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Gaza War After Nearly Three Years: Why the Peace Plan Is Stalling · Im Krisenmodus

0:00
Die Übersetzung von Jans Stimme vom Deutschen ins Englische wurde mit einer KI erstellt.
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Almost three years after October 7, 2023, the war in Gaza is still not over.
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There is a peace plan and talks about a new political order for the Gaza Strip,
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but little of this can be felt on the ground.
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Attacks are continuing. Many people are living in tents or damaged buildings.
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The healthcare system is operating under extremely difficult conditions,
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and for the people there, it remains completely unconstrued.
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Er ist nicht klar, wie und wo sie leben in der Zukunft.
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Die Antwort von einem 4-jährigen Kind illustrierts diese Uncertainty.
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His Vater, Feidi, arbeitet als doctor für Doctors Without Borders in Gaza.
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On der Morgen unserer Gespräche, er sitzt mit seinem Son und fragt ihn was erinnert.
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Er sagt mir, ich möchte weit weg. Ich sage ihm, wo du gehst?
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Er sagt mir, ich brauche einen Safer Platz. Ich brauche nicht zu hören, ein Bombay.
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Und das ist ein sehr catastrophisches Gefühl von meinem Seite.
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A 4-jährige Kind, whose greatest wish is simply to live somewhere without the sound of bombs.
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What does everyday life in Gaza look like today? And why does a lasting end
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to the war remain so elusive, despite a peace plan and intense international mediation?
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In Crisis Mode, the podcast from Conflict Zones with Jan Jessen.
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Hello, I'm Jan Jessen, Head of Politics and a War and Crisis Reporter for the Funker Media Group.
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Almost three years after October 7th, we're taking a look in this episode at
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what life is like for people in Gaza today and why the war still has not come to an end.
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To do that, we speak to three people. Ali, a father from Gaza.
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Fadi, a doctor working there for Doctors Without Borders.
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And Jan Busse, a Middle East expert at the University of the German Federal Armed Forces in Munich.
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Ali and Fedi describe what they are experiencing on the ground.
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Boussi explains why the political implementation of the peace plan,
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presented by US President Donald Trump almost exactly a year ago,
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has stalled, and what would have to happen for the current ceasefire to develop
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into something more lasting.
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The starting point of this war is October 7, 2023. It is important to remember
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what happened on that terrible day.
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Hamas and other armed groups attacked
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Israel, killing people and taking hostages back to the Gaza Strip.
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Israel then launched a war against Hamas. The Israeli military carried out a
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massive offensive across Gaza.
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Large parts of the coastal territory were destroyed and much of the population
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was displaced during the course of the war.
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The humanitarian situation deteriorated dramatically.
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In September 2025, US President Donald Trump unveiled a 20-point peace plan
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for Gaza with his customary grand flourish.
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Trump described it as one of the greatest days in the history of civilization
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and held out the prospect of peace for the entire Middle East.
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The plan includes a ceasefire in Gaza, an exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian
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prisoners, the establishment of a civilian administration and the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip.
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It also calls for Hamas to be disarmed and for Israeli troops to withdraw.
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But to this day, no lasting political solution has been found.
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As always when reporting on Gaza, there is an important limitation we need to mention.
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Independent foreign journalists are still not allowed to enter the Gaza Strip
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freely and report from there.
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That is deeply frustrating. It has been the case since the beginning of the war.
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Journalists from around the world have repeatedly tried to put pressure on the
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Israeli military and the Israeli government to allow them into Gaza.
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So far, however, access has not been granted. That means we are speaking to
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people who live and work there themselves.
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We cannot independently verify every detail of their accounts.
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But we cross-check their statements as far as possible against other sources
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and known developments.
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One of our interviewees is Ali. That is the name we use to protect his identity.
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He is a father of several children and comes from Rafa in the southern Gaza Strip.
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According to his account, he now
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lives with his family in the ruins of a destroyed school in Khan Yunis.
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You may already know Ali from previous episodes of this podcast in which we have reported on Gaza.
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We'll include those episodes in the show notes. Ich bin in Kontakt mit ihm für
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eine sehr lange Zeit, eigentlich seit dem Anfang der Krieg in Oktober 2023.
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Ali regelmäßig sende ich voice-messages, berühmte mich über seine Familie,
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was er persönlich ist, und was es wie in Gaza life in Gaza ist.
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According to Ali, his family has been displaced more than seven times since
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the beginning of the war.
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Their home in Rafa has been destroyed. At times, the family has lived in tents.
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This is how Ali describes what they have experienced over the course of these
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almost three years. My family and I have endured,
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Mein Familie und ich haben in der Zeit terrible ordeal. An unrelenting nightmare.
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We have suffered the worst imaginable hardship under relentless bombardment
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from the air, from land and from the sea. Dozens of our neighbours were killed.
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We endured hunger, fear and repeated displacement. We have been displaced more than seven times.
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The first time was from our home in Rafa, which was completely destroyed,
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just like the city of Rafa itself.
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We lived in tents and were then forced to flee in the middle of the night.
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We had to leave our belongings behind. Ich bin jetzt in die Ruins des Stuhl.
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Mehr als sieben Displacements in weniger als drei Jahre. Für die Familie,
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das bedeutet, dass sie immer wieder aufhören, und hoffen, dass sie dort werden,
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können. Es ist keine solche Sache als ein permanentes Haus.
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Meine Frau, während dieser Krieg, zwei Tochter zur Welt, und sie hatten nie genug zu essen.
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Ich werde diese Nächte nie vergessen, indem sie vor Hunger weinten.
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Meine Frau, die zwei Däute, die nicht mehr zu essen hatten, und sie nie hatten
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genug zu essen. Ich werde nie vergessen, dass sie von Hunger wundern.
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Für Monate, wir waren nur halb ein Stück von einem Laufen per Person, jeden Tag.
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I watched my eldest son, who was 12 at the time, become so emaciated that he
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was nothing but skin and bones.
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I walked more than 7km there and back, putting my life at risk,
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just to get a handful of food.
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Many of my colleagues and relatives were killed or wounded. For three years,
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my children have not been able to go to school.
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For three years, I have watched my wife wash clothes by hand and cook under these conditions.
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Wische.
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Von Hand wisst und kocht.
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Food supplies have improved in the meantime, that is also a result of the peace
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plan presented in September last year, and the ceasefire that followed.
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Border crossings were reopened, and significantly more humanitarian aid has been able to reach Gaza.
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But Ali's family is still a long way from anything resembling a normal life.
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There is no regular income, no home of their own, no school for the children,
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and a healthcare system that is itself struggling with the consequences of the war.
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Dr. Fahdi Al-Madun experiences the difficulties of medical care firsthand every day.
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Fahdi was born in Gaza in 1991 and has been working for Doctors Without Borders for around 10 years.
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He oversees the organisation's medical operations in Gaza City and the northern Gaza Strip.
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These include a specialised clinic for burn and trauma injuries,
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as well as three mobile medical teams.
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The healthcare system is still functioning. Clinics continue to treat the wounded,
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where they still exist at all.
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Doctors and medical staff continue to treat and operate on patients.
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But Fadi is working under conditions that have little in common with a normal hospital environment.
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Medical and surgical supplies are in short supply.
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Many pieces of equipment are broken, while others, according to Fadi,
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cannot be brought into Gaza from outside.
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Actually, we have a lot of shortage, a lot of lack of resources.
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And now we are working with limited resources here in Gaza. A lot of devices
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cannot be able to bring from outside, like X-Fix.
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Also, a lot of machine already broken. We are trying to work and support the
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patient with limited material and resources. Also, we can speak about the medical
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supply, supplement, and surgical material. All of these items,
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we can't be able to find in Gaza.
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What we are doing nowadays and during the 1,000 days of war,
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we are trying to support the life-saving cases.
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I remember during the second evacuation of Gaza City in September 2025,
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we are stuck here 15 days inside the clinic and we are starting to sterile and
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sterile goes just to support the wounded patients.
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That means we are trying to support as much as possible with what we have of limited resources.
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Feidi's team has therefore started sterilizing available dressing materials
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themselves so they can continue treating the wounded.
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But the consequences of the war are not limited to people injured by bombs or
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gunfire. Many families are living in tents or makeshift shelters.
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There are, of course, no proper kitchens. And that has led to another consequence of the war, Feidi says.
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His team is treating a particularly high number of children with burns. Feidi explains why.
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Und in der gleichen Zeit, ich möchte auf die Bär-Investitionen auf den Bär-Investitionen sprechen.
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In dieser Situation, alle Menschen sind in der Bär-Investitionen,
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die es in der Bär-Investitionen gibt.
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Sie versuchen, die Bär-Investitionen in den Bär-Investitionen zu machen,
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in der Bär-Investitionen gibt.
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Das bedeutet, dass die Bär-Investitionen für Bär-Investitionen ist.
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Und das erhöht die Bär-Investitionen von Bär-Investitionen gibt.
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Für uns und die größte Gruppe von Kindern in 10 Jahren.
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These children are not injured directly in an attack. They suffer burns while
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cooking under conditions created by the war.
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This is something we have also seen repeatedly during our reporting trips to
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Afghanistan and to refugee camps in Iraq.
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People are living in extremely precarious conditions.
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They often have to cook using gas burners, open flames or kerosene stoves.
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These devices can easily catch fire or tip over and young children can suffer
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severe burns as a result.
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Das Problem ist, dass wenn diese Injuries nicht gut behandelt werden,
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dann kann sie oft zu schmerzen. Das kann schmerzen, dass Kinder nicht mehr können,
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zu vollen Augen zu öffnen, oder zu schmerzen, oder zu schmerzen.
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Diese sind die lang-term Konsequenzen von Burn Injuries, die besonders schwierig
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zu behandeln in Gaza zu behandeln. Es gibt eine Lacken von bestimmten Medikanten,
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sowie specialist-doktoren, including Plastik-Surgeons.
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Fadi also describes a mixed picture when it comes to food.
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While the supply of food has improved, many people have had no regular income for years.
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And according to Fadi, what is now reaching Gaza is still not enough to provide
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a balanced diet, something that is particularly important for people who are
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sick or recovering from injuries.
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Look, to be honest, the food supply is better than before the recent piece of plan.
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Aber die Hauptsache ist, dass sie auf die Füße in generell sind,
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nicht auf die healthy Füße.
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Man kann sehr gut wissen, dass die Neues für Protein, die Neues für Vitamins,
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die Neues für die Vegetables, die Vegetables und die Früchte.
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All diese können nicht sehr gut in Gaza gehen und mit allen Restrictionen.
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Und gleichzeitig, es ist sehr günstig für die Bevölkerung in Gaza.
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After the three years of war, most population, lay people, they don't have any
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work, they don't have any source of money.
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I can give you some examples. If you would like to go and bring some vegetables
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like banana, like mango, the one kilo equals 20 dollars.
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So, according to Faydi and Ali, conditions have improved in some respects,
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but improvement is a long way from normality.
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Für viele Menschen, die Frage ist viel mehr fundamental. Was ist der Leben supposed zu sehen, von hier?
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Fadi sagt, dass viele Menschen mittlerweile haben wenig Energie leften zu denken
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über die Politik, oder was die Zukunft der Gaza-Futur might look like.
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Der Fokus ist einfach auf den nächsten Tag. Die Menschen, heute sind sie.
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Weig. Sie denken nicht über all diese Punkte, because they spend 1,000 days,
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just go for a walk more than a kilometer to bring one gallon of water to drink their families.
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They do not think about all of this situation. They just try to solve the daily
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problems, to bring some food, to bring some water.
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For many people then, there is barely any energy left in everyday life to think about political plans.
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And yet those plans will determine whether their living conditions can change at all.
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Who will control Gaza in the future? Who will provide security?
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When will reconstruction begin?
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And ultimately, will there be a political future for the Palestinian people,
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not only in Gaza, but also in the occupied West Bank?
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To understand where this process currently stands, I spoke with political scientist
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and Middle East expert Dr. Jan Busse from the University of the Bundeswehr Munich.
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Busse divides the peace plan into three phases. In the first phase,
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the fighting is supposed to end, the hostages are to be released,
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and humanitarian aid is to be allowed back into Gaza on a large scale.
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In the second phase, Hamas is to be disarmed. At the same time,
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Israel is supposed to gradually withdraw from the Gaza Strip.
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Only in the third phase does the plan turn to the reconstruction of Gaza and
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to a political path toward Palestinian self-determination and statehood.
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We have to say that we are still stuck somewhere between Phase 1 and Phase 2.
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That means we are still a long way from reconstruction.
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Die humanitarian Situation hat sich verbessert, besonders wenn es zu food supplies
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ist, aber es ist noch sehr poor, besonders wenn es zu housing und shelter.
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Die Leute in der Gaza Strip sind noch in den Tents.
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Das ist eine extrem precarische Situation.
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Ausbrechen von Krankheit können in diesen Situationen Und vor allem,
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Sommer und Winter bringen periods of heavy rainfall, die Menschen dort fast
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komplett exposed zu den Aliments.
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Wenn sie so schutzlos ausgesetzt sind, Yes, at first glance,
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that sounds like a fairly clear sequence.
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The fighting is supposed to end, humanitarian aid is supposed to resume,
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then Hamas is to give up its weapons, and Israel is to withdraw.
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But it is precisely at this next step that the dispute begins.
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And that is why the entire process has stalled.
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The peace plan was presented in September last year. Since then,
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comparatively little has happened, especially considering the enormous attention
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Trump generated when he unveiled it.
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According to Buse, Hamas has agreed to a roadmap that links its gradual disarmament
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to an Israeli withdrawal.
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The Israeli government, however, has so far not agreed to the roadmap.
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Der Peace Council, mit der backing der US-Administration, hat eine Roadmap für
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Disarmament, unter welchen Hamas ist zu handeln, all its weapons in stages,
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während Israel simultaneously withdraws.
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Was ist remarkable ist, dass Hamas jetzt eigentlich agreed zu diesem Plan ist.
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Netanyahu, aber nicht. So, once wieder, wir haben eine Situation in der die Prozess ist stalled.
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Wir sind noch lange weg von und implementieren Phase 2 und daher von einem stag
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von genuine Reconstruction und einem politischen Zukunft.
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Das ist aktuell der Stand. Das ist jetzt der Stand.
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Hamas' Agreement zu der Roadmap, however, nicht so dass es eigentlich bereit
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ist, um die Weapons zu handeln. Es ist eine Roadmap, aber die Implementation
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ist zu bestimmten Regeln.
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Wir sollten nicht vergessen, dass die Arm-Struggle ist, in a sense,
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part of Hamas' DNA, the armed fight against Israel, along with the anti-Semitism,
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anti-Zionism and rejection of Israel embedded in the organisation's ideology.
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So, naturally, Hamas finds it difficult to give up its weapons.
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Surrendering weapons also means surrendering power.
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And for an organisation that has ruled the Gaza Strip with an iron grip for
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years, that is obviously a difficult step to take.
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Hamas has also made its own disarmament und conditional on one crucial demand, an Israeli withdrawal.
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And that brings us to the next major sticking point. Why is Israel not withdrawing?
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And why has the Israeli government so far refused to agree to such a step?
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One apparent reason lies in Israeli domestic politics. Prime Minister Benjamin
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Netanyahu is under pressure from parties and voters to his right,
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who oppose far-reaching concessions to the Palestinians.
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There are elections in Israel in October, and Netanyahu will obviously do everything
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he can to avoid making concessions, now that could be portrayed as a sign of
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weakness by parties further to the right or by his own voter base.
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Und in diesem Fall, es ist wichtig, dass Netanyahu hat klar,
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dass er will, dass er die Prospekt des Palästinien-State ist.
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Ultimately, das ist ein Counter, both zu Israel's international commitments,
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und zu der Idee behind last Jahr's Peace Plan, das deliberately sought zu halten, such a Prospekt.
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Aber ich glaube, dass wir nicht die Wahrheit, dass da wirklich eine historicere Chance ist hier ist.
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Hamas hat gesagt, dass sie sich nicht verraten. Ich denke, das wäre unheimlich,
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ein Jahr ago. Denn der sogenannte Bewerbende Kampf ist ein definierendes Merkmal für die Hamas.
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So Buse sieht dies als eine historische Möglichkeit, aber eine,
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die noch nicht in die Praxis gelegt wird.
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Agreeing to a road map does not mean that Hamas is already handing over its weapons.
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The other side of the agreement, Israel's phased withdrawal,
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remains unresolved as well.
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Alongside this disarmament, there
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is also supposed to be a gradual Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.
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And that is where we run into the next major problem.
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For one thing, Israel has expanded the area under its control from the original
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figure of more than 50% of the Gaza Strip to around 70%.
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Und Netanyahu hat klargestellt, dass Israel nicht zu verlassen ist,
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so es nicht nur dass es keinen Ende zu der Kampf auf der Israelite ist.
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In der Moment gibt es auch keine Willenheit, zu abide by die Agreementen,
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auf Phase 2, und zu verlassen von den Gaza Strip.
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Und ich denke, hierher zu werden, wenn es die USA aus den USA kommt.
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Für die Planung ist das eine cruciale Problem. Hamas' disarmament und Israel's
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withdrawal sind direkt links.
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If Hamas is expected to give up its weapons while Israel continues to maintain
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military control over large parts of the Gaza Strip, the proposed second phase
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will be extremely difficult to implement.
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That is why attention is also turning to Washington.
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The problem is that Trump is a president who wants quick results.
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When he announces something, he essentially expects it to be implemented the next day.
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He finds it relatively difficult to take a long-term approach.
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He is not a fan of lengthy, drawn-out negotiations.
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In the meantime, he has also turned his attention to completely different conflicts,
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the war with Iran, for example, and now he has once again sent envoys to Ukraine to try to broker peace.
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Gaza seems to have slipped somewhat out of focus for him, and when something
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slips out of Trump's focus, it naturally tends to slip out of the focus of his
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administration as well.
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Busse nevertheless considers continued US pressure to be crucial.
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In his view, Washington can change the political cost-benefit calculations of
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both the Israeli government and Hamas.
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Without external pressure, he says, little is likely to change.
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Israel is closely tied to the United States militarily, diplomatically and politically.
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The US government therefore has considerable leverage over the Israeli government,
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considerably more, of course, than European countries, including Germany, do.
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There is, however, another factor that could prove important.
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Israel has been seeking to normalise relations with Saudi Arabia for years.
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Busse argues that this goal cannot ultimately be separated from the Palestinian question either.
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Israel has a very strong interest in normalising diplomatic relations with Saudi
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Arabia, und das sollte wirklich viel mehr front und center sein.
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Die einzige Weg, um das zu erreichen, ist, einen genüllen politischen Weg zu
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palästinischen Selbstdetermination und Statehut.
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Man könnte sagen, dass die Weg nach Riyadh durch Gaza geht. Das sollte nicht
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unterestimiert werden.
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... potenziellen anderen Regierungen, die ohne Netanjahu auskommen,
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weil wir einfach noch nicht wissen, wie die Wahlen ausgehen,
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dass das eben dieser Weg nach Riyadh, der führt über Gaza, könnte man eigentlich
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sagen. Und das sollte eben nicht unterschätzt werden.
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The normalisation of relations with Saudi Arabia that Israel is seeking could
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therefore become a political lever for pushing for concrete progress for the Palestinians.
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But even if Hamas is disarmed and Israel gradually withdraws,
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another crucial question remains.
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Who will govern Gaza afterward? Who will provide security? Who will run schools,
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hospitals and public services?
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And who will prevent a power vacuum from emerging once the fighting ends?
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The peace plan provides for a Palestinian transitional administration to take
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on these responsibilities.
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According to Buse, this body has already been established. The Israeli government,
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however, has so far not allowed it to begin operating in Gaza.
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As far as Buse knows, members of the proposed transitional administration are
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currently in places including Cairo, waiting for access to the Gaza Strip.
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Such an administration also needs security forces. Buse cautions against automatically
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labeling everyone who worked as a civilian police officer under Hamas as a combatant.
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Parts of the existing civilian police force could potentially continue working
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after individual vetting.
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The key question would be, who was involved in fighting or other acts of violence?
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According to Basse, Jordan and Egypt have already trained Palestinian police officers.
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The EU could also contribute its experience through its police mission in the West Bank.
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The peace plan also calls for an international stabilisation force to provide security in Gaza.
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So far, however, only a small number of countries have committed to taking part.
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As a result, there is still not enough personnel. The new administration then
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would not necessarily have to start entirely from scratch.
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Existing administrative structures
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include professionals who may have no direct connection to Hamas.
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But a new administration could only function if the fighting ends,
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political responsibilities are clearly defined, and Israel actually begins its phased withdrawal.
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Yet even a functioning administration in Gaza would not resolve the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Politically, Gaza cannot be permanently separated from the West Bank.
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If there is ultimately to be a path toward Palestinian self-determination,
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something like a two-state solution, rebuilding Gaza alone will not be enough.
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The situation in the West Bank is also deteriorating. As you may know,
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the West Bank is effectively a patchwork divided into Areas A, B and C.
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Areas A are formerly under Palestinian civil and security control.
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In Areas B, Palestinians are responsible for civil administration,
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while security responsibilities are shared.
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Area C remains under Israeli control.
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On a map, the West Bank resembles a patchwork quilt. At the same time,
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Israel continues to expand its settlements.
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They are considered illegal under international law by the prevailing view of
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the international community.
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This is compounded by violence by extremist settlers against Palestinians.
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One particularly controversial development concerns the E1 area east of Jerusalem.
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Further construction there, many critics warn, would fragment the West Bank
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even further and make it significantly more difficult to maintain a territorial
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connection between its northern and southern parts.
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Jan Basser, however, says the deterioration in the West Bank goes far beyond E1.
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At least for now, the conditions could hardly be worse. And I think that if
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we look at the West Bank, we are seeing a dramatic escalation there as well,
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one that goes far beyond the example of E1, we are seeing settler violence on
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an unprecedented scale.
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There are essentially daily attacks on the Palestinian civilian population.
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Militant settlers are moving into the so-called Area A, places where they had
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never previously ventured, and are trying to bring houses there under their control.
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Settlement construction is at a level we have not seen since the beginning of
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the Oslo peace process in 1993, and the far-right members of the Israeli government
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openly boast about the fact that they want to bury any political prospect for the Palestinians.
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If settlement expansion and settler violence continue to undermine the territorial
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foundations of a possible Palestinian state, rebuilding Gaza alone will not
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be enough to achieve a lasting solution.
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The prospect of a contiguous and politically viable Palestinian state is becoming
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increasingly difficult to imagine.
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That is the broader political context. For Ali, however, the question of a political
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future has long since become a deeply personal one.
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Can he still give his children a future in Gaza?
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A war that has destroyed everything we had, even our health and our future.
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What did we do to deserve this?
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What did my wife and my young children do to deserve this? Let Israel take my
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land then. Just let me build a future for my children somewhere outside this place.
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Lass Israel doch mein Land nehmen und mir erlauben meinen Kindern außerhalb
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dieses Ortes eine Zukunft aufzubauen.
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Ali ist nicht proposing a political plan hier, nor ist he endorsing the idea of displacement.
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As you may know, some Israeli politicians have floated the idea of removing
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all 2 million people living in Gaza from the Strip, evacuating them and resettling
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them in other countries.
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Such a move would be a catastrophic violation von international law,
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und es wird sicherlich verletzt Israel's standing in der Welt.
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Und yet Defense Minister Israel Katz hat nur recently gesagt,
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dass die Idee nicht fully abandone.
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Ali's words, however, show just how deeply his faith in a future inside Gaza hat eroded.
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Und Feidi, our doctor, sagt, dass viele Menschen nicht mehr wissen was für die Kinder in Gaza.
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Und wenn man sich über die Zukunft und deine Kinder und deine Kinder keine Schulen,
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keine gute Hospen, keine Safer Pläne zu bleiben, keine Renovation.
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Ein paar Familien waren drei und vier floors, und jetzt bleiben sie in den Städten.
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Sie haben viele Fragen, warum wir in dieser Land bleiben, wenn wir nicht alle diese Punkte haben.
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So, ultimately, this is not just about whether the war ends.
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It is about whether afterward a life can be rebuilt that people actually want to stay for.
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A life with schools, hospitals, security, a home and a political future.
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That is why, at the end of our conversation, I asked Jan Busser what he would
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say to someone in Gaza who wants to know, will things be better next year?
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I hope that will be the case, but we simply cannot be sure of it.
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At the moment, we have very good reason to be pessimistic.
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And we have to look at what can actually be done, even if only through small
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adjustments, to at least prevent the worst from happening.
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Of course, the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip needs to continue improving.
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But those are not good prospects if we are really only talking about such minimal changes.
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I find that a deeply sobering answer. Almost three years after October 7th,
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Gaza is still a long way from anything resembling normal life.
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A peace plan is on the table. According to Buse, Hamas has agreed to a road
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map that provides for its gradual disarmament.
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At the same time, Israel is supposed to withdraw from the Gaza Strip.
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A third phase is supposed to bring reconstruction and a path toward Palestinian self-determination.
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But enormous political and military obstacles stand between these steps.
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The fighting has still not fully ended.
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Israel's withdrawal remains unresolved. A new administration has yet to be allowed to begin its work.
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Und ein politischer Weg zur Palästinian-State-Hood still appears to be a distant prospect.
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Und ich denke, es ist wichtig, dass wir immer darüber sprechen,
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weil die Verantwortung auch mit Ländern, die nicht die gleiche Leistung auf
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Israel als die USA haben.
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Es ist auch die Verantwortung von Ländern wie Deutschland und anderen Europäischen
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Ländern zu geben, und zu machen, dass, als Partner und Freund,
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wir expecten Israel zu nehmen die notwendige Schritte to improve the lives of people in Gaza,
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and to enable Palestinians to live with dignity and exercise self-determination.
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Für Menschen wie Ali und Fahdi, all of das bedeutet, dass sie noch nicht wissen,
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wie lange ihre Familien werden müssen, ohne safe Homes, funktionierende Schulen
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und Medikamenten zu leben.
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Die Planung desgrüßt eine mögliche Zukunft. Aber so far, das Zukunft hat noch
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nicht zu erreichen, dass die Welt der Menschen in den ganzen Leben leben.
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Dieser Podcast wurde von Alexander Baumeister. Er ist auch ein Journalist und
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arbeitet für eine radio-station in der Funker Media Group.
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If you enjoyed this episode, please like and follow us. It helps make our work
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more visible, and we'd love to hear from you.
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What needs to happen for a peace plan to become a tangible future for people like Ali and Fadi?
31:18
Send us your questions, criticism, and suggestions for future topics at christenmodus.funcomedian.de.
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Take care of yourselves. See you next time. Bye-bye.