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Voddie Baucham - Cultural Marxism · Voddie Baucham Sermons

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  Speaker 1: My assignment tonight is to address the topic of cultural Marxism.
• 0:07
  Speaker 1: And it's a topic that I have been talking about
• 0:13
  Speaker 1: for a long time. And it's a topic that most
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  Speaker 1: people didn't want to hear me talk about. But now,
• 0:23
  Speaker 1: for some strange reason, people are finding it more relevant.
• 0:29
  Speaker 1: There's a passage of Scripture... I want to read for us.
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  Speaker 1: It's from the book of 1 Chronicles chapter 12. 1
• 0:39
  Speaker 1: Chronicles chapter 12. I was trying to think about a
• 0:41
  Speaker 1: passage of scripture. Talking about cultural Marxism. Where's that text?
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  Speaker 1: This is not a text on cultural Marxism, but I
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  Speaker 1: believe it's a text that really explains the importance of
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  Speaker 1: us addressing this issue tonight. 1 Chronicles chapter 12, beginning
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  Speaker 1: of verse 23. These are the numbers of the divisions
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  Speaker 1: of the armed troops who came to David in Hebron
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  Speaker 1: to turn the kingdom of Saul over to him according
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  Speaker 1: to the word of the Lord. So David, the man
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  Speaker 1: after God's own heart, is about to inherit the kingdom.
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  Speaker 1: He's about to become king. And there are men who
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  Speaker 1: came with him because if you're going to be king,
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  Speaker 1: if you're going to govern God's people, if you're going
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  Speaker 1: to lead God's people there's some things that you need. Amen?
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  Speaker 1: The men of Judah, bearing shield and spear, were 6,800
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  Speaker 1: armed troops. Of the Simeonites, mighty men of valor for war, 7,100.
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  Speaker 1: Of the Levites, 4,600. The prince Jehoiada of the house
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  Speaker 1: of Aaron, and with him, 3,700. Zadok, a young man,
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  Speaker 1: mighty in valor, and 22 commanders from his own father's house.
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  Speaker 1: Of the Benjaminites, the kinsmen of Saul, 3,000, of whom
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  Speaker 1: the majority to that point kept their allegiance to the
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  Speaker 1: house of Saul. Of the Ephraimites, 20,800 mighty men of valor,
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  Speaker 1: famous men in their father's house. Of the half-tribe of Manasseh, 18,000,
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  Speaker 1: who were expressly named to come and make David king
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  Speaker 1: of Issachar. Men who had understanding of the times to
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  Speaker 1: know what Israel ought to do. 200 chiefs and all
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  Speaker 1: their kinsmen under their command. Swords, shield, mighty men of valor.
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  Speaker 1: You need all that. Amen. Amen. But you also need
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  Speaker 1: some men who understand the times so that you know
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  Speaker 1: what you ought to do. And that's what I hope
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  Speaker 1: this session will be about. I hope that it will
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  Speaker 1: be about us trying to understand the times. Now, what
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  Speaker 1: I don't want to do is I don't want to
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  Speaker 1: just offer you a dry lecture today. on the topic
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  Speaker 1: of cultural Marxism, which is kind of hard not to do,
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  Speaker 1: because it is cultural Marxism. But what I want to
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  Speaker 1: do is sort of put this in a context to
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  Speaker 1: help you understand why it's important, why this matters. Currently,
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  Speaker 1: in this discussion, in this debate, and I even hesitate
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  Speaker 1: to call it a debate, and I'll talk more about
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  Speaker 1: that as the weekend goes on, One of the reasons
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  Speaker 1: this is not really a debate is because there's a
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  Speaker 1: lot of name-calling, right? People address the issue of social justice.
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  Speaker 1: Some topic comes up. One person says it's a social
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  Speaker 1: justice issue. The other person calls them a cultural Marxist,
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  Speaker 1: and then they turn around and call the person a racist,
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  Speaker 1: and that's about all the debate that you get. It's name-calling,
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  Speaker 1: and things get short-circuited because of the name-calling. And often,
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  Speaker 1: neither side is being completely honest. And we know it. Often,
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  Speaker 1: the person who's looking at their brother and saying, ah,
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  Speaker 1: you're just a cultural Marxist, doesn't necessarily mean that that's
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  Speaker 1: what the person is, even though they may believe that
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  Speaker 1: they're espousing some of the ideas that come from cultural Marxism.
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  Speaker 1: And generally, the person who turns back and says, ah,
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  Speaker 1: you're just a racist, knows better. But both sides recognize
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  Speaker 1: that that's a way to shut the other down. Because
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  Speaker 1: right now, these are not issues that are being debated.
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  Speaker 1: These are not issues that are being discussed. And in fact,
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  Speaker 1: in many instances, the mere act of debating and discussing
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  Speaker 1: these issues is considered to make you a cultural Marxist
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  Speaker 1: or a racist. On the one hand, if the one
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  Speaker 1: person says that this was an injustice and you turn
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  Speaker 1: around and want to debate whether or not that was
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  Speaker 1: an injustice, they look at you, how dare you? I
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  Speaker 1: just told you that this was an injustice. How insensitive
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  Speaker 1: can you be to not acknowledge this injustice? And on
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  Speaker 1: the other hand, the other person who genuinely doesn't believe
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  Speaker 1: that an injustice has occurred is trying to point out
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  Speaker 1: why an injustice hasn't necessarily occurred here and have a
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  Speaker 1: finger pointed at them and are called a racist. And
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  Speaker 1: they say, wait a minute, really? How long have we
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  Speaker 1: known each other? You know that's not who I am.
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  Speaker 1: And so we end up just sort of not addressing
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  Speaker 1: the issues. not debating the issues. That's the great irony here,
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  Speaker 1: is that there are issues that need to be dealt with,
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  Speaker 1: that we need to press in on, that we need
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  Speaker 1: to press each other on. But this has been declared
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  Speaker 1: ground where we're not allowed to fight, because merely deciding
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  Speaker 1: to debate and argue these issues disqualifies you. And for
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  Speaker 1: some people, it even disqualifies you as a Christian. You're
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  Speaker 1: no longer a brother or sister if you're not right
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  Speaker 1: on these issues. Another part of the problem is our
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  Speaker 1: ignorance of or misuse of the terms, which is one
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  Speaker 1: of the reasons that I want to address this tonight.
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  Speaker 1: But first, let me tell you what I'm not saying.
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  Speaker 1: I'm not here to state that all who disagree with
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  Speaker 1: me are Gramscian cultural neo-Marxists. You'll understand those terms as
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  Speaker 1: we go along, right? That's not what I'm here to say.
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  Speaker 1: I don't believe that. I believe that there are some
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  Speaker 1: people within these circles. There are some people within these
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  Speaker 1: movements who absolutely hold to this ideology that we're going
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  Speaker 1: to talk about here tonight. But there are others who
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  Speaker 1: don't hold to the ideology who unfortunately have decided to
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  Speaker 1: use the terminology. And that's a problem. I'm also not
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  Speaker 1: here to state that all of the ideas with which
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  Speaker 1: I disagree in the current debate are Marxist. Because that's
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  Speaker 1: not fair as well. I am not a social justice warrior.
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  Speaker 1: I am not an advocate of intersectionality. I'm not even
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  Speaker 1: an advocate of systemic racism theory, and it is a theory.
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  Speaker 1: I'm not an advocate of those things. But I don't
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  Speaker 1: believe that everyone who is an advocate of those things
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  Speaker 1: is necessarily a Marxist. And I think we have to
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  Speaker 1: be careful about that. That we're dealing with brothers and
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  Speaker 1: sisters here. And again, while I would actually love and
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  Speaker 1: enjoy to be treated with that level of brotherly love
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  Speaker 1: and respect, I can't demand it. I won't demand it,
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  Speaker 1: but I have to give it. Amen? I have to
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  Speaker 1: give it. And so that's my decision here. My decision
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  Speaker 1: here is to give that and hope for it in return.
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  Speaker 1: Hope that people are honest enough to deal in kind.
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  Speaker 1: So what am I saying? What is my goal here?
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  Speaker 1: My goal is to lay out a sketch of cultural Marxism.
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  Speaker 1: We won't be able to go into every aspect of
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  Speaker 1: this ideology, but I want you to at least have
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  Speaker 1: an idea of where it comes from and what we're
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  Speaker 1: talking about when you use the term My hope is
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  Speaker 1: to make it clear why and how I and others
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  Speaker 1: use the term and what we mean by it. Because
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  Speaker 1: I do use the term and I have used the
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  Speaker 1: term for a while and I believe it's appropriate to
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  Speaker 1: use the term. Although it's unfortunate because when people hear it,
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  Speaker 1: that sense of offense comes, so we have to be careful.
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  Speaker 1: In doing so, I hope to help you understand a
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  Speaker 1: couple of things. Why this terminology is important. Ideas matter.
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  Speaker 1: Words matter. And it's important that we understand the words
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  Speaker 1: that we use. And it's important on both sides. It's
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  Speaker 1: important for you, whichever side of this thing you find
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  Speaker 1: yourself on, to understand the words that you use and
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  Speaker 1: the implications of the words that you use. And not
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  Speaker 1: just assume that people know what you're talking about or
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  Speaker 1: what you mean when you throw out those words. Secondly,
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  Speaker 1: I want you to understand why I believe it's important
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  Speaker 1: to address these issues. And you've heard some of that
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  Speaker 1: already today. But I do believe that this is a
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  Speaker 1: critical issue and we are at a critical juncture. There
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  Speaker 1: are things at stake here that are of the utmost
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  Speaker 1: priority and significance. I also want you to understand why
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  Speaker 1: certain ideas are being embraced today. Or why some of
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  Speaker 1: these ideas are actually antithetical to the gospel that we
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  Speaker 1: love and preach. And why these issues that we face
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  Speaker 1: are important enough to discuss and find a way forward.
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  Speaker 1: Because we knew we do need to find a way forward.
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  Speaker 1: Sticking our head in the sand is not an option.
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  Speaker 1: Not only is it not an option because we find
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  Speaker 1: ourselves at this crossroad within evangelicalism. That's important. It's important
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  Speaker 1: that we battle these things out. It's important that we
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  Speaker 1: understand each other. It's important that we have clarity. It's
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  Speaker 1: important that we find ourselves on the same page. But
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  Speaker 1: there are a couple of other things that are important
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  Speaker 1: that I want you to hear tonight. Because remember what
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  Speaker 1: I said about the courtesy that I want to extend,
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  Speaker 1: that courtesy that is not always extended in the other direction.
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  Speaker 1: Racism is real. And it's sin. And I think it's
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  Speaker 1: sad that there are people who are actually arguing that
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  Speaker 1: those of us who have been part of the statement
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  Speaker 1: on social justice and the gospel have somehow made a
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  Speaker 1: statement that we don't believe that racism is real or
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  Speaker 1: that racism is a sin. Racism is real. It's a sin.
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  Speaker 1: Oppression is real. It's sinful. Hatred is real and it's sinful.
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  Speaker 1: My aim here is not to merely fight battles of
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  Speaker 1: terminology in order to avoid acknowledging real issues like these.
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  Speaker 1: These are real issues. And enough already with the people
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  Speaker 1: who are saying, you just use terminology like cultural Marxism.
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  Speaker 1: You just use these words like this so that you
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  Speaker 1: don't have to address these real issues. Nothing could be
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  Speaker 1: further from the truth. Nothing could be further from the truth.
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  Speaker 1: There are too many people who have been killed by
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  Speaker 1: police officers. Guess what? There's too many police officers who've
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  Speaker 1: been killed by citizens. That's a problem. We have serious
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  Speaker 1: problems in immigration that demand not only political solutions, but
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  Speaker 1: also present an opportunity for those of us who love
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  Speaker 1: the gospel and want the gospel to be preached to
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  Speaker 1: every nation. Amen, somebody. There are far too many educational opportunities,
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  Speaker 1: too many educational resources in this country for so many
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  Speaker 1: people to have so poor an education. That's an issue.
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  Speaker 1: It's real. Amen. Amen. So simply because I am going
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  Speaker 1: to argue and will not stop arguing against cultural Marxism
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  Speaker 1: does not mean that I am unwilling to acknowledge or
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  Speaker 1: to engage on these real issues. And it is insulting, unfair,
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  Speaker 1: and unbrotherly to suggest otherwise. just as much as it
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  Speaker 1: is to say that anybody who emphasizes these issues more
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  Speaker 1: than I would somehow doesn't love the gospel. My background.
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  Speaker 1: I just want to help you understand why this is
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  Speaker 1: something that I've been addressing. I was raised in in
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  Speaker 1: South Central Los Angeles, no, just South L.A. I don't
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  Speaker 1: know why they changed that, but by a single teenage
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  Speaker 1: Buddhist mother. And so, yes, I was a fatherless young
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  Speaker 1: black man growing up in the ghetto in South L.A., drug-infested,
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  Speaker 1: gang-infested South L.A. The police who policed my neighborhood were
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  Speaker 1: from the famous or infamous, depending on who you're asking,
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  Speaker 1: Rampart Division. You don't even have to be from Los
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  Speaker 1: Angeles to have heard about the Rampart Division. The Rampart
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  Speaker 1: Division was the baddest gang in LA. They made sure
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  Speaker 1: we knew that. There are a number of family members
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  Speaker 1: of mine who have spent most of their adult life
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  Speaker 1: in prison. There are two first cousins of mine who've
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  Speaker 1: been gunned down in the street. So, again, I also
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  Speaker 1: think it's rather ironic that You know, when people listen
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  Speaker 1: to me talking about these issues, there are some people
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  Speaker 1: who have suggested that my position on these issues somehow
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  Speaker 1: rises out of the fact that I'm not in touch
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  Speaker 1: with blackness or the black experience or I've been so
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  Speaker 1: privileged that somehow I just don't get it. It's especially
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  Speaker 1: ironic when some of these people have seen virtually nothing
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  Speaker 1: in the way of real oppression who have the audacity
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  Speaker 1: to say such things. So that's where I come from.
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  Speaker 1: I come from a family of activists. I come from,
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  Speaker 1: I remember, I mean, I just, hey, you know, black power,
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  Speaker 1: black nationalism, members of my family who were part of
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  Speaker 1: the Nation of Islam, members of my family who were
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  Speaker 1: parts of other organizations, members of my family who were
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  Speaker 1: part of protests and the whole civil rights movement and
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  Speaker 1: everything else. That's where I come from. I didn't grow
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  Speaker 1: up with my father, but I knew my father. My
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  Speaker 1: father was always an advocate. He worked in the criminal
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  Speaker 1: justice system. He worked as a counselor in juvenile detention centers.
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  Speaker 1: He worked in a boy's home. My mother was a
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  Speaker 1: victim's advocate until she retired in San Antonio, Texas, working
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  Speaker 1: in the legal system there. My first three jobs were
• 18:13
  Speaker 1: in group homes because of the influence of those people
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  Speaker 1: who raised me. So again, this is where I'm coming
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  Speaker 1: from on these issues. And yet, I despise cultural Marxism,
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  Speaker 1: am not a social justice warrior, reject ideas like white privilege, intersectionality,
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  Speaker 1: and systemic racism theory, absolutely unequivocally so. And not just
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  Speaker 1: since yesterday. I started writing about cultural Marxism in the
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  Speaker 1: early 2000s, somewhere around 2005, 2006, 2007. Blogged about it
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  Speaker 1: intensely in 2007 during the election because of what I
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  Speaker 1: saw as the incredible threat of Barack Obama. who was
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  Speaker 1: a massive cultural Marxist. And in my opinion, then and now,
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  Speaker 1: a dangerous man on a number of fronts and for
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  Speaker 1: a number of reasons. And so, yeah, I ended up,
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  Speaker 1: you know, some of you may have seen an interview
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  Speaker 1: that I did on CNN before the election. talking about,
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  Speaker 1: you know, some of these issues. I only got to
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  Speaker 1: do that one time. So that was pretty much it.
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  Speaker 1: The lady said after the interview was over that, yeah,
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  Speaker 1: we'll have to have you back. And I knew at
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  Speaker 1: that moment that I would never be back on that
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  Speaker 1: person's show again. And so this is not something new.
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  Speaker 1: Why did I think it was an issue at that time?
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  Speaker 1: Because of a number of things. Let me give you
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  Speaker 1: just a few that I wrote about then and was
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  Speaker 1: worried about then because of the philosophy of cultural Marxism
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  Speaker 1: and because of this man's long history with cultural Marxism.
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  Speaker 1: Not only from his university days, but even his church.
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  Speaker 1: This man sat under and overt Marxist pastor for decades.
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  Speaker 1: Jeremiah Wright was an over... He was not just a
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  Speaker 1: cultural Marxist, he was also a classical Marxist. Okay? This
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  Speaker 1: man had sat under that teaching for years and years.
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  Speaker 1: Not only had he done that, but his position on
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  Speaker 1: certain issues, like, for example, his homosexual agenda, the most
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  Speaker 1: radically pro-homosexual... Politician that I had ever seen or experienced
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  Speaker 1: in the mainstream. His position on abortion and infanticide, which
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  Speaker 1: was radical. On judicial activism. Hate crimes legislation. And I
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  Speaker 1: believed and said openly on a number of occasions that
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  Speaker 1: I believe this man's presidency would make race relations in
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  Speaker 1: America worse, not better. an article that I wrote and
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  Speaker 1: actually reprinted two years later. Because I'm not big on
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  Speaker 1: I told you so, but I told you so. And so, yes,
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  Speaker 1: I don't think that I've come here this weekend suddenly
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  Speaker 1: talking about cultural Marxism because, you know, now it's a
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  Speaker 1: trump card that can be used in this particular debate.
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  Speaker 1: nearly a decade and a half now, I've been addressing
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  Speaker 1: this issue. So with that in mind, let's look at it.
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  Speaker 1: A couple of things. First, cultural Marxism and classical Marxism
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  Speaker 1: are two different things. And this is one of the
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  Speaker 1: things that makes the discussion difficult. Classical Marxism, Karl Marx
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  Speaker 1: was an economist, right? Classical Marxism is an economic system.
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  Speaker 1: You know, we know about the bourgeois and the proletariat.
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  Speaker 1: We know from each according to his ability, to each
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  Speaker 1: according to his need. We know about the uprising of
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  Speaker 1: the masses, you know, to overthrow capitalism. We know that
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  Speaker 1: Marx was a communist who wanted to see capitalism overthrown.
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  Speaker 1: He saw capitalism as oppressing the masses. He also saw
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  Speaker 1: religion as the opiate of the masses that allowed them
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  Speaker 1: to be oppressed by capitalism. So he was rabidly atheistic.
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  Speaker 1: And this is one of the things that makes it
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  Speaker 1: difficult to talk to people about cultural Marxism, right? Because
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  Speaker 1: classical Marxism is something that for most Christians, for most evangelicals,
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  Speaker 1: for real Christians, for real evangelicals, who are not way
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  Speaker 1: out there on the fringe somewhere, just wouldn't identify with Marxism.
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  Speaker 1: And if we don't understand the difference between classical Marxism,
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  Speaker 1: this economic system, and cultural Marxism, which is very different
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  Speaker 1: than this in its approach, then if you just hear
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  Speaker 1: the word, it's like... how can you say that? How
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  Speaker 1: can you suggest that? Three main ideas. Let me give
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  Speaker 1: you this just to understand Marx. A summary of his
• 24:05
  Speaker 1: salient points. Number one, he believed that history had really
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  Speaker 1: three stages or epochs. Number one, the ancient stage. Secondly,
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  Speaker 1: the feudal stage. And thirdly, the capitalist stage. He believed
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  Speaker 1: that he was witnessing the rise and would see eventually
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  Speaker 1: the fall of the capitalist stage. The second idea was
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  Speaker 1: the idea of class consciousness, that each one of these
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  Speaker 1: societal epochs contained internal contradictions. And these internal contradictions is
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  Speaker 1: what would lead to struggle and would eventually lead to
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  Speaker 1: the next phase, which led to the third idea, his
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  Speaker 1: idea of historical determinism. that ultimately capitalism would fall. Capitalism
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  Speaker 1: had to fall. Why? Because the way he viewed history
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  Speaker 1: was history was a view of struggle, was a series
• 25:05
  Speaker 1: of struggles, a series of conflicts. He was a disciple
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  Speaker 1: of Hegel. So this was sort of his dialectic, if
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  Speaker 1: you will. Thesis, antithesis, synthesis, right? So capitalism had to fall.
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  Speaker 1: Workers of the world would unite and there would be
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  Speaker 1: a revolution. And there was, right? But not everywhere. And
• 25:32
  Speaker 1: so toward the end of his life, and then during
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  Speaker 1: the life of his followers, they tried to explain and
• 25:38
  Speaker 1: understand why it is that capitalism didn't fall. I mean,
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  Speaker 1: if capitalism is exploitation of the masses, and if... History
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  Speaker 1: is all about these conflicts. And if this conflict is
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  Speaker 1: going to come, and if the next thing that is
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  Speaker 1: going to come is a post-capitalist society, then why haven't
• 26:02
  Speaker 1: we seen this? Enter the cultural Marxists. With a couple
• 26:11
  Speaker 1: of goals. Number one, to explain why the revolution didn't
• 26:17
  Speaker 1: occur as Marx thought it would. Marx died in 1888,
• 26:22
  Speaker 1: by the way. So now we get into the late 1800s,
• 26:25
  Speaker 1: the early 1900s. We get into World War I. And
• 26:32
  Speaker 1: there are a couple of players that you need to
• 26:35
  Speaker 1: know if you're going to understand cultural Marxism. One is
• 26:39
  Speaker 1: a guy by the name of Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci was
• 26:42
  Speaker 1: an Italian Marxist. Another one is not an individual. but
• 26:50
  Speaker 1: a group of individuals known as the Frankfurt School. Two ideas. One,
• 26:59
  Speaker 1: Gramsci's idea of cultural hegemony. Listen to the way one
• 27:05
  Speaker 1: sociologist puts it. Cultural hegemony refers to domination or rule
• 27:11
  Speaker 1: maintained through ideological or cultural means. It is usually achieved
• 27:17
  Speaker 1: through social institutions which allow those in power to strongly
• 27:22
  Speaker 1: influence the values, norms, ideas, expectations, worldview, and behavior of
• 27:29
  Speaker 1: the rest of society. Cultural hegemony. That's the power. By
• 27:43
  Speaker 1: the way, this idea of cultural hegemony explains something. Have
• 27:47
  Speaker 1: you ever wondered Why women who make up more than
• 27:53
  Speaker 1: 50% of the population are considered a minority? You ever
• 28:02
  Speaker 1: wondered why? Because women are not seen as part of
• 28:08
  Speaker 1: the cultural hegemony. The cultural hegemony is patriarchal. The cultural hegemony,
• 28:15
  Speaker 1: for example, in our society is patriarchal. White, male, heterosexual, cisgendered, able-bodied,
• 28:29
  Speaker 1: native-born Americans. You know who you are. And everybody who's
• 28:44
  Speaker 1: not that is a minority. And everybody who's not that
• 28:53
  Speaker 1: is a victim of the cultural hegemony established by those individuals.
• 29:01
  Speaker 1: Which means that everybody who's not that is at war
• 29:06
  Speaker 1: with that. And everybody who is that is privileged. And
• 29:14
  Speaker 1: the more of those boxes you tick off, the more
• 29:18
  Speaker 1: privileged you are. Shame. Listen to this. Gramsci developed the
• 29:31
  Speaker 1: concept of cultural hegemony in an effort to explain why
• 29:35
  Speaker 1: the worker-led revolution that Marx predicted in the previous century
• 29:39
  Speaker 1: had not come to pass. Central to Marx's theory of
• 29:43
  Speaker 1: capitalism was the belief that the destruction of this economic
• 29:47
  Speaker 1: system was built into the system itself since capitalism is
• 29:52
  Speaker 1: premised on the exploitation of the working class by the
• 29:56
  Speaker 1: ruling class. Why didn't it happen? Well, because we're not
• 30:01
  Speaker 1: dealing with economics. We're dealing with culture. Marx missed this part.
• 30:08
  Speaker 1: Or so Gramsci would argue. He missed this part. So
• 30:14
  Speaker 1: the revolution that comes doesn't need to be an armed
• 30:19
  Speaker 1: revolution or a revolution of force. It needs to be
• 30:24
  Speaker 1: a hegemonic revolution. In other words, we need to change
• 30:28
  Speaker 1: the cultural hegemony. We need to overturn the cultural hegemony.
• 30:34
  Speaker 1: And how do you overturn the cultural hegemony? A couple
• 30:41
  Speaker 1: of things. For Gramsci, control the robes of society. What
• 30:49
  Speaker 1: are the robes of society? You know, the people who
• 30:51
  Speaker 1: wear robes. Judges. Professors. pastors, politicians. Leverage those positions in
• 31:16
  Speaker 1: order to educate and mobilize the masses against the hegemonic power.
• 31:26
  Speaker 1: Use the educational system, the political system, the judicial system
• 31:36
  Speaker 1: In order to overturn the cultural hegemony. Does that sound
• 31:42
  Speaker 1: at all familiar? This is how you gain power. By
• 31:46
  Speaker 1: the way, in the meantime, how do you gain political power?
• 31:50
  Speaker 1: You gain political power by promising various groups of people
• 31:55
  Speaker 1: that you will advocate for them. That's how you do it.
• 32:09
  Speaker 1: That's why you can have so many white, male, heterosexual, cisgendered, able-bodied,
• 32:17
  Speaker 1: native-born American politicians who present themselves as representatives of the
• 32:26
  Speaker 1: people who are not any of those things. That's how
• 32:37
  Speaker 1: cultural Marxism works. Well, there's another group of individuals. The
• 32:44
  Speaker 1: Frankfurt School. Let me give you this quickly. The Frankfurt
• 32:48
  Speaker 1: School refers to a collection of scholars. A collection of
• 32:53
  Speaker 1: scholars in Frankfurt, Germany. These individuals who were known for
• 32:59
  Speaker 1: developing critical theory and popularizing the dialectic method of learning,
• 33:08
  Speaker 1: by interrogating society's contradictions, and it's most closely associated with
• 33:13
  Speaker 1: the work of a number of German philosophers during the
• 33:19
  Speaker 1: early 20th century. They saw a couple of things that
• 33:27
  Speaker 1: for them explained why the revolution didn't happen. And for them,
• 33:32
  Speaker 1: part of it was The fact that people were receiving
• 33:36
  Speaker 1: so much information through mass media. Remember, this is the
• 33:39
  Speaker 1: early 20th century. Radio, you know, just coming around. TV,
• 33:44
  Speaker 1: not so much. So people weren't necessarily associating and interacting
• 33:52
  Speaker 1: with each other like they had been in the past,
• 33:55
  Speaker 1: but were receiving information through things like newspapers and radios
• 33:59
  Speaker 1: and so on and so forth. So one of the
• 34:03
  Speaker 1: main goals of the Frankfurt School was to leverage these
• 34:09
  Speaker 1: tools in order to bring about the change in the
• 34:14
  Speaker 1: hegemonic powers. Reduce everything to discussions of race, class, gender, sex.
• 34:29
  Speaker 1: And notice I use both of those because sex and
• 34:31
  Speaker 1: gender are two different things. Right? Sex has to do
• 34:35
  Speaker 1: with your biology, gender, social construct. Your gender doesn't necessarily
• 34:42
  Speaker 1: have to match your sex. Are we aware of this?
• 34:47
  Speaker 1: And if your gender doesn't match your sex, then you
• 34:49
  Speaker 1: are transgender as opposed to cisgendered. For those of you
• 34:53
  Speaker 1: who are wondering what that means, cisgendered just means that
• 34:58
  Speaker 1: you're not special. Laughter The Frankfurt School was concerned with
• 35:13
  Speaker 1: mass media and the mass media culture. Saw people becoming
• 35:18
  Speaker 1: passive recipients of political and ideological information instead of being activists.
• 35:25
  Speaker 1: And they believed that this explained why the revolution didn't
• 35:30
  Speaker 1: take place. They theorized that this experience made people intellectually
• 35:35
  Speaker 1: inactive and politically passive individuals. as they allowed mass-produced ideologies
• 35:40
  Speaker 1: and values to wash over them and to infiltrate their consciousness.
• 35:48
  Speaker 1: Because of what happened in World War I, they left Germany.
• 35:53
  Speaker 1: In 1933, they went to Switzerland, but they only stayed
• 35:55
  Speaker 1: there for a couple of years. And in 1935, they
• 35:59
  Speaker 1: came to New York and became affiliated with Columbia University.
• 36:16
  Speaker 1: There's a man by the name of Balint Vazonia. I
• 36:19
  Speaker 1: probably didn't say his name correctly. He came to the
• 36:27
  Speaker 1: United States fleeing the Nazis in Eastern Europe, fleeing the
• 36:32
  Speaker 1: Nazis in Hungary, and he wrote a book called America's
• 36:35
  Speaker 1: 30 Years War. And essentially his thesis was this. He
• 36:42
  Speaker 1: ran away... from what was happening in Europe by force,
• 36:48
  Speaker 1: only to come to the United States and watch it
• 36:51
  Speaker 1: happen gradually over the course of a generation. So what
• 37:12
  Speaker 1: do these guys give us? A number of things. Namely,
• 37:18
  Speaker 1: critical theory. Have you heard the idea of critical race theory?
• 37:23
  Speaker 1: It's a grandchild of the Frankfurt School. Political correctness. Multiculturalism.
• 37:35
  Speaker 1: Any of these things sound familiar? So as a result
• 37:42
  Speaker 1: of these ideologies, we have all been taught over time,
• 37:49
  Speaker 1: through our media, through our educational systems, to view ourselves
• 37:55
  Speaker 1: not as part of a whole, but as part of subgroups.
• 38:01
  Speaker 1: As part of subgroups who in some way, shape, fashion,
• 38:06
  Speaker 1: or form are being oppressed and by the hegemonic power
• 38:12
  Speaker 1: that rules and governs our culture. And so even when
• 38:27
  Speaker 1: we talk about elections, we don't talk about this person
• 38:33
  Speaker 1: is ahead in the polls by this much, that person is, no. No.
• 38:38
  Speaker 1: this person is ahead with red-headed, left-handed white people from
• 38:44
  Speaker 1: the South, while this person is getting the vote of
• 38:51
  Speaker 1: second-generation migrant workers with eczema. Why do we talk like that?
• 39:06
  Speaker 1: Why do we think about politics that way? Why do
• 39:11
  Speaker 1: we think about each other that way? Why do ideas
• 39:19
  Speaker 1: like intersectionality from Kimberly Crenshaw in 1989, gangsters, such popularity
• 39:31
  Speaker 1: that people use it like we know what it is.
• 39:39
  Speaker 1: By the way, if you don't know what intersectionality is,
• 39:41
  Speaker 1: just what's the hegemonic power? White, male, heterosexual, cisgendered, able-bodied,
• 39:51
  Speaker 1: native-born American people. That's the man. Right? You ever heard
• 40:00
  Speaker 1: that saying, you know, the man keeping us down? That's
• 40:03
  Speaker 1: the man. And by the way, the list could go
• 40:09
  Speaker 1: on and on and on. Intersectionality, in a nutshell, basically
• 40:15
  Speaker 1: is the idea that to the degree that you don't
• 40:18
  Speaker 1: have those things, you are oppressed. And so if you
• 40:25
  Speaker 1: are male, heterosexual, cisgendered, right, native born, American, able-bodied, by
• 40:33
  Speaker 1: the way, also attractive, there's pretty privileged too, by the way.
• 40:37
  Speaker 1: If you are all those things, but you're not white, right,
• 40:42
  Speaker 1: then your oppression is limited to this area. But what
• 40:46
  Speaker 1: if you're not white, but you're also not male? Now,
• 40:50
  Speaker 1: that place where your not whiteness and your not maleness
• 40:55
  Speaker 1: intersects is where you feel the weight of the oppression.
• 40:59
  Speaker 1: But what if you're not white and not male and
• 41:02
  Speaker 1: not heterosexual? Well, now the oppression is even worse on
• 41:07
  Speaker 1: you because you have these three intersections of oppression. What
• 41:12
  Speaker 1: if you're not white, not male, not heterosexual, and not cisgendered? Woo-hoo.
• 41:21
  Speaker 1: So now you are a black, trans, male, lesbian. Anyway, you're...
• 41:38
  Speaker 1: Now there are four intersections of oppression, right? Well, if
• 41:45
  Speaker 1: you're not white and you're not male and you're not
• 41:47
  Speaker 1: heterosexual and you're not cisgendered, And you're not able-bodied. Or
• 41:55
  Speaker 1: you're not a native-born American. You're an immigrant. Or you're
• 41:59
  Speaker 1: not a... You see, intersectionality says that the level of
• 42:04
  Speaker 1: oppression and the kind of oppression that you experience combines
• 42:12
  Speaker 1: itself in these areas and layers itself in these areas. Yes.
• 42:17
  Speaker 1: These intersections, if you will. But what is that if
• 42:30
  Speaker 1: not a grown-up expression of cultural Marxism? By the way,
• 42:47
  Speaker 1: when people use the term racism today, the term racism,
• 42:51
  Speaker 1: you got to be careful and you got to understand
• 42:53
  Speaker 1: what people are talking about. Because when people say racism,
• 42:57
  Speaker 1: they could mean you are being accused of being an
• 43:01
  Speaker 1: individual who has racist, prejudicial ideas toward other individuals. Or
• 43:11
  Speaker 1: they could just be saying that you are a person
• 43:16
  Speaker 1: who is part of the cultural hegemony, which, by the way,
• 43:22
  Speaker 1: is inherently racist against people who are not white, male, heterosexual.
• 43:34
  Speaker 1: Which means that now, you have racism without a racist.
• 43:48
  Speaker 1: By the way, how do you handle that? Racism in
• 43:54
  Speaker 1: the heart of an individual. Let's go to the book. Amen?
• 44:01
  Speaker 1: Let's go to the book. Let's call that what it is.
• 44:05
  Speaker 1: racism that exists because of cultural hegemony how do you
• 44:18
  Speaker 1: fix that now instead of a preacher you've become a
• 44:26
  Speaker 1: politician because the only way to fix that one is
• 44:34
  Speaker 1: to change The hegemony. Do you see why these ideas matter?
• 44:52
  Speaker 1: And so the very ways in which we think about ourselves,
• 44:55
  Speaker 1: the very ways in which we think about issues, the
• 44:58
  Speaker 1: very ways, and this is why sometimes you can feel
• 45:00
  Speaker 1: like you're having a different conversation than another person. A
• 45:04
  Speaker 1: prime example is the Mike Brown case. I mean, I
• 45:08
  Speaker 1: got absolutely hammered, hammered over the Mike Brown case. Tom
• 45:18
  Speaker 1: Haskell got hammered over appreciating what I said about the
• 45:23
  Speaker 1: Mike Brown case. And you can feel like you're having
• 45:32
  Speaker 1: two different conversations because on the one hand, you come
• 45:34
  Speaker 1: to this and you say, okay, a guy, six foot four,
• 45:38
  Speaker 1: 300 and some odd pounds, reaches into a police car
• 45:45
  Speaker 1: and grabs the gun of a police officer. Anybody who
• 45:49
  Speaker 1: knows anything about anything says, if I have a gun
• 45:54
  Speaker 1: and you reach to grab my gun, one of us
• 46:00
  Speaker 1: is in trouble. If you get it, it's me. If
• 46:05
  Speaker 1: you don't, it's you. Hands up, don't shoot. Never happened.
• 46:11
  Speaker 1: It was a complete fabrication. So a guy who had
• 46:16
  Speaker 1: just strong-armed robbed somebody in a store, stopped by a policeman,
• 46:22
  Speaker 1: aggressive action against the policeman, gets shot and killed. And
• 46:33
  Speaker 1: you may have had some of these conversations where you're
• 46:36
  Speaker 1: sitting there and you're going, okay, okay, listen, you tell
• 46:41
  Speaker 1: me the story of the police officers who acted inappropriately
• 46:46
  Speaker 1: and we can go together to be against that person.
• 46:51
  Speaker 1: But you tell me this story and I say there
• 46:54
  Speaker 1: was no injustice here. That wasn't racism. That wasn't racism.
• 47:10
  Speaker 1: The problem is not one police officer and his actions
• 47:15
  Speaker 1: on that one night, but a cultural hegemony that has
• 47:22
  Speaker 1: established structural racism that disproportionately targets black males. Therefore, every
• 47:35
  Speaker 1: time Something like that happens to one of them. It
• 47:39
  Speaker 1: is another piece of evidence. Which is why you have
• 47:46
  Speaker 1: people who say things like, the facts of that case
• 47:49
  Speaker 1: really don't matter. Or worse, you start talking about the
• 48:14
  Speaker 1: facts of that case and people say, oh, now you're
• 48:17
  Speaker 1: blaming the victim. What's the end result of that? The
• 48:29
  Speaker 1: end result of that is you don't engage. You don't discuss.
• 48:44
  Speaker 1: You don't interact. Because here's what you learn. Whatever your
• 48:53
  Speaker 1: answer is, if it doesn't line up with what the
• 49:01
  Speaker 1: cultural Marxist says it ought to be, or with the
• 49:07
  Speaker 1: person who is borrowing the ideology of the cultural Marxist
• 49:11
  Speaker 1: says it ought to be, or the person who is
• 49:13
  Speaker 1: unwittingly falling prey to the cultural Marxism that all of
• 49:19
  Speaker 1: us have been saturated in wants it to be, then
• 49:24
  Speaker 1: you're wrong. And you're a racist. Or in my case,
• 49:30
  Speaker 1: a sellout who's trying to curry favor with white people.
• 49:42
  Speaker 1: Why is this important? I'll leave you with this. Here's
• 49:47
  Speaker 1: why it's important. It's important because this is an agenda,
• 49:53
  Speaker 1: not just an idea. It's a disruptive, transformative agenda. That's
• 50:10
  Speaker 1: number one. And it's an agenda that needs to be
• 50:13
  Speaker 1: recognized and an agenda that needs to be confronted. Here's
• 50:19
  Speaker 1: the second problem. And to me, this is the sinister
• 50:23
  Speaker 1: part of the problem. The sinister part of the problem
• 50:28
  Speaker 1: is that the end result of this agenda is real pain,
• 50:37
  Speaker 1: real sin, real brokenness, that doesn't get addressed. Let me explain.
• 50:46
  Speaker 1: As someone who grew up in drug-infested, gang-infested South L.A.,
• 50:57
  Speaker 1: the son of a single teenage mother, I look at
• 51:05
  Speaker 1: the Mike Brown situation and I want to say To
• 51:11
  Speaker 1: all of the young black boys like him who were
• 51:16
  Speaker 1: young black boys like me. We can't live like that.
• 51:26
  Speaker 1: To all of the fathers who are not there to
• 51:29
  Speaker 1: the tune of nearly 75% among black children. What I
• 51:34
  Speaker 1: want to say is we have a problem that needs
• 51:37
  Speaker 1: to be addressed. We can't live like this. We have
• 51:40
  Speaker 1: to deal with this. There is brokenness here that has
• 51:44
  Speaker 1: to be addressed. There's brokenness that has to be fixed.
• 51:49
  Speaker 1: But the way things stand now to say that is
• 51:52
  Speaker 1: to blame the victim. Do you know what that means?
• 51:58
  Speaker 1: That means that whatever pathologies there are that need to
• 52:01
  Speaker 1: be addressed... Don't get addressed. Because it's the system's fault.
• 52:25
  Speaker 1: And again, like I said at the beginning, I am
• 52:28
  Speaker 1: not arguing that there's no racism. I'm not arguing that
• 52:34
  Speaker 1: there's no brokenness, that there's no injustice. And we got
• 52:39
  Speaker 1: way too many people in prison in this country. Amen, somebody.
• 52:46
  Speaker 1: We got way too many people in prison in this country.
• 52:50
  Speaker 1: There's something broken about that. We imprison more of our
• 52:56
  Speaker 1: population than like any two, three countries in the world.
• 53:00
  Speaker 1: There's something broken about that. Especially when a large number
• 53:08
  Speaker 1: of those people are in there because of addiction to drugs.
• 53:21
  Speaker 1: I mean, right or wrong? So here's what worries me.
• 53:30
  Speaker 1: What worries me is that we've created an environment where
• 53:33
  Speaker 1: we've divided everyone up into constituencies. Which is incredibly ironic
• 53:43
  Speaker 1: because what that creates is stereotypes. And we look at
• 53:53
  Speaker 1: everyone's issues, problems, whatever, in relation to the system and
• 54:04
  Speaker 1: what the system is is doing, has done, needs to do.
• 54:12
  Speaker 1: And what that has the potential to do is to
• 54:15
  Speaker 1: move us away from addressing individuals and their sin and
• 54:21
  Speaker 1: their pain and their brokenness. Does this make sense? Because
• 54:33
  Speaker 1: we don't have to be either or. It doesn't have
• 54:38
  Speaker 1: to be that either we address individuals and their sin
• 54:43
  Speaker 1: and their brokenness or we look at problems with systems
• 54:47
  Speaker 1: and this and that. It doesn't have to be. Why
• 54:54
  Speaker 1: do I have to choose between advocating for laws to
• 55:00
  Speaker 1: change in the area of abortion which disproportionately affects people
• 55:07
  Speaker 1: who look like me, or proclaiming the gospel with a
• 55:15
  Speaker 1: view toward changing the hearts of young women so that
• 55:19
  Speaker 1: they won't kill their babies. Don't make me choose between
• 55:24
  Speaker 1: those two. I won't. I want both, coach. And why
• 55:39
  Speaker 1: do I have to choose between acknowledging the fact that
• 55:44
  Speaker 1: there are huge problems and pathologies both among individuals and
• 55:54
  Speaker 1: cultures and systems? And again, let me hasten to say,
• 56:08
  Speaker 1: I'm not arguing that everybody who talks about justice issues
• 56:17
  Speaker 1: is somehow excluding both. Here's what I am saying. When
• 56:28
  Speaker 1: we choose to talk about this in certain terms, And
• 56:34
  Speaker 1: when we choose to accept certain ideologies and agree with
• 56:40
  Speaker 1: certain premises, the end result is that if you don't
• 56:47
  Speaker 1: find yourself on the right side of this, you're disqualified.
• 57:01
  Speaker 1: And that can't be. That can't be. So what do
• 57:11
  Speaker 1: you do with this? In all honesty, I'm in a
• 57:18
  Speaker 1: unique position. I got magic melanin. So even though there's
• 57:28
  Speaker 1: people who will say certain things about me when I
• 57:31
  Speaker 1: address certain of these issues, I can say things that
• 57:36
  Speaker 1: a lot of other people can't. Amen. Amen. I've said
• 57:44
  Speaker 1: to people, and I think Jesus was a Pharisee. Number one,
• 57:49
  Speaker 1: I don't think it's likely that he would have gone
• 57:51
  Speaker 1: through 33 years of living and not identified with any
• 57:53
  Speaker 1: of those groups. Number two, theologically, all the rest of them,
• 57:58
  Speaker 1: way far away from where he was. Number three, he
• 58:02
  Speaker 1: hammered those dudes. in a way that generally you only
• 58:08
  Speaker 1: get away with. Now again, I'm not going to go
• 58:17
  Speaker 1: to the mat over, you know, Jesus was part of
• 58:19
  Speaker 1: the Pharisee group, whatever. But there is something real about that.
• 58:31
  Speaker 1: But there's also something wrong about that. Because as we
• 58:37
  Speaker 1: heard earlier, in Christ, there is now neither Jew nor Greek,
• 58:49
  Speaker 1: neither slave nor free, no male, no female. We're all
• 59:02
  Speaker 1: one in Christ. So we end up in a very
• 59:12
  Speaker 1: unique situation. And this goes back to something that I
• 59:14
  Speaker 1: said earlier. And it's controversial and I don't want you
• 59:17
  Speaker 1: to hear or understand this the wrong way. Because a
• 59:20
  Speaker 1: lot of people are like, oh, you're telling black people
• 59:22
  Speaker 1: to shut up. Nope. Nope. I would never tell black
• 59:27
  Speaker 1: people to shut up. But for me, there's something that
• 59:38
  Speaker 1: I have to consider. If I'm your brother, and there
• 59:53
  Speaker 1: is something between us that causes you to be afraid, apprehensive,
• 1:00:05
  Speaker 1: unwilling to speak truth into my life, then I got
• 1:00:16
  Speaker 1: to go the extra mile to free you up to
• 1:00:22
  Speaker 1: do that. And you have to go the extra mile
• 1:00:37
  Speaker 1: to trust our relationship in Christ and do that. Well,
• 1:00:46
  Speaker 1: that's hard, y'all. It's hard both ways, isn't it? It's
• 1:00:55
  Speaker 1: hard if Tom and I are friends and brothers in
• 1:00:59
  Speaker 1: Christ and there are things that Tom can see in
• 1:01:03
  Speaker 1: my life And I know that I can come back
• 1:01:08
  Speaker 1: at him and play the race card and maybe even
• 1:01:12
  Speaker 1: prevent him from speaking to some of the things that
• 1:01:15
  Speaker 1: he sees in my life. It's hard for me to say,
• 1:01:22
  Speaker 1: I'm not going to do that to him. My brother.
• 1:01:26
  Speaker 1: And it's hard for him knowing that I have the
• 1:01:31
  Speaker 1: ability and opportunity to do that. to speak certain things
• 1:01:36
  Speaker 1: into my life for fear that I might. And that's
• 1:01:49
  Speaker 1: why one of the things that this culture of Marxism
• 1:01:51
  Speaker 1: has exposed recently is false unity. Because we got people
• 1:02:00
  Speaker 1: who for years, for years, have been talking about how
• 1:02:05
  Speaker 1: unified we are in Christ. Who now are suddenly dismissing
• 1:02:12
  Speaker 1: one another. Because of where they fall on a particular
• 1:02:21
  Speaker 1: social issue. And again, I'll say more about that as
• 1:02:35
  Speaker 1: the weekend goes on. But for now, just know that
• 1:02:41
  Speaker 1: that's why these things matter. That's why these things are important.
• 1:02:50
  Speaker 1: It's important because there's an ideology here. There's a goal here.
• 1:02:57
  Speaker 1: There's an endgame here. And we see it in the
• 1:03:00
  Speaker 1: world of politics. If you've been on a university campus
• 1:03:07
  Speaker 1: at all recently, you see this. It has to be addressed.
• 1:03:18
  Speaker 1: And secondly, because there are issues, real brokenness, real sin,
• 1:03:24
  Speaker 1: real problems, that if we're not careful, we render ourselves guilty.
• 1:03:32
  Speaker 1: unable or unwilling to address because of these ideologies that
• 1:03:39
  Speaker 1: we've imbibed. Which means that finally we have to love
• 1:03:47
  Speaker 1: the gospel enough and we have to love one another enough.
• 1:03:55
  Speaker 1: Here's the great irony. The great irony is that in
• 1:03:59
  Speaker 1: a way I'm borrowing language from the other side now.
• 1:04:05
  Speaker 1: Because the other side is always saying, check your privilege, right?
• 1:04:10
  Speaker 1: And I'm kind of saying that. But here's the difference.
• 1:04:17
  Speaker 1: I'm saying it to everybody. I'm not saying that if
• 1:04:22
  Speaker 1: you're white, male, heterosexual, cisgendered, able-bodied, native-born, American, check your privilege.
• 1:04:34
  Speaker 1: I'm saying, if you are a member of the body
• 1:04:36
  Speaker 1: of Christ, and in this discussion, in this debate, you
• 1:04:44
  Speaker 1: have learned how to shut down the other side, regardless
• 1:04:48
  Speaker 1: of who that other side is. Check that. Check that.
• 1:05:06
  Speaker 1: And it's going to require boldness, both in terms of
• 1:05:10
  Speaker 1: trusting our brothers and sisters in Christ and in terms
• 1:05:13
  Speaker 1: of willingness to speak to issues that in this day
• 1:05:17
  Speaker 1: and age will get you outright just castigated. But the
• 1:05:28
  Speaker 1: truth is worth it.