- 49:40Speaker 1: revolution were carried out and in the 6th referendum of
- 49:45Speaker 1: Bahman of 1341 the white revolution was carried out.
- 49:47Speaker 2: That is, from above and to.
- 49:49Speaker 1: The establishment of a state and with the support of
- 49:53Speaker 1: the United States.
- 49:54Speaker 2: The question is this.
- 49:58Speaker 1: Did the upper revolution create an independent bourgeoisie to support democracy?
- 50:03Speaker 2: The answer is no.
- 50:04Speaker 1: The one who came to power was not an independent
- 50:08Speaker 1: bourgeoisie who was a group of small-minded people who migrated
- 50:12Speaker 1: to the cities to cut down the agricultural lands and
- 50:16Speaker 1: gathered the raw materials of the 57th revolution. The third
- 50:20Speaker 1: question is Why did the curtain of the revolution rise
- 50:31Speaker 1: from the city, not from Russia? If Moore is right
- 50:35Speaker 1: to say that Dehgan was the dynamite of the great
- 50:38Speaker 1: revolutions of the 20th century, why did the revolution in
- 50:43Speaker 1: Iran in 1957 take shape in the cities? Teda Skachpol,
- 50:48Speaker 1: Moore's student, in an article in 1982, referred to the
- 50:51Speaker 1: Ranti government and the Shiite spirituality in the Iranian revolution.
- 50:58Speaker 1: The assumption is that the oil was unnecessary for the
- 51:02Speaker 1: Tehran government to get rid of the landowners' debt. Therefore,
- 51:05Speaker 1: the revolution of Iran is coming out of the face
- 51:09Speaker 1: of the earth.
- 51:09Speaker 2: In Egypt.
- 51:12Speaker 1: After 1952 and in Iraq after 1958, again land reforms
- 51:15Speaker 1: and again from above and to the hands of the
- 51:18Speaker 1: militants came, not with a violent rebellion. Again, this is
- 51:28Speaker 1: a reflection of the revolution from above. In Algeria, Vietnam
- 51:33Speaker 1: and many other countries, dictators had the main role in
- 51:35Speaker 1: anti-development revolutions, but not as seen in the book of Moore,
- 51:38Speaker 1: but in combination with nationalistic and socialist ideologies. This shows
- 51:43Speaker 1: that the model of Moore's third party, although useful.
- 51:45Speaker 2: And bright, is not the society of all roads and
- 51:48Speaker 2: all countries.
- 51:59Speaker 3: Jambandi Nahai We return to the night of the 4th
- 52:03Speaker 3: of August 1789.
- 52:04Speaker 1: The French emperors, according to Marat, in the light of
- 52:08Speaker 1: the castles in their burning condition, were proud of the
- 52:10Speaker 1: achievements that people had previously taken to force. This scene
- 52:14Speaker 1: sums up one of the book's lessons. Freedom was less
- 52:16Speaker 1: a gift from the rulers and more Samarey feshari ki
- 52:31Speaker 1: az pahin omade, wa pushtash aglab khushonati bude, ashkar ya penhan.
- 52:38Speaker 1: Brinton Moore mighe, sarnvesht siyasi keshwarha ro bayad dar rusta jost.
- 52:44Speaker 1: Keshwarha az se rah be jahan modern residen, wa har
- 52:49Speaker 1: se az mazrae shorumi shod. Jahi ke ashraf khodeshon tajir shodan,
- 52:55Speaker 1: ya dar engalab az miyan raftand, demokrasi omad. Jai ki
- 53:00Speaker 1: ba komek doolat dehgan ro darband negahdashdan shod fashism. Wa
- 53:06Speaker 1: jai ki doolat furoor ikht wa dehganan shouridan shod komunism.
- 53:13Speaker 1: Hich kodom az in raha bi baha na boud. Demokrasi
- 53:17Speaker 1: Engelistan bar khushonat hesarkeshi bana shod. Wa demokrasi Faranseh bar
- 53:22Speaker 1: khushonat engalab. Even India, which has reached democracy without revolution
- 53:30Speaker 1: and peace, is losing its strength today. The Indian society
- 53:33Speaker 1: has become one and the same. The rule of the
- 53:37Speaker 1: Russian Empire has not yet been taken and it is
- 53:39Speaker 1: still in an unparalleled state.
- 53:43Speaker 3: Moore says, In.
- 53:45Speaker 1: History, the tyranny of the oppressors has always been condemned,
- 53:49Speaker 1: from the rebellion of the Rumi-Bastan rebels to the French revolution. However,
- 53:55Speaker 1: the suppression of the day-to-day system has always been suggested.
- 53:59Speaker 1: He wants us to calculate the benefits of both. This
- 54:03Speaker 1: book gives us three questions, like three lights in the
- 54:08Speaker 1: darkness of great events that can be asked of any society,
- 54:13Speaker 1: including our own society. What is the real power of
- 54:16Speaker 1: the hand? What independent forces are they and can they
- 54:23Speaker 1: stand against them? And who is responsible for every big change?
- 54:28Speaker 1: The last word. I thank you for your attention and support.
- 54:36Speaker 1: If listening to the summary of the book on the
- 54:39Speaker 1: social roots of dictatorship and democracy is useful, I also
- 54:47Speaker 1: recommend reading the original book because it is full of
- 54:50Speaker 1: historical details, references and arguments that are not included in
- 54:54Speaker 1: a summary.
- 54:55Speaker 2: This book was.
- 54:56Speaker 1: One of the most difficult projects in the history of
- 55:01Speaker 1: at least six countries in a podcast with special difficulties
- 55:04Speaker 1: that I hope will catch your attention. Tahiyeh khulaseh har
- 55:18Speaker 1: kitab az motaleh wa negarish matn girifteh ta khanesh, zabto enteshar,
- 55:24Speaker 1: dastekam yeki do hafteh kare feshurdeh ro mitalabeh. Ba in hal,
- 55:29Speaker 1: tamam mohtabaha yema rayegan dar dasrseh hameh qarar dareh, wa
- 55:34Speaker 1: hamchenan rayegan khaad mond. Ama rayegan budan be maaniy bedona
- 55:39Speaker 1: hazine budan nist. Tadavum in massir tanha ba hamrahi wa
- 55:44Speaker 1: hamayateh shoma momkeneh. and you are our only sponsor. If
- 55:48Speaker 1: you find these three books useful and want to keep
- 55:52Speaker 1: this light on, you can help this journey in two ways.
- 55:54Speaker 3: One, by signing the right of participation to any amount
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- 55:57Speaker 1: The link to sign the financial support and bank card
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- 56:15Speaker 3: And also in the bio of the channel. 2. In
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- 56:19Speaker 1: You hear this summary, by liking and commenting, and especially
- 56:23Speaker 1: by sending this content to your groups and friends, support
- 56:26Speaker 1: us and introduce us. Here I must say thank you
- 56:29Speaker 1: to all the friends who supported us with the donation
- 56:33Speaker 1: of the right to participate and also the introduction of
- 56:36Speaker 1: Chekideh Mandegar. Daneshgah Soti Chekideh Mandegar, Dar Payam Resanha Ye
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- 57:12Speaker 1: Ro Jostejo Konid, The audio files and the written text
- 57:17Speaker 1: of the podcasts are also available on the Chekideh Mandegar
- 57:21Speaker 1: website and at khudai.wordpress.com.
- 57:24Speaker 3: Thank you and goodbye.