Latest / The Infographics Show Podcast / What If the U.S. Paid Off All Its Debt Overnight?
Transcript
- 0:10Speaker 1: Have you ever like it, actually looked closely at an
- 0:17Speaker 1: X ray, like really held one up to the light.
- 0:20Speaker 2: Uh yeah, unfortunately a few times. Usually for something broken
- 0:23Speaker 2: right exactly.
- 0:24Speaker 1: Usually when you're trying to figure out what's wrong, say
- 0:26Speaker 1: you have this terrible pain in your arm, you go
- 0:27Speaker 1: to the doctor, they take the image, and there's this
- 0:30Speaker 1: expectation of well, absolute precision.
- 0:33Speaker 2: Oh for sure, it's almost like engineering. At that point exactly.
- 0:37Speaker 1: You look at the dark film and there is that
- 0:39Speaker 1: jagged white line right across the bone, and the doctor
- 0:43Speaker 1: points to it and says, yep, broken. It is a
- 0:46Speaker 1: completely binary reality. It's either broken or it's not right.
- 0:51Speaker 2: It's a physical fact. You don't have to like believe
- 0:54Speaker 2: in the broken bone for it to be broken.
- 0:56Speaker 1: It just is exactly. But if you step into the
- 0:58Speaker 1: world of global finance and you try to look for
- 1:01Speaker 1: that same kind of foundational X ray, you know, the
- 1:03Speaker 1: bedrock that holds the entire.
- 1:05Speaker 2: System up, You're not going to find a clean line.
- 1:07Speaker 1: No, you don't find a clean hard line at all.
- 1:10Speaker 1: You don't find a physical fact. You find a psychological construct.
- 1:14Speaker 1: And looking over the state of the markets recently, staring
- 1:17Speaker 1: down the barrel of some incredibly sobering economic data. I
- 1:21Speaker 1: had this striking realization, which is, well, I think we
- 1:24Speaker 1: all sort of vaguely know this, but when you really
- 1:26Speaker 1: internalize it, it's honestly chilling. The entire global financial system.
- 1:31Speaker 1: I mean, your mortgage, your retiring account, international trade, even
- 1:35Speaker 1: the price of the food on your table. Everything is
- 1:38Speaker 1: built on a single assumption, the.
- 1:39Speaker 2: Assumption that US government debt is a risk free asset.
- 1:43Speaker 1: Yes, that is the assumption. Welcome to beyond infographics. By
- 1:46Speaker 1: the way, I'm so glad you're sitting here with us
- 1:47Speaker 1: today because we are embarking on a truly comprehensive exploration
- 1:52Speaker 1: of global finance's most vital element, the concept of safe money.
- 1:57Speaker 2: It really is the concrete foundation that every other financial
- 2:01Speaker 2: calculation on Earth is built on it. And when you
- 2:03Speaker 2: actually start poking at that concrete, you realize how incredibly
- 2:07Speaker 2: muddy the waters really are.
- 2:08Speaker 1: Right now, so muddy. We're going to be talking about
- 2:11Speaker 1: the US treasury, the national debt, and the sheer dominance
- 2:14Speaker 1: of the dollar. We've brought together a massive amount of
- 2:17Speaker 1: historical data, economic theory, and recent market actions just to
- 2:20Speaker 1: figure out where we actually stand today.
- 2:22Speaker 2: Because we are going to look at the somewhat terrifying
- 2:26Speaker 2: reality of where we are right now, and also the
- 2:30Speaker 2: incredibly bizarre, almost science fiction alternate reality of where we
- 2:36Speaker 2: almost ended.
- 2:36Speaker 1: Up right the zero debt universe, which we will definitely
- 2:39Speaker 1: get to. But first, what happens when that foundational asset
- 2:43Speaker 1: tops thirty six point eight trillion dollars That is roughly
- 2:47Speaker 1: one hundred and twenty three percent of the entire gross
- 2:49Speaker 1: domestic product of the United.
- 2:51Speaker 2: States, which means we owe significantly more than we produce
- 2:54Speaker 2: in an entire year.
- 2:55Speaker 1: It's staggering. And if you are enjoying this kind of analysis,
- 2:57Speaker 1: we'd love it if you could take a quick second
- 2:59Speaker 1: to rate be on Infographics five stars on whatever app
- 3:02Speaker 1: you're using right now. It really helps other people find the.
- 3:04Speaker 2: Show, it really does. So to even begin to grasp
- 3:07Speaker 2: the national debt, we have to start with the water
- 3:11Speaker 2: we're swimming in right the current exactly the currency that
- 3:14Speaker 2: debt is denominated in the US dollar, because the psychological
- 3:19Speaker 2: weight it holds globally is just it's staggering. It's hard
- 3:23Speaker 2: to overstate it really is.
- 3:25Speaker 1: Like the sheer scale of the dollar's dominance is unlike
- 3:28Speaker 1: anything else in modern history. If you look at international finance.
- 3:31Speaker 1: The US dollar is used in eighty nine percent of
- 3:34Speaker 1: all foreign exchange transactions.
- 3:35Speaker 2: Eighty nine percent. You have to kind of wrap your
- 3:37Speaker 2: head around that number.
- 3:38Speaker 1: Let's put that in perspective for a second. If you
- 3:40Speaker 1: have a company in Brazil, right, and they are buying
- 3:43Speaker 1: heavy machinery from a company in South Korea, they aren't
- 3:46Speaker 1: using the Brazilian real, right, and they aren't using the
- 3:49Speaker 1: South Korean one. They are transacting in US dollars. That
- 3:53Speaker 1: is effectively a global monopoly on trade.
- 3:55Speaker 2: It is. And to understand the mechanics of how we
- 3:58Speaker 2: got here, we really have to look back to thenineteen
- 4:00Speaker 2: forty four Breton Woods system.
- 4:01Speaker 1: Oh, Breton Woods, the famous hotel meeting.
- 4:04Speaker 2: Yeah, exactly. You have to picture the world at the
- 4:06Speaker 2: end of World War Two. Europe is totally devastated. Asia
- 4:10Speaker 2: is devastated. The United States emerges not just as a
- 4:13Speaker 2: military victor, but as literally the only functioning industrial powerhouse
- 4:19Speaker 2: left on.
- 4:19Speaker 1: The planet because our factories didn't get bombed.
- 4:22Speaker 2: Exactly at that moment in time, the US was producing
- 4:26Speaker 2: roughly forty percent of the entire world's economic output. We
- 4:30Speaker 2: held the vast majority of the world's physical gold reserves too, right,
- 4:33Speaker 2: So when the Allied nations met at that hotel in
- 4:36Speaker 2: Breton Woods, New Hampshire to design the post war financial system,
- 4:40Speaker 2: they quite literally hard coded the global architecture to the dollar.
- 4:44Speaker 1: Because they had no other choice really, so the mechanics
- 4:46Speaker 1: of that, just to be clear. Other countries pegged their
- 4:49Speaker 1: currencies directly to the.
- 4:50Speaker 2: US dollar yep a direct peg.
- 4:52Speaker 1: And the US in turn obligated itself to fix the
- 4:54Speaker 1: price of the dollar to physical gold at thirty five
- 4:56Speaker 1: dollars an ounce.
- 4:57Speaker 2: That was the anchor. If you held dollar, the US
- 5:01Speaker 2: Treasury promised you could trade them in for gold. But
- 5:05Speaker 2: this created an immediate operational necessity for foreign countries well.
- 5:09Speaker 2: To defend their own exchange rate pegs, they had to
- 5:12Speaker 2: make sure their currency didn't wildly fluctuate against the dollar,
- 5:15Speaker 2: which would totally ruin their export markets. So they had
- 5:18Speaker 2: to accumulate massive amounts of liquid US dollar assets to
- 5:23Speaker 2: hold as reserves.
- 5:23Speaker 1: Oh I see, so if their currency started to drop
- 5:26Speaker 1: in value, their central bank would take those dollar reserves,
- 5:30Speaker 1: buy up their own currency on the open market, and
- 5:32Speaker 1: stabilize the price.
- 5:33Speaker 2: Precisely, they needed a massive bottomless rainy day fund.
- 5:37Speaker 1: But fast forward to today. The gold peg died in
- 5:39Speaker 1: nineteen seventy one when Richard Nixon took us off the
- 5:42Speaker 1: gold standard, So the anchor is gone, long gone, but
- 5:45Speaker 1: the legacy behavior is still there. Like, currently US dollar
- 5:49Speaker 1: denominated securities make up about fifty seven percent of global
- 5:52Speaker 1: foreign exchange reserves. That is roughly seven point four trillion
- 5:56Speaker 1: dollars just parked in American debt.
- 5:58Speaker 2: And who do you think is holding all that paper?
- 6:00Speaker 1: Well, it's mostly foreign central banks, right, Like, who are
- 6:02Speaker 1: the top holders?
- 6:03Speaker 2: The top holders globally right now are China holding about
- 6:05Speaker 2: twenty six percent of all foreign exchange reserves, in Japan
- 6:09Speaker 2: holding about nine percent.
- 6:10Speaker 1: Okay, So why do they do that? Why do foreign
- 6:13Speaker 1: governments and central banks park trillions of dollars in US
- 6:17Speaker 1: treasuries today? It cannot just be historical inertia from some
- 6:21Speaker 1: agreements signed in a hotel in nineteen forty four. There
- 6:24Speaker 1: has to be an active, daily reason to keep buying
- 6:28Speaker 1: this debt.
- 6:28Speaker 2: Yeah, a lot of people casually assume it's just because
- 6:31Speaker 2: of US military might mm hmm. You know the idea
- 6:34Speaker 2: that the dollar is backed by aircraft carriers.
- 6:36Speaker 1: Right, the petro dollar argument and all that exactly.
- 6:38Speaker 2: But if you look at the actual mechanics of global
- 6:40Speaker 2: reserve management, the backing is entirely institutional. The US offers
- 6:45Speaker 2: a combination of factors that historically no one else could match.
- 6:50Speaker 2: Like what well we have solid, deeply ingrained legal and
- 6:54Speaker 2: economic institutions. We have a well regulated, completely open financial system.
- 6:59Speaker 2: If you are a four or an investor, you know
- 7:01Speaker 2: that property rights in the US are fiercely protected by
- 7:03Speaker 2: an independent judiciary.
- 7:05Speaker 1: So the government can't just arbitrarily seize your bombs because
- 7:08Speaker 1: they don't like your country's politics that week.
- 7:10Speaker 2: Right, at least, that has been the historical operating assumption
- 7:13Speaker 2: for decades. So for a foreign reserve manager in Tokyo
- 7:16Speaker 2: or Beijing, US treasuries are the ultimate insurance policy.
- 7:21Speaker 1: They use them to ensure against a sudden economic shock exactly.
- 7:25Speaker 2: Say a massive earthquake hits Japan. Yeah, or there's a
- 7:28Speaker 2: massive supply chain disruption and suddenly capital inflows just halt.
- 7:33Speaker 2: They need to be able to pay for imported food
- 7:34Speaker 2: and energy immediately.
- 7:35Speaker 1: They can't wait around.
- 7:37Speaker 2: No, they need assets that are both incredibly safe meaning
- 7:41Speaker 2: the issuer won't default, and incredibly liquid.
- 7:44Speaker 1: And liquidity is the keyword there.
- 7:46Speaker 2: It's everything. Liquidity means you can sell billions of dollars
- 7:50Speaker 2: at this asset on a Tuesday morning in ten minutes,
- 7:53Speaker 2: and the market is so deep that your massive sale
- 7:55Speaker 2: doesn't tank the price.
- 7:57Speaker 1: Right. You can't do that with real estate. You can't
- 7:59Speaker 1: do that with corporate stuff. If you dump a billion
- 8:01Speaker 1: dollars of Apple stock, the price moves. You can only
- 8:03Speaker 1: do that with US treasuries. But you know, I've been
- 8:07Speaker 1: wrestling with this idea of safety lately. Is it actually safe?
- 8:12Speaker 1: Because when you look at what everyday people are feeling
- 8:14Speaker 1: right now, watching their grocery bills go up, watching their
- 8:18Speaker 1: purchasing power evaporate, you really start to question the fundamental.
- 8:22Speaker 2: Premise you're talking about, the inflation risk.
- 8:24Speaker 1: Yeah, is the idea of a risk free rate actually
- 8:28Speaker 1: just a dangerous myth?
- 8:30Speaker 2: Well, that depends entirely on how you define risk.
- 8:33Speaker 1: Okay, let's look at the guarantee. The government guarantee is
- 8:36Speaker 1: nominal returns. If I buy a ten year Treasury bond
- 8:40Speaker 1: for one thousand dollars, the US government will absolutely one
- 8:44Speaker 1: hundred percent pay me that thousand dollars back plus the
- 8:46Speaker 1: agreed interest.
- 8:47Speaker 2: Right, there is zero default risk in nominal terms because
- 8:50Speaker 2: they literally own the printing press exactly.
- 8:52Speaker 1: If they don't have the tax revenue, they will just
- 8:54Speaker 1: print the thousand dollars in hand it to me. But
- 8:56Speaker 1: real returns, you know, returns adjusted for the actual cost
- 8:59Speaker 1: of those are absolutely not guaranteed, not even close. Look
- 9:03Speaker 1: at what happens during inflationary spikes like we saw recently.
- 9:07Speaker 1: Real draw downs on bonds can hit thirty percent to
- 9:09Speaker 1: fifty percent. Retail investors call it an inflation tax. The
- 9:13Speaker 1: purchasing power just vaporizes.
- 9:16Speaker 2: You are hitting on the critical distinction here between nominal
- 9:19Speaker 2: safety and real safety. A treasury bond guarantees you the
- 9:22Speaker 2: return of your currency, sure, but it makes absolutely zero
- 9:26Speaker 2: promises about what that currency will actually be able to buy.
- 9:30Speaker 1: So think of it like this. Tell me if this
- 9:31Speaker 1: analogy works. If I buy a house and the inspector
- 9:35Speaker 1: tells me the house is built on a flawless, impenetrable
- 9:38Speaker 1: concrete foundation. Okay, I assume the house is safe. I
- 9:41Speaker 1: assume it won't sink into the earth. But if inflation
- 9:44Speaker 1: erodes my purchasing power by forty percent over a decade,
- 9:47Speaker 1: isn't calling treasuries risk free? Kind of like saying my
- 9:50Speaker 1: house is perfectly safe from sinking, right as a massive
- 9:53Speaker 1: flood washes through the valley and puts the entire neighborhood
- 9:56Speaker 1: under ten feet of water.
- 9:57Speaker 2: That's a great way to put it right, because so.
- 10:00Speaker 1: The foundation didn't crack, the house didn't sink, but I
- 10:03Speaker 1: am still underwater. I still lost everything.
- 10:05Speaker 2: It is a devastatingly accurate analogy. Honestly, Yeah, you preserve
- 10:09Speaker 2: the structure, but you totally lost the utility. And this
- 10:13Speaker 2: tension between nominal guarantees and real world purchasing power raises
- 10:18Speaker 2: a question that economists have been fighting over for well
- 10:21Speaker 2: more than a century, which is what what should the
- 10:24Speaker 2: bedrock rate of return actually be? If a government bond
- 10:28Speaker 2: is just a nominal promise that is entirely subject to
- 10:31Speaker 2: the whims of inflation and central bank money printing, is
- 10:34Speaker 2: there a better, more honest measure of risk free.
- 10:36Speaker 1: Return, Because right now the entire world uses whatever yield
- 10:40Speaker 1: the US Treasury happens to be auctioning off this week
- 10:44Speaker 1: as the baseline for literally all human economic endeavor.
- 10:47Speaker 2: Exactly, if you are building a factory, you calculate your
- 10:50Speaker 2: expected profit against what you could have made just sitting
- 10:52Speaker 2: in treasuries.
- 10:53Speaker 1: Right, But there are alternative ways to think about this, right.
- 10:56Speaker 2: Yeah. Early twentieth century economist Irving Fisher had a wildly
- 10:59Speaker 2: different way of looking at this. He cautioned against confusing
- 11:02Speaker 2: interest rates with fundamental economic growth. He used an analogy
- 11:06Speaker 2: about bushels of wheat to explain the difference between money
- 11:09Speaker 2: and actual wealth.
- 11:10Speaker 1: Oh I like this, break down the wheat analogy.
- 11:13Speaker 2: Okay, So if you have a piece of land, and
- 11:16Speaker 2: through better farming techniques, the physical yield of that land
- 11:20Speaker 2: suddenly multiplies. You are literally growing more bushels of wheat,
- 11:25Speaker 2: the income potential increases, and the intrinsic value of the
- 11:29Speaker 2: land increases. That is real economic growth.
- 11:32Speaker 1: Okay, that makes sense. More wheat equals more wealth.
- 11:35Speaker 2: Right, But Fisher argued that interest rates the cost of
- 11:39Speaker 2: money are more about our intertemporal choices.
- 11:41Speaker 1: Intertemporal choices meaning how we choose between consuming something today
- 11:47Speaker 1: versus consuming it tomorrow.
- 11:49Speaker 2: Yes, how much do I need to be paid to
- 11:51Speaker 2: delay my gratification to give up a bushel of wheat
- 11:53Speaker 2: today so I can have more tomorrow? But modern financial
- 11:57Speaker 2: theorists have actually taken this idea even further, pose that
- 12:00Speaker 2: the true bedrock of the global economy shouldn't be a
- 12:02Speaker 2: government interest rate, which obviously can be manipulated, but rather
- 12:06Speaker 2: something called multi factor productivity growth.
- 12:08Speaker 1: Okay, I want to make sure we really understand the
- 12:10Speaker 1: mechanics of this, because it's fascinating. What exactly is multi
- 12:14Speaker 1: factor productivity growth?
- 12:15Speaker 2: Think of it as a measurement of pure human innovation.
- 12:19Speaker 2: In any economy, you have inputs, right, labor meaning human
- 12:23Speaker 2: hours worked, and capital meaning the machines, computers, and factories
- 12:28Speaker 2: those humans use.
- 12:29Speaker 1: Okay, labor and capital, got it.
- 12:31Speaker 2: Multi factor productivity measures the efficiency with which those two
- 12:35Speaker 2: inputs are combined. If you have the exact same number
- 12:38Speaker 2: of workers and the exact same machines, but they suddenly
- 12:41Speaker 2: produce five percent more output, that is multi factor productivity.
- 12:46Speaker 1: Oh, because they're being smarter about it exactly.
- 12:48Speaker 2: I mean, someone invented a better process, someone wrote better software,
- 12:52Speaker 2: someone figured out a smarter way to organize the factory
- 12:55Speaker 2: floor so people aren't bumping into each other.
- 12:56Speaker 1: So it's essentially the mathmatal measurement of human.
- 12:59Speaker 2: Progress really is, And over various ten year rolling periods,
- 13:03Speaker 2: this number has averaged about one point one percent for
- 13:06Speaker 2: the non farm private business sector in the United States.
- 13:09Speaker 1: One point one percent. So the argument from these theorists
- 13:12Speaker 1: is that capturing the fruits of that human innovation that
- 13:14Speaker 1: one point one percent is the true essence of investing.
- 13:18Speaker 2: Yes, the argument is that if you strip away all
- 13:20Speaker 2: the noise, you know, the central bank interventions, the inflation,
- 13:24Speaker 2: the geopolitical maneuvering, the wars, the ultimate reason you invest
- 13:28Speaker 2: a dollar today instead of spending it is to capture
- 13:31Speaker 2: the value of future human progress. Wow, that one point
- 13:34Speaker 2: one percent productivity growth represents the actual physical advancement of
- 13:39Speaker 2: our civilization's ability to provide for itself. Some economists argue
- 13:43Speaker 2: that this should be our mental baseline. This should be
- 13:46Speaker 2: our true risk free hurdle rate. Rather than a government bond.
- 13:50Speaker 1: That completely flips the paradigm of how we view money.
- 13:53Speaker 1: It changes the benchmark from what the government promises to
- 13:56Speaker 1: print to what humanity actually invents and produces. It roots
- 13:59Speaker 1: finance and reality instead of a printing press.
- 14:02Speaker 2: It roots it in the physical world. But as intellectually
- 14:05Speaker 2: elegant as that theory is, the global financial system doesn't
- 14:08Speaker 2: run on philosophical theories of human ingenuity.
- 14:10Speaker 1: No, it definitely doesn't.
- 14:12Speaker 2: It runs on cold, hard US Treasury.
- 14:14Speaker 1: Bonds, and right now those bonds are under immense historic pressure,
- 14:19Speaker 1: which means we need to look at a crucial economic
- 14:22Speaker 1: mechanism that explains why investors have historically accepted this risk
- 14:26Speaker 1: free premise despite the massive inflation risks we just.
- 14:29Speaker 2: Talked about, right the convenience yield.
- 14:31Speaker 1: Yes, we need to talk about the convenience yield.
- 14:33Speaker 2: The convenience yield is absolutely vital to understanding the psychology
- 14:37Speaker 2: of global finance. In simple mechanical terms, a positive convenience
- 14:42Speaker 2: yield means that investors are actively willing to accept lower
- 14:46Speaker 2: financial returns on US treasuries compared to other investments that
- 14:50Speaker 2: have identical cash flows.
- 14:52Speaker 1: I want to pause on that because to a regular
- 14:54Speaker 1: person that sounds totally irrational. Investors are intentionally choosing to
- 14:59Speaker 1: make less money. Why would a rational actor do that.
- 15:02Speaker 2: Let's bring it down to a personal level. Imagine you
- 15:05Speaker 2: have a checking account that pays zero percent interest and
- 15:08Speaker 2: a certificate deposit at the same bank that pays five percent. Okay,
- 15:11Speaker 2: you still keep a few thousand dollars in the checking account, right.
- 15:14Speaker 1: Of course, to pay rent, buy groceries exactly, But why
- 15:19Speaker 1: you are intentionally losing out on that five percent yield.
- 15:23Speaker 2: You do it for the convenience. You do it because
- 15:25Speaker 2: you can write a check against it instantly. You can
- 15:28Speaker 2: hit an ATM, you can pay a sudden emergency bill.
- 15:30Speaker 2: You drive a non financial benefit from the liquidity.
- 15:34Speaker 1: Oh okay, so scale that up to the global economy.
- 15:38Speaker 2: Exactly. Global investors and central banks accept a lower yield
- 15:42Speaker 2: on treasuries because of the massive additional benefits they derive
- 15:45Speaker 2: from holding these specific assets. The unparalleled liquidity, the safety
- 15:50Speaker 2: from default, and crucially, the ability to use treasuries as
- 15:54Speaker 2: collateral in almost any financial transaction on Earth.
- 15:57Speaker 1: Wait explain the collateral part.
- 15:58Speaker 2: If a major bank wants to borrow overnight funds to
- 16:01Speaker 2: meet regulatory requirements, they pledge treasuries as collateral. It is
- 16:05Speaker 2: literally the grease that keeps the gears of global finance turning.
- 16:09Speaker 2: The convenience yield is essentially the market's perception of the
- 16:12Speaker 2: bond's value beyond just the financial returns.
- 16:14Speaker 1: It is the premium you pay for a good night's.
- 16:16Speaker 2: Sleep, exactly. It's the sleep well at night premium.
- 16:19Speaker 1: But the data is showing a massive behavioral shift right now.
- 16:22Speaker 1: The market's willingness to accept this lower yield to pay
- 16:26Speaker 1: for that good night's sleep is rapidly trending downward. We
- 16:29Speaker 1: are seeing a continuing collapse in this convenience yield, and.
- 16:33Speaker 2: That downward trend is a glaring red warning light on
- 16:37Speaker 2: the dashboard of the global economy.
- 16:39Speaker 1: It really is.
- 16:40Speaker 2: It suggests that the premium investors place on the safety
- 16:42Speaker 2: and liquidity of US debt is evaporating. They are demanding
- 16:46Speaker 2: higher and higher returns just to compensate for what they
- 16:50Speaker 2: perceive as rising risk, and recent developments have only thrown
- 16:53Speaker 2: fuel on that fire.
- 16:55Speaker 1: Like what happened in May twenty twenty five, Moody's officially
- 16:58Speaker 1: downgraded the US sovereign credit rating to AA one. Now
- 17:03Speaker 1: a lot of people hear credit ratings and their eyes
- 17:05Speaker 1: just glaze over. AA one sounds like you went from
- 17:07Speaker 1: an A plus to an A in high school. It
- 17:09Speaker 1: doesn't sound catastrophic.
- 17:10Speaker 2: It doesn't sound catastrophic to a layperson, but the mechanics
- 17:13Speaker 2: of what it represents are profound. AA means the rating
- 17:17Speaker 2: agencies models calculate the probability of the United States defaulting
- 17:21Speaker 2: on its debt as effectively zero.
- 17:23Speaker 1: The pinnacle of safety right.
- 17:25Speaker 2: A one means the models are now acknowledging a non
- 17:28Speaker 2: zero mathematical probability of default, and their reasoning for the
- 17:32Speaker 2: downgrade was brutal and straightforward. They pointed directly at the
- 17:36Speaker 2: nation's growing debt burden, which, as we mentioned earlier, hit
- 17:39Speaker 2: thirty six point eight trillion dollars, or roughly one hundred
- 17:43Speaker 2: and twenty three percent of GDP.
- 17:45Speaker 1: It's not just a symbolic slap on the wrist either
- 17:48Speaker 1: when a rating agency does that. Certain massive institutional funds,
- 17:52Speaker 1: like pension funds, that manage trillions of dollars, they have
- 17:56Speaker 1: strict mandates, very strict. Some are legally required to only
- 17:59Speaker 1: hold erraated assets. A downgrade forces mechanical selling. They don't
- 18:03Speaker 1: even have a choice, they just have to sell.
- 18:04Speaker 2: YEP. It reflects mounting skepticism among global investors about the
- 18:09Speaker 2: actual fiscal trajectory of the United States, and you can
- 18:11Speaker 2: see the results of this skepticism in the data where
- 18:14Speaker 2: see it. If you look at the Treasury International Capital
- 18:17Speaker 2: System or at teach ACT data, which tracks cross border
- 18:20Speaker 2: portfolio flows, you see a measurable ongoing decline in foreign
- 18:23Speaker 2: official holdings of US debt.
- 18:25Speaker 1: Meaning those global reserve managers we talked about earlier. The
- 18:29Speaker 1: central banks in Asia and Europe, they are quietly but
- 18:32Speaker 1: steadily diversifying away from the dollar.
- 18:35Speaker 2: They are, and this forces us to reconsider how we
- 18:38Speaker 2: interpret basic market signals. Historically, if you saw rising yields
- 18:43Speaker 2: on US treasuries, meaning if the interest rate the government
- 18:47Speaker 2: had to pay to borrow money went up, that was
- 18:49Speaker 2: actually interpreted as a positive economic signal.
- 18:52Speaker 1: Wait, really, why was higher borrowing costs of positive signal?
- 18:56Speaker 2: Because it meant the US economy was booming, growth was accelerating.
- 19:00Speaker 2: The private sector was generating so much profit that investors
- 19:03Speaker 2: demanded higher yields from the government just to bother holding
- 19:06Speaker 2: their bonds because they had such lucrative alternatives in the
- 19:09Speaker 2: private market.
- 19:10Speaker 1: Oh, I see, the government had to compete for capital exactly.
- 19:13Speaker 2: The US was an engine of growth, attracting massive capital inflows,
- 19:16Speaker 2: so yields naturally rose to compete.
- 19:18Speaker 1: But today that entire paradigm has.
- 19:20Speaker 2: Inverted, completely inverted. Today, when you see yield spiking, it
- 19:25Speaker 2: is increasingly perceived not as a sign of underlying economic strength,
- 19:29Speaker 2: but as a reflection of heightened risk. Risk of what exactly, Well,
- 19:32Speaker 2: it's driven by fiscal concerns, it's driven by policy uncertainty
- 19:36Speaker 2: in Washington. It's driven by the evolving dynamics of the
- 19:39Speaker 2: Federal Reserve's own balance sheet. Investors aren't demanding higher yields
- 19:43Speaker 2: because they have better private sector options.
- 19:46Speaker 1: They are demanding higher yields simply to compensate for the
- 19:48Speaker 1: growing anxiety that the US fiscal house is fundamentally broken.
- 19:52Speaker 2: Exactly.
- 19:53Speaker 1: So, if treasuries have always been the VIP section of
- 19:56Speaker 1: the global financial club, you know, the place everyone wants
- 19:59Speaker 1: to be when things get scary, it feels like we
- 20:02Speaker 1: are suddenly seeing the bouncers quietly letting people out the
- 20:05Speaker 1: back door.
- 20:06Speaker 2: Yeah, they're looking for the exits.
- 20:07Speaker 1: What happens if the VIPs start preferring other assets? What
- 20:12Speaker 1: happens if the convenience yield vanishes entirely?
- 20:15Speaker 2: That is literally the multi trillion dollar question. Yeah, and
- 20:18Speaker 2: we are seeing whispers of exactly that kind of shift
- 20:22Speaker 2: in the regulatory space. If you want to see where
- 20:24Speaker 2: the anxiety really is, look at the intense focus over
- 20:28Speaker 2: the past couple of years on the Basil third endgame.
- 20:30Speaker 1: Okay, let's break down Basil the third because it sounds
- 20:33Speaker 1: like an incredibly dry banking regulation, but the implications are
- 20:36Speaker 1: actually massive Basil.
- 20:37Speaker 2: The third is an international regulatory framework designed to prevent
- 20:41Speaker 2: another two thousand and eight banking collapse, which we definitely
- 20:44Speaker 2: don't want to repeat, right.
- 20:46Speaker 1: It dictates how much capital banks must hold to protect
- 20:49Speaker 1: themselves against risk. Under these rules, banks are required to
- 20:52Speaker 1: hold a certain amount of high quality liquid assets or HQLA, and.
- 20:56Speaker 2: An HQLA is an asset that a bank can sell
- 20:59Speaker 2: immediately in a time of severe market stress without taking
- 21:03Speaker 2: a massive loss. It's their emergency lifeboat, exactly.
- 21:07Speaker 1: And the ultimate Tier one HQLA, the asset with a
- 21:10Speaker 1: zero percent riskway, meaning regulators treated as completely fail proof,
- 21:14Speaker 1: has historically been the US Treasury bond, obviously, but recently
- 21:18Speaker 1: there were rampant rumors circulating through global financial circles that
- 21:21Speaker 1: gold might be broadly reclassified as a Tier one HQLA
- 21:25Speaker 1: alongside treasuries.
- 21:26Speaker 2: Gold literally a shiny rock, the oldest money in the world.
- 21:30Speaker 1: Right now, we have to be clear here, the regulatory
- 21:32Speaker 1: mechanics of Basel the third are highly complex, and some
- 21:36Speaker 1: of those specific rumors regarding immediate global reclassification were exaggerated
- 21:41Speaker 1: or inaccurate.
- 21:41Speaker 2: So it wasn't a done deal, no, But the rumor
- 21:44Speaker 2: itself isn't the story. The story is the psychology. The
- 21:49Speaker 2: very fact that the global financial world became hyper focus
- 21:52Speaker 2: on gold's regulatory treatment underscores a deep pervasive anxiety surrounding
- 21:58Speaker 2: traditional FIAT safety.
- 21:59Speaker 1: Nets, because when trust in paper wanes, the market instinctively
- 22:03Speaker 1: looks backward. It looks to physical assets that carry no
- 22:06Speaker 1: counterparty risk. Exactly, counterparty risk is everything, right, because if
- 22:10Speaker 1: I hold a Treasury bond, I am relying on a
- 22:13Speaker 1: counter party, the US government to fulfill a promise. If
- 22:17Speaker 1: I hold a bar of gold and a vault, I
- 22:18Speaker 1: am relying on no one. It is just an element
- 22:21Speaker 1: on the periodic table.
- 22:22Speaker 2: It is incredible how fast that psychology can shift. When
- 22:26Speaker 2: the bedrock starts to look like sand, capital seeks out
- 22:29Speaker 2: new bedrock.
- 22:29Speaker 1: And I just want to pause for a second here.
- 22:31Speaker 1: If you're sitting with us right now listening to this,
- 22:33Speaker 1: and you value this kind of deep personal analysis into
- 22:36Speaker 1: these massive macroeconomic forces, please consider giving Beyond Dempographics a
- 22:40Speaker 1: five star rating. It's a small thing, but it allows
- 22:43Speaker 1: us to keep bringing these insights to you.
- 22:45Speaker 2: It really is a huge help.
- 22:47Speaker 1: It's just unnerving to realize that the stability of your
- 22:50Speaker 1: local bank might hinge on rumors about gold classifications and
- 22:53Speaker 1: the shifting psychology of foreign reserve managers in other countries.
- 22:57Speaker 2: It's all connected.
- 22:58Speaker 1: But to truly understand the end anxiety over this thirty
- 23:01Speaker 1: six point eight trillion dollar debt burden today, we have
- 23:04Speaker 1: to look at a fascinating historical anomaly. We have to
- 23:07Speaker 1: look at the bizarre alternate universe of what happens when
- 23:11Speaker 1: there is no debt at all.
- 23:12Speaker 2: Oh, this is my favorite part of the history. It
- 23:15Speaker 2: sounds completely absurd today given the numbers we just discussed,
- 23:18Speaker 2: But if we travel back to the late nineteen nineties,
- 23:20Speaker 2: in the early two thousands, the US was not only
- 23:23Speaker 2: running unified budget surpluses, it was actively on track to
- 23:27Speaker 2: eliminate its public debt entirely zero debt.
- 23:30Speaker 1: I remember reading the projections from two thousand and one
- 23:32Speaker 1: both the Congressional Budget Office and the Office of Management
- 23:35Speaker 1: and Budget suggested that the publicly held national debt could
- 23:38Speaker 1: be completely extinguished by two thousand and six.
- 23:41Speaker 2: By two thousand and six, the historical context is important here.
- 23:45Speaker 2: We are coming off the peace dividend following the end
- 23:47Speaker 2: of the Cold War, meaning defense spending had fallen significantly
- 23:50Speaker 2: as a percentage of GDP.
- 23:51Speaker 1: Right, we weren't studying as much on the military, and.
- 23:53Speaker 2: We're in the middle of the massive dot com economic boom,
- 23:58Speaker 2: which generated record tax revenue use. The result was that
- 24:02Speaker 2: the government was taking in far more money than it
- 24:04Speaker 2: was spending.
- 24:05Speaker 1: Now, when you have a massive surplus, it obviously sparks
- 24:08Speaker 1: fierce debates. And I want to be really explicit here
- 24:11Speaker 1: because this touches on politics, as we discussed the debates
- 24:14Speaker 1: of the nineties and early two thousands. This show takes
- 24:16Speaker 1: no political side whatsoever.
- 24:18Speaker 2: And at all.
- 24:19Speaker 1: Our goal is strictly to impartially convey the economic theories
- 24:23Speaker 1: behind both left leaning and right leaning fiscal policies, just
- 24:26Speaker 1: to explain the mechanics. So from a supply side perspective,
- 24:30Speaker 1: the argument was that surpluses meant the government was overtaxing
- 24:33Speaker 1: its citizens and that money should be returned via tax
- 24:36Speaker 1: cuts to stimulate private business.
- 24:39Speaker 2: Right. And if you talk to proponents of public investment
- 24:41Speaker 2: and debt reduction, their argument was that paying down the
- 24:44Speaker 2: debt was a once in a generation opportunity to structurally
- 24:47Speaker 2: strengthen the American economy.
- 24:49Speaker 1: And mathematically speaking, the economic arguments for paying down the
- 24:54Speaker 1: debt were incredibly substantial. It starts with the concept of
- 24:57Speaker 1: the national saving rate.
- 24:58Speaker 2: Let's walk through the mechanics that because it's crucial.
- 25:01Speaker 1: Yeah, how does government debt impact national savings?
- 25:05Speaker 2: Think of the total amount of available investment capital in
- 25:08Speaker 2: the economy as a massive pool of water. When the
- 25:11Speaker 2: government runs a deficit, it has to issue bonds to
- 25:14Speaker 2: borrow money to cover the shortfall. It basically dips a
- 25:18Speaker 2: massive bucket into that pool and takes water out.
- 25:20Speaker 1: Which leaves less water less capital for private businesses to borrow.
- 25:25Speaker 2: Right, But when the government runs a surplus and uses
- 25:28Speaker 2: it to retire past debt, it is effectively pouring water
- 25:32Speaker 2: back into the pool. It increases the national saving rate,
- 25:35Speaker 2: and when.
- 25:35Speaker 1: There is a greater supply of available funds in the
- 25:37Speaker 1: private loan market, the cost of borrowing that money goes down.
- 25:41Speaker 1: It pushes down real interest.
- 25:43Speaker 2: Rate exactly, and lower interest rates create a phenomenon economists
- 25:47Speaker 2: call a crowding in effect.
- 25:48Speaker 1: Crowding in meaning private investment rushes into the space the
- 25:51Speaker 1: government vacated.
- 25:53Speaker 2: Yes, imagine a company wants to build a new semiconductor factory.
- 25:57Speaker 2: They rude the math and they realize the project only
- 26:01Speaker 2: generates a six percent return. Okay, if interest rates are
- 26:04Speaker 2: at seven percent, the project is unprofitable. It costs more
- 26:08Speaker 2: to borrow the money than the factory makes, so they
- 26:11Speaker 2: don't build it.
- 26:12Speaker 1: That makes sense.
- 26:13Speaker 2: But if the government pays down the national debt, flooding
- 26:16Speaker 2: the market with capital and interest rates dropped to five percent,
- 26:20Speaker 2: suddenly that factory is highly profitable. They build it, they
- 26:24Speaker 2: hire workers, they research new technology.
- 26:31Speaker 1: This expands the productive capacity of the entire economy and
- 26:34Speaker 1: theoretically leads to a permanently higher standard of living for everyone.
- 26:38Speaker 2: That's the theory.
- 26:39Speaker 1: Yet that makes perfect sense, But it also changes our
- 26:41Speaker 1: relationship with the rest of the world, doesn't it. What
- 26:43Speaker 1: happens to international capital flows when we stop issuing debt.
- 26:47Speaker 2: It fundamentally alters the current account deficit. Now, this is
- 26:51Speaker 2: a concept that sounds academic, but it directly impacts the
- 26:55Speaker 2: ownership of the American economy. When US interest rates fall
- 26:59Speaker 2: due to the debt being paid off, US financial asset
- 27:02Speaker 2: becomes slightly less attractive to foreign investors who are purely
- 27:06Speaker 2: seeking a high yield.
- 27:07Speaker 1: Because they can get better interest rates elsewhere.
- 27:11Speaker 2: So you have less foreign capital flowing into the United States. Now, Historically,
- 27:15Speaker 2: the US imports far more goods than it exports. We
- 27:18Speaker 2: buy flat screen TVs and cars from abroad, and we
- 27:21Speaker 2: send dollars overseas. Okay, Following those foreign companies trade the
- 27:26Speaker 2: dollars to their central banks, who then use those dollars
- 27:29Speaker 2: to buy US treasuries. They are essentially lending us the
- 27:32Speaker 2: money to buy their goods.
- 27:33Speaker 1: It's basically a vendor financing arrangement on a geopolitical scale exactly.
- 27:37Speaker 2: But if the US Treasury stops issuing bonds because the
- 27:41Speaker 2: debt is paid off, those foreign entities can't park their
- 27:44Speaker 2: dollars in government debt anymore. The capital dynamic shifts.
- 27:48Speaker 1: So what happens to the money.
- 27:49Speaker 2: Well, if foreign investment slows down, the current account deficit shrinks.
- 27:54Speaker 2: This means the ownership of the nation's capital stock, the factories,
- 27:57Speaker 2: the real estate, the corporations. It's slowly transitions back to Americans.
- 28:02Speaker 1: Wow, So the dividends and interest generated by the American
- 28:05Speaker 1: economy augment domestic income rather than flowing overseas as interest
- 28:09Speaker 1: payments to foreign bondholders.
- 28:11Speaker 2: Exactly.
- 28:11Speaker 1: So, on paper, paying off the national debt sounds like
- 28:14Speaker 1: a utopian economic dream. Lower interest rates, massive private investment,
- 28:19Speaker 1: Americans owning more of America. It sounds perfect.
- 28:22Speaker 2: It really does.
- 28:23Speaker 1: But when you look closely at the actual financial mechanics,
- 28:27Speaker 1: if you run the simulation all the way to zero debt,
- 28:30Speaker 1: eliminating the debt actually creates incredibly bizarre, massive negative consequences.
- 28:36Speaker 1: It threatens to break the system entirely.
- 28:38Speaker 2: It does because, as we established at the very beginning
- 28:40Speaker 2: of this conversation, treasuries act as the bedrock benchmark for
- 28:44Speaker 2: pricing almost all of their financial assets on Earth. Every
- 28:47Speaker 2: corporate bond, every mortgage, every complex derivative uses the risk
- 28:52Speaker 2: free rate of the treasury as its baseline. If treasuries vanished,
- 28:56Speaker 2: pricing risk becomes incredibly difficult. A reliable benchmark, lenders demand
- 29:02Speaker 2: a massive premium for uncertainty. It leads to profound inefficiency
- 29:06Speaker 2: in financial markets.
- 29:07Speaker 1: Wait, so, the global financial ecosystem is essentially like a
- 29:10Speaker 1: biological organism that actually evolved to depend on the parasite
- 29:14Speaker 1: of government debt to survive. And if we cure the
- 29:16Speaker 1: patient and kill the parasite, the host organism collapses.
- 29:21Speaker 2: That is a dark but remarkably accurate way to look
- 29:24Speaker 2: at the mechanics of it. Think about how markets behave
- 29:27Speaker 2: during times of acute crisis. Take the nineteen ninety eight
- 29:29Speaker 2: Russian debt default for example.
- 29:31Speaker 1: Oh, that was when long term capital management, that massive
- 29:34Speaker 1: hedge fund, almost took down the global financial system.
- 29:36Speaker 2: Right, Russia defaulted on its domestic debt, which shocked the world.
- 29:40Speaker 2: Global investors completely panicked. They experienced some massive, violent flight
- 29:44Speaker 2: to quality. They blindly sold off risky assets, emerging market debt,
- 29:48Speaker 2: corporate bonds, equities, and poured trillions of dollars into the
- 29:51Speaker 2: ultimate safe haven, US treasuries.
- 29:53Speaker 1: They just wanted safety at any price.
- 29:55Speaker 2: Yes, and the risk premium, the gap between the yield
- 29:58Speaker 2: on safe treasuries and risky corporate bonds skyrocketed.
- 30:02Speaker 1: It exploded.
- 30:03Speaker 2: Now, imagine if US treasuries didn't exist in nineteen ninety
- 30:07Speaker 2: eight because we had paid off the debt, where would
- 30:09Speaker 2: all that terrified global capital have gone.
- 30:11Speaker 1: There is nowhere else for it to go.
- 30:13Speaker 2: Exactly, there was no other asset large enough, deep enough,
- 30:17Speaker 2: or safe enough to absorb that massive influx of panic
- 30:21Speaker 2: driven money. Without the shock absorber of the treasury market,
- 30:25Speaker 2: the panic would have metastasized. The structural collapse of the
- 30:28Speaker 2: global banking system could have been exponentially worse.
- 30:31Speaker 1: And it's not just panicked investors who rely on this debt.
- 30:34Speaker 1: The Federal Reserve itself literally uses the national debt to
- 30:38Speaker 1: steer the American economy every single day.
- 30:40Speaker 2: This is perhaps the biggest operational hurdle of a zero
- 30:43Speaker 2: debt universe. The Federal Reserve relies entirely on treasuries to
- 30:47Speaker 2: conduct open market operations.
- 30:49Speaker 1: Let's walk through how open market operations actually work, because
- 30:53Speaker 1: it's the core engine of monetary policy.
- 30:55Speaker 2: Okay, when the Fed wants to increase the money supply
- 30:59Speaker 2: and lower interest to stimulate the economy, they don't just
- 31:02Speaker 2: print cash and drop it from helicopters.
- 31:04Speaker 1: Right, They don't literally head out bills.
- 31:07Speaker 2: No, they go to the open market and they buy
- 31:09Speaker 2: short term US treasuries from large banks. They take the
- 31:13Speaker 2: bonds onto their balance sheet, and they credit the bank's
- 31:16Speaker 2: reserve accounts with newly created digital dollars.
- 31:19Speaker 1: They essentially swap the bank's paper debt for liquid cash.
- 31:24Speaker 2: Yes, the bank suddenly has more cash reserves, which means
- 31:28Speaker 2: it can lend more money to consumers and businesses, which
- 31:31Speaker 2: stimulates economic activity.
- 31:33Speaker 1: And what about when they want to cool things down?
- 31:35Speaker 2: When the Fed wants to cool inflation, they do the
- 31:37Speaker 2: exact reverse. They sell treasuries to the banks, sucking cash
- 31:41Speaker 2: out of the banking system and replacing it with bonds,
- 31:43Speaker 2: which makes money scarcer and drives up interest rates.
- 31:46Speaker 1: And they can only do this because the treasury market
- 31:48Speaker 1: is so impossibly large.
- 31:50Speaker 2: That is the key. The market is so broad, deep,
- 31:53Speaker 2: and resilient that the FED can move tens of billions
- 31:57Speaker 2: of dollars in a single afternoon without fundamentally distorting the
- 32:01Speaker 2: private market.
- 32:02Speaker 1: Because think about the alternative. If the FED had to
- 32:05Speaker 1: conduct monetary policy without treasuries, if they wanted to inject
- 32:09Speaker 1: money into the system, they would have to buy private assets.
- 32:12Speaker 1: They would have to buy corporate bonds exactly.
- 32:14Speaker 2: And the moment the Central Bank of the United States
- 32:16Speaker 2: starts buying corporate bonds, they are effectively picking winners and
- 32:20Speaker 2: losers in the private market.
- 32:22Speaker 1: Wow. Yeah. If they buy bonds from Ford, they are
- 32:25Speaker 1: subsidizing Ford's borrowing costs, giving them an unfair advantage over
- 32:29Speaker 1: general motors.
- 32:29Speaker 2: They would inadvertently allocate credit to specific companies or industries
- 32:34Speaker 2: based on whatever internal metric they chose.
- 32:36Speaker 1: It would fundamentally alter the central bank's role. It would
- 32:39Speaker 1: turn a monetary institution into a political juggernaut allocating capital
- 32:43Speaker 1: and deciding which corporations survive and which fail.
- 32:46Speaker 2: It is an operational lightmare. So whether we are talking
- 32:49Speaker 2: about the theoretical elimination of debt back in two thousand
- 32:52Speaker 2: and one or what we are facing today, the modern
- 32:55Speaker 2: day degradation of treasury safety due to massive debt loads
- 32:58Speaker 2: and credit downgrades, both scenarios leave a vacuum.
- 33:02Speaker 1: And financial markets are poor a vacuum.
- 33:04Speaker 2: Yes, they do.
- 33:05Speaker 1: If treasuries vanish or if they just become too fundamentally
- 33:09Speaker 1: risky to serve as the global bedrock. What replaces them?
- 33:12Speaker 1: If the concrete foundation crumbles, capital will desperately search for
- 33:16Speaker 1: something else to stand on.
- 33:17Speaker 2: And this was a massive area of research when people
- 33:20Speaker 2: thought the debt was going away, and looking at the
- 33:23Speaker 2: alternatives they came up with is really illuminating because none
- 33:26Speaker 2: of them seem to work.
- 33:28Speaker 1: Finding a replacement benchmark is incredibly difficult. Let's look at
- 33:31Speaker 1: the primary alternatives that were proposed. The first alternative was
- 33:35Speaker 1: using derivative markets, specifically interest rate swaps. Right, let's demystify
- 33:40Speaker 1: what an interest rate swap actually is, because derivatives sounds
- 33:44Speaker 1: like wall street voodoo to most people.
- 33:46Speaker 2: At its core, an interest rate swap is just a
- 33:48Speaker 2: financial contract between two parties who agree to exchange cash flows.
- 33:53Speaker 1: So imagine I have a mortgage with a variable interest rate.
- 33:56Speaker 1: Every time the Central Bank raises rates, my monthly payment
- 33:59Speaker 1: goes up, and it is keeping me awake at night.
- 34:02Speaker 2: Right, you hate the uncertainty.
- 34:03Speaker 1: My neighbor has a fixed rate mortgage. They pay the
- 34:06Speaker 1: exact same amount every month, but maybe they want the
- 34:09Speaker 1: flexibility of a variable rate because they think rates are
- 34:12Speaker 1: going to drop. We could conceptually write a contract where
- 34:16Speaker 1: we agree to effectively pay each other's interest bills. We
- 34:19Speaker 1: swap the cash flows. I get the peace of mind
- 34:21Speaker 1: of the fixed rate and they get the potential upside
- 34:24Speaker 1: of the variable rate.
- 34:25Speaker 2: That is a perfect analogy. You are hedging against interest
- 34:29Speaker 2: rate changes on a corporate scale. Banks and multinational corporations
- 34:33Speaker 2: do this to the tune of trillions of dollars. Because
- 34:35Speaker 2: the swaps market is massive and highly liquid, some economists
- 34:39Speaker 2: theorize it could serve as a new benchmark if Treasury
- 34:41Speaker 2: has disappeared.
- 34:42Speaker 1: That there are massive fatal flaws with this idea, severe drawbacks.
- 34:46Speaker 2: First, swaps have inherent counterparty default risk.
- 34:50Speaker 1: Yeah.
- 34:50Speaker 2: Unlike a treasury where the government can print the money.
- 34:52Speaker 2: In a swap, you are trusting another private entity like
- 34:55Speaker 2: an investment bank, to honor the contract.
- 34:57Speaker 1: And if your neighbor loses his job and goes bank,
- 35:00Speaker 1: your swab agreement is worthless.
- 35:02Speaker 2: Exactly two thousand and eight proved that counterparty risk is very,
- 35:06Speaker 2: very real. Bleeman Brothers failed.
- 35:08Speaker 1: Yeah, that was a wake up call, it was.
- 35:11Speaker 2: Second, swaps are incredibly complex derivatives, not simple, easily understandable bonds.
- 35:18Speaker 2: And Third, their informational value is tied to external rates
- 35:21Speaker 2: like live or the London Interbank Offered Rate or SOF
- 35:25Speaker 2: the secured overnight financing rate, which carry their own embedded
- 35:29Speaker 2: credit risks.
- 35:30Speaker 1: So in a time of severe panic, the pricing of
- 35:32Speaker 1: derivatives just freezes.
- 35:33Speaker 2: You cannot build a stable financial system on a foundation
- 35:37Speaker 2: of complex private contracts that might evaporate in a crisis.
- 35:40Speaker 1: Okay, so private derivatives are too risky. What about the
- 35:42Speaker 1: second alternative GSE securities government sponsored enterprises? We are talking
- 35:47Speaker 1: about the massive mortgage aggregators. Fanny May and Freddie mac.
- 35:51Speaker 2: Yes, back in the late nineties and early two thousands,
- 35:53Speaker 2: when they saw the supply of treasury shrinking, Fanny and
- 35:56Speaker 2: Freddie aggressively marketed themselves as the natural heirs to the
- 36:00Speaker 2: risk free asset throne. They began issuing massive, regular batches
- 36:03Speaker 2: of debt that they literally branded as benchmark notes.
- 36:06Speaker 1: The marketing appeal is pretty obvious. They are quasi governmental entities.
- 36:11Speaker 1: They were created by Congress to provide liquidity to the
- 36:14Speaker 1: housing market. So investers look at them and think, well,
- 36:17Speaker 1: it's not technically government debt, but it basically is.
- 36:20Speaker 2: And that implicit assumption is exactly the problem. It presents
- 36:24Speaker 2: a massive economic concept called moral hazard.
- 36:28Speaker 1: Moral hazard is when you take risks because you know
- 36:31Speaker 1: someone else will bear the cost if it goes wrong,
- 36:34Speaker 1: like driving recklessly because you have great car insurance.
- 36:37Speaker 2: Precisely, investors assumed, and they were proven entirely correct during
- 36:41Speaker 2: the two thousand and eight financial crisis, that the federal
- 36:43Speaker 2: government would never let Fanny May and Freddiemack fail. Because
- 36:48Speaker 2: of this implicit guarantee, GSEs can borrow money at incredibly
- 36:52Speaker 2: low rates, almost as low as the treasury itself.
- 36:54Speaker 1: So what's the hazard.
- 36:55Speaker 2: The moral hazard is that the gsees might be tempted
- 36:58Speaker 2: to take on excessive reckless us in search of profit,
- 37:01Speaker 2: secure in the knowledge that the task payer is the
- 37:03Speaker 2: ultimate backstop.
- 37:04Speaker 1: But there's an even bigger problem with using housing debt
- 37:07Speaker 1: as the global benchmark, isn't there It distorts the entire economy.
- 37:11Speaker 1: If we replace general government bonds with housing backed GSE notes,
- 37:16Speaker 1: aren't we just swapping out a generalized government spending problem
- 37:20Speaker 1: for a highly localized, hyperinflated housing market bubble.
- 37:24Speaker 2: You are hitting on the fundamental flaw right there. A
- 37:27Speaker 2: true benchmark asset should reflect only the broad risks inherent
- 37:31Speaker 2: to the overall macroeconomic environment general economic growth, inflation, demographic trends.
- 37:38Speaker 2: GSE debt reflects the specific, highly localized, idiosyncratic risks of
- 37:43Speaker 2: the real estate sector.
- 37:44Speaker 1: You cannot build the foundation of global finance on the
- 37:47Speaker 1: health of the American suburban housing market. It is way
- 37:50Speaker 1: too narrow. It forces the entire world to bet on
- 37:52Speaker 1: whether Americans keep paying their mortgages.
- 37:54Speaker 2: Exactly. It sucks disproportionate amounts of capital into housing at
- 37:57Speaker 2: the expense of industrial investment, research, infrastructure. It structurally misallocates
- 38:02Speaker 2: global capital.
- 38:03Speaker 1: So if swaps fail because of counterparty risk and gss
- 38:06Speaker 1: fail because they are just a housing bubble in disguise.
- 38:08Speaker 1: What is left.
- 38:09Speaker 2: Well, there was a third, highly speculative alternative discussed by economists.
- 38:15Speaker 2: It is fascinating but also terrifying.
- 38:18Speaker 1: Let's hear it.
- 38:19Speaker 2: What if the government continued to issue massive amounts of
- 38:22Speaker 2: debt solely to serve as a risk free benchmark for
- 38:25Speaker 2: the markets. The government doesn't actually need the money to
- 38:28Speaker 2: fund its operations because it's running a surplus, So it
- 38:32Speaker 2: takes the trillions of dollars in proceeds from selling those
- 38:35Speaker 2: bonds and it invests them in private securities.
- 38:39Speaker 1: Wait, the United States government issuing treasury bonds and then
- 38:43Speaker 1: turning around and using that cash to buy stocks and
- 38:45Speaker 1: corporate bonds on the open market.
- 38:47Speaker 2: Yes, it would effectively turn the federal government into the
- 38:50Speaker 2: world's largest, most dominant hedge fund.
- 38:52Speaker 1: That sounds like an absolute political nightmare.
- 38:55Speaker 2: It is an unparalleled political mindfield. If the government is
- 38:58Speaker 2: buying private assets, it'suddenly holds immense controlling ownership positions in
- 39:03Speaker 2: the private economy. It essentially nationalizes a huge portion of
- 39:07Speaker 2: private enterprise through the back door.
- 39:09Speaker 1: And how do you even decide what to buy? Imagine
- 39:11Speaker 1: the congressional hearings on that.
- 39:13Speaker 2: Exactly what is the government's investment goal. Should it act
- 39:17Speaker 2: like a purely rational investor and try to maximize profit,
- 39:21Speaker 2: which means aggressively investing in whatever is most lucrative, regardless
- 39:26Speaker 2: of social impact.
- 39:27Speaker 1: Or should it use its massive financial power to promote
- 39:29Speaker 1: specific public policies right.
- 39:32Speaker 2: Should it only buy bonds from green energy companies. Should
- 39:35Speaker 2: it refuse to invest in companies that don't use unionized labor.
- 39:39Speaker 2: Should it prop up sailing industries in depressed regions just
- 39:42Speaker 2: to save jobs.
- 39:44Speaker 1: The pressure from lobbyists to have the government allocate credit
- 39:47Speaker 1: toward their specific industry would be completely irresistible. It would
- 39:51Speaker 1: corrupt the entire concept of a free market.
- 39:53Speaker 2: It would fundamentally alter the relationship between the state and
- 39:56Speaker 2: the private sector forever. So every alternative we look at swaps,
- 39:59Speaker 2: how usk dead government hedge funds, has a fatal flaw.
- 40:02Speaker 1: We are seemingly stuck with treasuries as the indispensable bedrock.
- 40:06Speaker 2: Unfortunately, yes, but the theoretical debates of two thousand and
- 40:09Speaker 2: one about what to do with surpluses are long gone.
- 40:12Speaker 2: We no longer have to worry about the absence of debt.
- 40:14Speaker 1: No, we really don't. We now face a reality mapped
- 40:17Speaker 1: out by the Congressional Budget Offices twenty twenty five to
- 40:20Speaker 1: twenty fifty five long Term Budget Outlook. We have pivoted
- 40:24Speaker 1: from the absence of debt to the exponential explosion of.
- 40:27Speaker 2: It, and the numbers in that outlook are sobering. The
- 40:30Speaker 2: structural disconnect between federal spending and revenues is worsening rapidly,
- 40:34Speaker 2: and it's not just a matter of political squabbling over
- 40:36Speaker 2: tax rates or discretionary spending either.
- 40:38Speaker 1: What's driving it.
- 40:39Speaker 2: It is driven primarily by an unstoppable force demographic shifts,
- 40:44Speaker 2: specifically the retirement of the baby boomer generation. It is
- 40:48Speaker 2: just math. For decades, the American social safety net programs
- 40:52Speaker 2: like Social Security and Medicare were highly.
- 40:54Speaker 1: Affordable because the ratio of workers to retirees was incredibly favorable.
- 40:58Speaker 1: In the nineteen fifties, you had more than a dozen
- 41:00Speaker 1: active workers paying taxes into the system for every one
- 41:03Speaker 1: retiree drawing benefits out.
- 41:05Speaker 2: Exactly, the system was flush with cash. But birth rates
- 41:09Speaker 2: are shifted downward, and medical technology means we are living
- 41:13Speaker 2: significantly longer. That ratio of workers to retirees is plummeting.
- 41:17Speaker 2: According to historical data points tracking these deficits. Over the
- 41:20Speaker 2: long term, the trust funds from Medicare and Social Security
- 41:24Speaker 2: face looming exhaustion.
- 41:26Speaker 1: Let's explain what trust fund exhaustion actually means. Because people
- 41:30Speaker 1: hear that and think Social Security is going to zero,
- 41:33Speaker 1: that checks will bounce. That's not what it means.
- 41:35Speaker 2: Well, the checks won't bounce for years. When those programs
- 41:38Speaker 2: took in more tax revenue than they paid out, they
- 41:41Speaker 2: parked the surplus in special treasury bonds that is the trust.
- 41:45Speaker 1: Fund, So it's basically a stack of IOUs from the
- 41:48Speaker 1: government to itself.
- 41:49Speaker 2: Right, exhaustion means they have cashed in all those bonds.
- 41:52Speaker 2: The surplus is gone. Once the trust funds are depleted,
- 41:55Speaker 2: the programs are running purely on current tax revenues, which
- 41:58Speaker 2: are no longer enough to cover the prompt benefits. And
- 42:01Speaker 2: what happens then at that point the Treasury is legally
- 42:04Speaker 2: obligated to provide general revenues to honor those commitments. It
- 42:09Speaker 2: forces those massive programmatic shortfalls directly into the broader unified
- 42:14Speaker 2: budget deficit. The government has to borrow the difference.
- 42:17Speaker 1: And as the government borrows more and more to cover
- 42:20Speaker 1: this demographic title wave, the debt balloons, and as the
- 42:23Speaker 1: debt balloons, the interest payments required to service that debt
- 42:27Speaker 1: balloon as well.
- 42:28Speaker 2: This creates a vicious cycle that leads to a phenomenon
- 42:31Speaker 2: economists call crowding out. Rising interest costs on the national
- 42:35Speaker 2: debt are increasingly consuming a larger and larger percentage of
- 42:38Speaker 2: the federal budget.
- 42:39Speaker 1: When massive amounts of tax revenue are diverted just to
- 42:42Speaker 1: paying interest to bondholders for money borrowed in the past,
- 42:45Speaker 1: it stifles future economic opportunity.
- 42:47Speaker 2: It crowds out the future. It leaves less and less
- 42:50Speaker 2: money available for actual investments, things like basic scientific research, education,
- 42:55Speaker 2: modernizing infrastructure, or national defense.
- 42:58Speaker 1: And this brings us to a really powerful concept uctual
- 43:00Speaker 1: framework called generational accounting. It's a way of measuring the
- 43:03Speaker 1: fiscal burden we are leaving behind.
- 43:05Speaker 2: Normally, a generation is expected to largely pay for its
- 43:08Speaker 2: own consumption, but by accumulating massive structural debt to fund
- 43:13Speaker 2: current consumption and immediate benefits, current taxpayers are essentially enjoying
- 43:18Speaker 2: a higher standard of living at the direct expense of
- 43:21Speaker 2: future generation's productive capacity.
- 43:23Speaker 1: We are transferring wealth backward and time. We are legally
- 43:28Speaker 1: mandating that a worker thirty years from now, who maybe
- 43:31Speaker 1: isn't even born yet, has to surrender a portion of
- 43:34Speaker 1: their future labor to pay the interest on a bond
- 43:37Speaker 1: that funded a tax cut or a healthcare benefit that
- 43:40Speaker 1: we consume today.
- 43:41Speaker 2: That is exactly what is happening. We are consuming the future.
- 43:44Speaker 1: But wait, let me jump in here. Are all debts
- 43:46Speaker 1: created equal? Some economists argue that if we use the
- 43:50Speaker 1: debt to fund massive infrastructure projects like high speed rail,
- 43:53Speaker 1: modernized power grids, new ports, it fundamentally pays for itself
- 43:58Speaker 1: by expanding the economy.
- 43:59Speaker 2: That's a very compt argument.
- 44:00Speaker 1: If we are leaving our grandchildren a massive restaurant tab,
- 44:04Speaker 1: aren't we also leaving them the restaurant. Does the infrastructure
- 44:06Speaker 1: we build offset the interest burden we leave behind?
- 44:09Speaker 2: That is one of the most crucial debates in modern economics.
- 44:13Speaker 2: We absolutely must distinguish between different types of government spending.
- 44:17Speaker 2: If the government borrows a trillion dollars to fund immediate consumption,
- 44:21Speaker 2: say sending direct stimulus checks to citizens or funding a
- 44:25Speaker 2: temporary tax holiday, that money hits the economy instantly.
- 44:29Speaker 1: It chases the existing supply of goods, which is highly inflationary.
- 44:33Speaker 2: And at least behind no durable asset.
- 44:35Speaker 1: You ate, the meal left the tab and there is
- 44:37Speaker 1: nothing to show for it.
- 44:38Speaker 2: Right, But infrastructure investment behaves mechanically differently. There is fascinating research,
- 44:44Speaker 2: such as the work distinguishing between consumption and investment goods
- 44:48Speaker 2: by economists like Boehm, showing that investment goods things like
- 44:51Speaker 2: structural steel, industrial concrete, heavy machinery used for infrastructure are highly.
- 44:56Speaker 1: Elastic elastic, meaning they're very sensitive to price changes.
- 45:00Speaker 2: Exactly when the government decides to build a massive new
- 45:03Speaker 2: highway system, the demand for concrete and steel rises, But
- 45:07Speaker 2: because these goods are elastic, prices only have to increase
- 45:11Speaker 2: a tiny bit to convince private sector consumers to delay
- 45:14Speaker 2: their own construction projects.
- 45:16Speaker 1: So the private sector steps back slightly, which frees up
- 45:19Speaker 1: the available output to be purchased by the government.
- 45:22Speaker 2: Because of this elasticity, massive government infrastructure spending might not
- 45:27Speaker 2: be nearly as inflationary as other types of rapid fiscal stimulus.
- 45:31Speaker 1: It doesn't trigger the same kind of immediate consumer price spiral.
- 45:34Speaker 2: It doesn't and eventually that new highway lowers transportation costs
- 45:39Speaker 2: for everyone, making the entire economy more productive, so that
- 45:43Speaker 2: type of debt matters immensely.
- 45:45Speaker 1: But regardless of whether the debt is spent on a
- 45:46Speaker 1: highly productive new port or a highly inflationary stimulus check.
- 45:51Speaker 1: The sheer aggregating volume of the debt thirty six point
- 45:55Speaker 1: eight trillion in climbing, puts the Federal reserve in an
- 45:58Speaker 1: incredibly precarious position, doesn't it.
- 46:00Speaker 2: It puts them in an almost impossible bind. The Central
- 46:03Speaker 2: Bank is tasked with managing a delicate balance. They have
- 46:07Speaker 2: to stimulate economic growth, they have to manage inflation to
- 46:09Speaker 2: keep purchasing power stable, and they have to ensure that
- 46:12Speaker 2: these massive, unprecedented debt loads can actually be serviced by
- 46:16Speaker 2: the Treasury.
- 46:16Speaker 1: And they do this using specific mechanical tools. Let's break
- 46:20Speaker 1: those tools down, because I think a lot of people
- 46:22Speaker 1: hear the news, say the Fed raise rates today, and
- 46:26Speaker 1: they know their credit card bill is going to go up,
- 46:28Speaker 1: but they don't actually know the plumbing of how that happens.
- 46:31Speaker 2: The two primary interest rates you need to understand are
- 46:33Speaker 2: the federal funds rate and the discount rate. Let's start
- 46:36Speaker 2: with the federal funds rate. This is the interest rate
- 46:38Speaker 2: on overnight inter bank loans.
- 46:41Speaker 1: Why do banks lend each other money overnight.
- 46:44Speaker 2: Because of reserve requirements at the end of every business day,
- 46:48Speaker 2: a bank is legally required to hold a certain percentage
- 46:51Speaker 2: of its deposits in cash at the Federal Reserve. It
- 46:55Speaker 2: ensures they are solvent right But throughout the day money
- 46:58Speaker 2: is moving constantly. Checks are clearing, wires are sending. Some
- 47:01Speaker 2: banks end the day with too much cash, and some
- 47:04Speaker 2: end the day slightly short of their requirement. So the
- 47:07Speaker 2: banks with excess cash lended overnight to the banks that
- 47:09Speaker 2: are short, so everyone meets the regulatory requirement by morning, and.
- 47:13Speaker 1: The Federal Funds rate is the interest charged on those
- 47:15Speaker 1: overnight loans.
- 47:17Speaker 2: Yes, now the Fed doesn't just declare what this rate
- 47:20Speaker 2: is by fiat. They target it through the open market
- 47:23Speaker 2: operations we discussed earlier, buying and selling treasuries. If the
- 47:27Speaker 2: Fed wants to cool down a booming inflationary economy, they
- 47:32Speaker 2: sell treasuries to the banks.
- 47:33Speaker 1: This pulls cash out of the banking system.
- 47:36Speaker 2: With less cash sloshing around, it becomes harder for the
- 47:39Speaker 2: banks that are short to sign loans. The money becomes scarcer.
- 47:42Speaker 1: And when a commodity is scarce, its price goes up.
- 47:45Speaker 1: The price of money is the interest rate, so the
- 47:47Speaker 1: Federal Funds rate goes up precisely.
- 47:50Speaker 2: The second tool is the discount rate. This is the
- 47:53Speaker 2: interest rate charged by the central Bank directly on the
- 47:56Speaker 2: loans that it gives to commercial banks. When would a
- 47:58Speaker 2: bank use that If a bank is shortened reserves and
- 48:01Speaker 2: absolutely cannot find another private bank to lend to them,
- 48:04Speaker 2: which usually implies a severe lack of trust in the market,
- 48:07Speaker 2: it has to go to the Fed's discount window to
- 48:09Speaker 2: borrow the money directly.
- 48:11Speaker 1: It's the lender of last resort.
- 48:12Speaker 2: Yes, the FED sets this rate directly. They will raise
- 48:16Speaker 2: the discount rate when the economy is overheating and they
- 48:18Speaker 2: want to tighten credit conditions across the board.
- 48:20Speaker 1: And here is the brutal feedback loop. We find ourselves in.
- 48:24Speaker 1: High government debt and massive deficit spending cause inflation. Fears
- 48:29Speaker 1: to fight the inflation and cool the economy down, the
- 48:32Speaker 1: FED uses these tools to raise interest rates, but when
- 48:36Speaker 1: they raise rates, it cascades through the entire economy. Mortgages
- 48:41Speaker 1: get more expensive, corporate borrowing gets more expensive, but crucially,
- 48:45Speaker 1: the interest payments on the national debt for the government
- 48:47Speaker 1: itself get drastically more expensive because.
- 48:50Speaker 2: The Treasury constantly has to issue new bonds to pay
- 48:53Speaker 2: off the old bonds that are maturing, and when they
- 48:56Speaker 2: issue new bonds in a high rate environment, they have
- 48:58Speaker 2: to offer those higher.
- 48:59Speaker 1: Yields, which means the government's interest expense explodes, which drives
- 49:03Speaker 1: the deficit even higher, which requires even more debt issuance
- 49:07Speaker 1: to cover the gap, which fuels more inflation fears. It
- 49:10Speaker 1: is a dizzying structural doom loop.
- 49:12Speaker 2: It is a profound structural challenge. We are testing the
- 49:15Speaker 2: limits of Fiat currency mechanics on a scale that human
- 49:19Speaker 2: civilization has never attempted before.
- 49:21Speaker 1: We have covered a massive amount of ground today on
- 49:23Speaker 1: beyond infographics. We started by exploring how the US dollar
- 49:27Speaker 1: and US treasuries became the undisputed bedrock of global finance,
- 49:31Speaker 1: tracing the history all the way back to the Bretton
- 49:34Speaker 1: Woods Agreement in nineteen forty four.
- 49:36Speaker 2: We looked at the deep institutional trust in the American
- 49:39Speaker 2: legal system that makes the convenience yield.
- 49:42Speaker 1: Possible, and then we analyze the recent trouble and cracks
- 49:45Speaker 1: in that foundation. We looked at the implications of Moody's
- 49:48Speaker 1: downgrading the sovereign credit reading to AA one, the shifting
- 49:52Speaker 1: psychology around the convenience yield, and the reality of global
- 49:55Speaker 1: reserve managers quietly diversifying their portfolios away from the in
- 50:00Speaker 1: favor of other assets or even physical gold.
- 50:03Speaker 2: We dig a fascinating detour into the alternate reality of
- 50:06Speaker 2: the early two thousands, realizing that the utopian dream of
- 50:09Speaker 2: actually paying off the national debt would have ironically created
- 50:11Speaker 2: chaos because the entire global financial ecosystem has evolved to
- 50:15Speaker 2: completely rely on the existence of treasuries.
- 50:18Speaker 1: And finally, we confronted the actual mathematical reality of our
- 50:22Speaker 1: thirty six point eight trillion dollar debt quote, a reality
- 50:25Speaker 1: driven by unstoppable demographic shifts, the exhaustion of social trust funds,
- 50:30Speaker 1: and the very real threat of crowding out future economic investments,
- 50:33Speaker 1: leaving a massive burden on generations yet to come. Understanding
- 50:37Speaker 1: these macroeconomic forces isn't just an academic exercise. It is
- 50:41Speaker 1: absolutely essential for you, the listener, to make sense of
- 50:45Speaker 1: your daily life. When you hear a news headline about inflation,
- 50:49Speaker 1: when you see the interest rate move on your prospective
- 50:51Speaker 1: mortgage or your credit cards, when you feel a subtle
- 50:54Speaker 1: shift in your personal purchasing power at the grocery store.
- 50:57Speaker 1: This is the invisible machinery driving all of it. It
- 51:00Speaker 1: is the reality of the X ray we talked about
- 51:02Speaker 1: at the very beginning of our conversation.
- 51:04Speaker 2: But if we look really, really closely at that X ray,
- 51:07Speaker 2: we see something fundamentally unsettling that we haven't explicitly stated yet.
- 51:11Speaker 2: What's that The definition of a safe asset today is
- 51:14Speaker 2: entirely psychological.
- 51:16Speaker 1: Explain what you mean by that.
- 51:17Speaker 2: Our financial bedrock isn't backed by physical gold anymore. It
- 51:21Speaker 2: isn't backed by a finite resource. It is based purely
- 51:24Speaker 2: on a collective agreement. It relies entirely on the trust
- 51:27Speaker 2: that tomorrow will function roughly like today, and that the
- 51:30Speaker 2: US government will always have the political will and the
- 51:32Speaker 2: economic capacity to tax its citizens enough to service its debts.
- 51:37Speaker 2: But mass psychology is a fragile thing.
- 51:39Speaker 1: And that raises a terrifying but entirely necessary speculation.
- 51:43Speaker 2: What if that collective agreement fractures. Could a rapid viral
- 51:47Speaker 2: shift in global psychology cause the risk free rate to
- 51:50Speaker 2: completely vanish overnight? If the world wakes up tomorrow and
- 51:53Speaker 2: collectively decide the Emperor has no clothes that thirty six
- 51:56Speaker 2: point eight trillion dollars is simply unpayable without resort acording
- 52:00Speaker 2: to massive currency destroying hyperinflation. Does a math global finance
- 52:04Speaker 2: simply stop working If.
- 52:05Speaker 1: The entire world decides simultaneously that the paper isn't worth holding,
- 52:09Speaker 1: the illusion breaks. That is the ultimate question. If the
- 52:13Speaker 1: diagnostic X ray machine breaks and the concrete foundation of
- 52:17Speaker 1: the global economy turns out to be nothing more than
- 52:19Speaker 1: tightly packed sand, what happens to the house we all
- 52:22Speaker 1: live in? We want you to ponder that question. Let
- 52:25Speaker 1: it sit with you the next time you read a
- 52:26Speaker 1: headline about the debt ceiling or watch bond yields tick
- 52:30Speaker 1: upward on a screen. Thank you for joining us at
- 52:32Speaker 1: the table to explore these monumental ideas, and again, if
- 52:35Speaker 1: you found value in this, please lead beyond infographics of
- 52:38Speaker 1: five star review until next time