Latest / How Canadian Markets Work / Episode 29: The Loonie (The Textbook Relationship Decays)

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Episode 29: The Loonie (The Textbook Relationship Decays) · How Canadian Markets Work

0:00
You know, everyone is pretty familiar with the
0:03
standard, the standard rhythm of the modern economy.
0:06
Things begin to slow down. Macro indicators start
0:09
flashing red. And while the central bank steps
0:12
into the spotlight to cut the overnight interest
0:14
rate. Right. It is the classic orthodox move
0:17
to stimulate growth. Exactly. You make the cost
0:20
of borrowing cheaper, which means capital flows
0:22
more freely, people take out mortgages, businesses
0:25
finance new supply chains, and the gears of the
0:28
economy slowly start turning again. That is the
0:32
ideal scenario anyway. Right. But I want you
0:34
to take a moment and just imagine a scenario
0:36
where that conventional lever simply snaps off
0:39
in your hands. What actually happens when that
0:41
overnight interest rate hits zero? I mean, it
0:44
is the ultimate central banking nightmare. You
0:46
reach the absolute floor of your primary policy
0:48
tool, but the economic fires around you are just,
0:51
they are still raging. You can't just keep cutting,
0:54
but the system still desperately needs a lifeline.
0:57
So welcome to today's deep dive. We are going
1:00
to take our time today really methodically opening
1:03
up the underlying plumbing of the Canadian financial
1:05
system to look at a deeply fascinating and highly
1:10
controversial area. Yeah, what economists call
1:13
unconventional monetary policy. Exactly. Our
1:17
source material provides this brilliant, granular
1:19
breakdown of exactly what central banks do when
1:22
their traditional toolkit is just empty. We are
1:25
going to explore the emergency levers. How they
1:27
reach directly into the open market, right? Yeah.
1:29
And how their public statements act as invisible
1:32
policy tools. And of course, we'll look at the
1:34
massive historic intervention the Bank of Canada
1:37
launched back in the spring of 2020. Understanding
1:40
this architecture is so crucial for you. there
1:43
right now because, you know, these unconventional
1:45
tools are no longer just confined to theoretical
1:48
academic papers. No, not at all. They are the
1:50
everyday reality of how modern capital moves
1:52
and how systemic risk is managed. To truly grasp
1:57
why a central bank resorts to these complex sweeping
2:00
interventions, you first have to understand the
2:03
concrete wall they hit when trying to use their
2:05
normal tools. So let's unpack that concrete wall.
2:08
Economists refer to it as the effective lower
2:10
bound. Now, if you are looking at an economy
2:13
in a deflationary freefall, a purely mathematical
2:16
question you might ask is, well, why stop at
2:18
zero? Why not keep going? Yeah. Why can't a central
2:22
bank just drop interest rates to, say, negative
2:25
five percent, just force borrowing to be so incredibly
2:28
cheap that the market has no choice but to take
2:31
on debt and spend? Well, the theory sounds perfectly
2:33
logical on a spreadsheet, I'll give you that.
2:35
But it violently crashes into the realities of
2:37
institutional finance and human behavior. Because
2:40
if you push rates deeply into negative territory,
2:43
you are no longer just incentivizing borrowing.
2:46
You are actively taxing deposits. Think about
2:49
the mechanics for a multi -billion dollar pension
2:51
fund or a commercial bank? Oh, right. Because
2:54
a negative 5 % rate means the central bank is
2:56
basically confiscating 5 % of their digital reserves
2:59
every year just for the privilege of keeping
3:02
them in the system. Exactly. And institutional
3:04
investors and commercial banks aren't simply
3:06
going to sit there and absorb a massive negative
3:08
yield. They have fiduciary duties. So they would
3:11
immediately look for a way to stop the bleed.
3:13
Yeah, which likely means rotating out of the
3:16
digital banking system entirely. They would convert
3:19
those digital reserves into physical cash or
3:22
short -term zero -yield equivalents. Because
3:25
zero is mathematically better than negative five.
3:28
Right. That institutional reality is the key
3:31
constraint. If the central bank pushes rates
3:33
too far below zero, capital just flees the digital
3:37
ledger. But the effect of lower bound isn't precisely
3:39
zero, is it? No, it's not. Because holding physical
3:42
cash carries substantial logistical costs. If
3:45
an institution wants to hoard a billion dollars
3:47
in physical currency, they have to secure commercial
3:50
vault space, hire armed logistics teams, pay
3:54
exorbitant insurance premiums. Right. That stuff
3:56
isn't free. Exactly. Because those storage costs
4:00
exist, some central banks, like in Europe and
4:03
Japan, have been able to dip their toes slightly
4:05
into negative territory, say negative 0 .5%.
4:09
But it is a hard mathematical limit. You can
4:12
only go so far before the cost of the vault is
4:15
cheaper than the central bank's tax. Yes. And
4:18
Canada specifically has maintained a lower bound
4:20
above zero, flat out refusing to cross that Rubicon
4:24
into negative rates. So, if you picture this,
4:27
it's like pressing the gas pedal to the floor,
4:29
but the car is still slowing down. You literally
4:31
can't press it any further. So if the main steering
4:34
wheel, that overnight rate, is locked, how does
4:36
the central bank keep driving? Well, they have
4:39
to figure out a way to manipulate the cost of
4:40
capital further out in time. If they can't push
4:43
the short -term rate lower, they have to reach
4:45
further down what we call the yield curve. And
4:47
this brings us into the realm of quantitative
4:50
easing, or QE. Right. Quantitative easing represents
4:54
this fundamental shift in how the central bank
4:56
interacts with the market. Instead of just setting
4:58
an overnight target rate and letting the market
5:00
adjust, the central bank steps directly into
5:03
the open market as a massive price agnostic buyer.
5:07
So they are actively buying things. Yes. They
5:10
purchase assets, overwhelmingly government bonds
5:13
in enormous quantities, and they fund these purchases
5:16
by creating new digital reserves. OK, I want
5:20
to pause here and challenge the common narrative
5:21
a bit, because whenever people discuss QE in
5:25
financial media or on social platforms, they
5:27
rely on a very specific, loaded phrase. They
5:30
say the central bank is printing money. Yes.
5:33
The printing press analogy. Right. It conjures
5:35
this image of a literal press firing up and handing
5:38
out physical cash to the public. But mechanically,
5:41
looking at the plumbing, is it really that simple?
5:43
No. It is a severe misrepresentation. Mechanically
5:46
quantitative easing is an asset swap. An asset
5:48
swap? Yes. The central bank is expanding its
5:52
balance sheet absolutely, but they are doing
5:54
it by creating reserve balances to purchase existing
5:58
financial assets from commercial banks and financial
6:01
institutions. So they take a yielding government
6:03
bond onto their balance sheet. Exactly. And in
6:06
exchange, they credit the commercial bank's account
6:08
with newly created zero -yield digital reserves.
6:12
Those reserves do not circulate in the real economy.
6:15
Right, you don't use central bank reserves to
6:17
buy groceries. No, you don't. They remain trapped
6:20
within the interbank system. It is a highly targeted
6:23
adjustment of institutional balance sheets, not
6:26
a helicopter dropping newly printed bills onto
6:29
Main Street. That distinction is so vital for
6:31
you to understand because if they aren't handing
6:33
out cash, the stimulus has to come from somewhere
6:35
else. And our sources outline two primary mechanisms
6:38
for how this asset swap actually stimulates growth.
6:41
The first mechanism is essentially brute forcing
6:43
the math of bond yields. How does that work?
6:46
Well, when a central bank steps into the market
6:48
and absorbs billions of dollars of government
6:51
bonds, they're introducing massive artificial
6:53
demand. And in the bond market, price and yield
6:57
operate on an inverse seesaw. So when the central
6:59
bank's buying pressure pushes the price of those
7:02
bonds up, the interest rate those bonds pay out
7:06
is mechanically forced down. Precisely. And compressing
7:09
those longer -term government bond yields is
7:12
really the entire ballgame, because real -world
7:15
credit, the loans that actually drive economic
7:17
expansion, are priced at a spread over those
7:20
government yields. Oh, I see. So if a corporation
7:22
wants to issue five -year debt to build a new
7:24
logistics center, or if a family wants a five
7:27
-year fixed mortgage, those rates are pegged
7:29
to the five -year government bond, not the overnight
7:31
rate. Exactly. By brute forcing the government
7:34
yields down, the central bank makes all longer
7:36
term borrowing cheaper across the board. They
7:39
essentially bypass the locked overnight rate
7:41
entirely. They just impose their will directly
7:43
on to the longer dated maturities that actually
7:45
matter to corporate finance and housing markets.
7:48
Yes. But, you know, compressing government bond
7:50
yields only solves one side of the equation.
7:53
Right. Because those massive pension funds and
7:55
insurance companies that just sold their bonds
7:57
to the central bank. They are now sitting on
8:00
mountains of digital reserves. And they have
8:02
strict mandates. They need to generate yield
8:05
to pay out future retirees. They can't just park
8:08
that cash in zero -yield reserves. Which brings
8:10
us to the second mechanism, portfolio rebalancing.
8:14
Yes, that is the exact behavioral shift central
8:17
banks are relying on. By stripping the market
8:19
of safe, yielding government bonds, the central
8:22
bank starves investors of safe returns. So those
8:26
institutional investors take their newly credited
8:28
cash and they are forced to step further out
8:31
on the risk curve to find yield. Exactly. They
8:33
flood into corporate bonds, they buy equities,
8:36
they finance real estate development. This artificial
8:38
flood of capital looking for a home drives up
8:41
the prices of all risk assets. Right. And when
8:44
the price of corporate debt goes up, the yield
8:46
on that debt goes down. meaning companies can
8:50
finance their operations for pennies on the dollar.
8:53
The central bank has effectively flushed liquidity
8:56
through the entire financial ecosystem. Lowering
8:59
the cost of capital everywhere just by forcing
9:01
investors to take on more risk. It really is
9:04
a remarkable piece of financial engineering.
9:08
Buying hundreds of billions of dollars in government
9:10
bonds requires massive balance sheet capacity.
9:13
It does. And our sources highlight that central
9:15
banks have another unconventional tool that costs
9:18
absolutely nothing, takes up zero balance sheet
9:20
space, and relies entirely on psychology. Forward
9:23
guidance. Right, forward guidance. Forward guidance
9:25
is the realization that central bank communication
9:28
is in itself a powerful policy lever. It is the
9:31
practice of explicitly telling the market what
9:34
the central bank intends to do with interest
9:36
rates in the future. To ground this for you,
9:38
think about how public companies operate. It's
9:40
very similar to a CEO issuing forward earnings
9:43
guidance. The stock price today isn't just based
9:47
on what the company earned yesterday. It's heavily
9:49
weighted on what the CEO promises they will earn
9:51
next year. Right. If the market believes the
9:54
CEO, they price the stock higher today. Forward
9:57
guidance from a central bank works on the exact
9:59
same temporal logic. Because long -term interest
10:02
rates are basically just a chain of expected
10:04
future short -term rates. Exactly. So simply
10:07
promising to keep the overnight rate at zero
10:09
for the next three years will immediately drag
10:12
long -term rates down today. Talking is literally
10:15
a policy tool. It's like a parent promising their
10:18
kids no chores for a whole month just to keep
10:20
them calm today. It works right now, but only
10:23
if the kids actually believe you won't change
10:25
your mind next week. That is a perfect analogy.
10:28
the entire mechanism rests on unquestionable
10:31
credibility. The bond market has to genuinely
10:34
believe that the central bank is willing to bind
10:37
itself to the mast and follow through on that
10:39
promise, regardless of the temptation to deviate.
10:42
Which introduces a terrifying dilemma when macroeconomic
10:45
conditions unexpectedly shift. Let's say the
10:48
central bank promises to keep rates at zero for
10:51
three years to stimulate growth. But 18 months
10:54
into that promise, a geopolitical shock fractures
10:57
global supply chains and inflation suddenly spikes
11:00
to seven percent. The central bank is now trapped
11:02
in a high wire act of communication. They face
11:06
two deeply destructive choices. Option one, they
11:09
break their forward guidance, hike rates to fight
11:12
the inflation, and permanently shatter their
11:14
credibility. And if the market learns that the
11:16
central bank abandons its promises at the first
11:18
sign of trouble, forward guidance will never
11:20
work as a policy tool again. The market will
11:22
simply ignore them. Exactly. Option two, they
11:26
preserve their credibility by stubbornly keeping
11:28
rates at zero, honoring the promise, but running
11:31
a disastrously loose monetary policy while inflation
11:34
burns through the purchasing power of the working
11:36
class. It requires an impossible level of foresight.
11:39
And while we can discuss these tools in the abstract,
11:41
none of this is theoretical anymore. In the spring
11:44
of 2020, this entire unconventional toolkit was
11:47
violently tested in the real world. It absolutely
11:50
was. When the pandemic lockdowns began, Canada
11:53
ran the full, unvarnished experiment of these
11:56
policies. The sheer speed and scale of the 2020
11:59
intervention were unprecedented. Within weeks,
12:02
the Bank of Canada rapidly slashed the overnight
12:05
rate down to their effective lower bound of 25
12:08
basis points. Right. The conventional lever was
12:10
instantly maxed out. And then, for the first
12:12
time in the institution's history, they initiated
12:15
a massive quantitative easing program, committing
12:18
to purchasing a minimum of $5 billion in government
12:21
bonds every single week. $5 billion a week. Just
12:24
an astronomical injection of balance sheet capacity.
12:27
But our sources break down this 2020 intervention
12:30
into distinct phases, which is critical to understand.
12:33
Phase one of this massive buying program wasn't
12:35
actually about economic stimulus at all, was
12:38
it? No, not initially. The initial mandate was
12:40
purely about market functioning. In March 2020,
12:44
we witnessed a global dash for cash. Panic was
12:46
so severe that investors were liquidating everything,
12:49
just trying to hold pure liquidity. Which created
12:52
a catastrophic situation where even the safest
12:55
assets on the planet, U .S. treasuries and Canadian
12:57
government bonds were being aggressively sold
12:59
off. Yes. But there were no buyers on the other
13:02
side of the trade. The bid ask spreads blew out
13:05
completely. The foundational plumbing of the
13:08
global financial system was seizing up. I want
13:10
to synthesize what you, the listener, might be
13:13
thinking right now. Wait. In early 2020, regular
13:17
people were losing their jobs overnight. Small
13:19
businesses were being boarded up. Why was the
13:22
central bank's very first priority to rescue
13:25
the government bond market? I know it looks like
13:27
a classic case of prioritizing Wall Street over
13:29
Main Street. It's a deeply intuitive critique,
13:32
but it misses the systemic nature of how credit
13:35
flows. Because government bonds are the foundational
13:38
plumbing that everything else prices off of,
13:39
right? Exactly. They are the pristine collateral.
13:42
If the government bond market has no bid and
13:45
freezes, the repo market freezes. If the repo
13:48
market freezes, commercial paper markets die.
13:51
And if commercial paper dies, major corporations
13:53
literally cannot make payroll on Friday. Right.
13:57
Credit cards start functioning. Municipalities
13:59
can't fund emergency services. The central bank
14:02
didn't step in to protect hedge fund portfolios.
14:05
They stepped in as the buyer of last resort because
14:07
if the pristine collateral market breaks, the
14:10
financial system collapses. The economic pain
14:13
for everyday wage earners shifts from a severe
14:15
recession to an apocalyptic depression. They
14:17
had to clear the pipes just to keep the heart
14:19
of the economy beating. Exactly. So they unfreeze
14:22
the plumbing, the bond market is functioning
14:24
again, the bid ask spreads normalize. But the
14:27
real economy is still locked down and the overnight
14:30
rate is stuck at the floor. How do they actually
14:33
stimulate growth from that point? Well, that
14:37
transitions us into phase two, which was actual
14:39
stimulus. Even after market functioning was restored,
14:42
the Bank of Canada didn't stop the $5 billion
14:44
weekly purchases. They just kept going. Yeah,
14:46
they maintained the QE program to actively compress
14:49
risk premiums. They were intentionally reaching
14:52
down the yield curve, employing that portfolio
14:55
rebalancing mechanism we discussed earlier to
14:57
ensure that the cost of capital remained ultra
15:00
low while the government rolled out massive fiscal
15:02
support programs. But you can't buy $5 billion
15:06
of bonds a week forever. Eventually, inflation
15:09
starts to rear its head, the economy recovers,
15:12
and you have to unwind that massive balance sheet.
15:15
Which brings us to quantitative tightening, or
15:17
QT. Right. Quantitative tightening is a process
15:20
of draining the injected liquidity back out of
15:23
the system. How does that actually work mechanically?
15:25
Do they sell the bonds back? Usually, the central
15:28
bank simply stops buying new bonds. As the bonds
15:31
they currently hold mature, the government pays
15:33
the central bank back and the central bank simply
15:36
extinguishes those digital reserves. The balance
15:39
sheet organically shrinks. But draining liquidity
15:41
is infinitely more dangerous than injecting it,
15:44
isn't it? Oh, absolutely. When you flood the
15:46
system with reserves, everyone is happy. Asset
15:50
prices go up. Borrowing is cheap. But when you
15:53
start quantitative tightening, the tide suddenly
15:55
goes out. We've seen this historically, right?
15:57
Like the taper tantrum. Yes. As the central bank
16:00
steps away as the guaranteed buyer, long term
16:03
yields naturally drift higher. And that exposes
16:06
the fragile corporate debt that was only surviving
16:08
because of the ultra cheap financing environment.
16:11
Companies suddenly face massive refinancing walls
16:14
at much higher rates. Exactly. And the central
16:17
bank has to calibrate this tightening perfectly
16:19
to cool the economy without triggering a wave
16:22
of corporate defaults. It is the ultimate test
16:25
of central bank precision. And it really remains
16:27
a live experiment, which naturally leads us to
16:30
the most uncomfortable and fiercely debated questions
16:33
surrounding this entire deep dive. Now that the
16:36
full arc of 2020 is well in the rearview mirror,
16:38
we have to look at the fallout. Did these unconventional
16:40
policies actually work? And more importantly,
16:43
who ultimately paid the price? Let's start with
16:45
the inflation debate, because we all live through
16:47
the historic inflation that followed in the wake
16:49
of the 2020 interventions. And the economic community
16:53
is deeply fractured on who is to blame. Everyone
16:56
agrees phase one saving market function worked,
16:59
but phase two is heavily contested. It is. The
17:04
debate essentially splits into two camps. One
17:06
side looks directly at quantitative easing. They
17:10
argue that by artificially compressing yields,
17:13
flooding the system with liquidity, and keeping
17:14
forward guidance far too loose for far too long,
17:18
the central bank wildly oversimulated demand.
17:20
So they argue the resulting inflation was a direct
17:23
monetary phenomenon caused by an expanded balance
17:26
sheet. Right. But the opposing camp vehemently
17:28
defends the central banks. They argue that monetary
17:31
policy doesn't drill for oil and it doesn't load
17:34
cargo ships. They point to the shattered global
17:36
supply chains, the microchip shortages, the paralyzed
17:39
shipping routes. Exactly. Furthermore, they point
17:42
to the unprecedented fiscal transfers government
17:44
sending direct checks to citizens. They argue
17:47
that this massive fiscal spending, crashing into
17:50
a constrained supply chain, was the true driver
17:52
of inflation. And they'd argue the central bank's
17:55
balance sheet was merely accommodating the necessary
17:57
government borrowing. Right. The reality is likely
18:00
a highly complex interconnected blend of all
18:03
those factors. But the exact weighting of blame
18:06
will be debated in academic journals for the
18:08
next 50 years. Yeah. However, there is a second
18:12
debate that is far more structural and it centers
18:14
on the distributional effects of quantitative
18:16
easing. This is where the mechanics of portfolio
18:20
rebalancing intersect with societal wealth inequality.
18:24
Because we established earlier that QE mathematically
18:26
works by raising asset prices, right? Right.
18:29
By design, if you owned a house or a stock portfolio
18:32
prior to the intervention, the central bank's
18:34
policy mathematically made you wealthier. And
18:37
that creates a stark K -shaped reality. Because
18:40
if you do not own assets, if you belong to the
18:42
working class whose wealth is entirely derived
18:44
from hourly wages, You received no benefit from
18:47
the asset inflation. But you absolutely suffered
18:50
the consequences. Yes. Your wages likely stagnated,
18:52
while the cost of living, like buying a starter
18:54
home, suddenly skyrocketed completely out of
18:57
reach. If you are listening to this right now
18:59
and you don't own a home or a massive portfolio,
19:02
this sounds like a policy perfectly engineered
19:04
to leave you behind. That tension is undeniable.
19:07
It is a valid, heavy critique of unconventional
19:10
monetary policy. Central bankers are acutely
19:14
aware of this distributional skew. But they have
19:17
a defense, right? Their defense is grounded in
19:19
the counterfactual. They argue that without the
19:22
aggressive intervention of QE, a massive recession
19:25
would have hit those exact same non -asset owning
19:28
wage earners the hardest anyway through mass
19:31
prolonged unemployment. So the defense is basically
19:34
that preserving the systemic architecture, even
19:36
if it disproportionately benefits asset owners,
19:39
was the only way to prevent a catastrophic labor
19:42
market collapse. Yes. It is a defense built on
19:45
choosing the lesser of two severe macroeconomic
19:48
evils. And that leads to one final structural
19:51
critique we have to examine. Moral hazard. If
19:54
you consistently protect the financial system
19:56
from the consequences of its own risks, you alter
19:59
the behavioral incentives of the market. This
20:00
is perhaps the most insidious long -term risk.
20:03
If institutional investors fully expect the central
20:06
bank to swoop in with quantitative easing every
20:08
time things get bad, they will naturally take
20:10
on far more reckless leveraged risk. It creates
20:13
a paradigm where we privatize the gains of the
20:16
financial sector during the boom times, but socialize
20:18
the losses onto the central bank's balance sheet
20:21
during the downturns. Exactly. Furthermore, when
20:23
a central bank commits to buying hundreds of
20:25
billions in government debt, it dangerously blurs
20:28
the line of central bank independence. Right.
20:30
It begins to look as though the central bank
20:32
exists primarily to finance the government's
20:35
fiscal deficits. A concept known as fiscal dominance,
20:38
which independent monetary policy was specifically
20:41
designed to prevent. Well, we have covered an
20:43
immense amount of systemic architecture today.
20:45
We've navigated the effective lower bound, the
20:48
distinct mechanics of QE and portfolio rebalancing,
20:51
the psychological tightrope of forward guidance
20:53
and the unprecedented 2020 interventions. So
20:58
how does this deep dive change how you, the listener,
21:01
navigate the world tomorrow? The application
21:03
of this knowledge really changes where you direct
21:06
your attention. The next time you read the financial
21:10
news, don't just look at the headline interest
21:12
rate announcement. You have to watch the central
21:14
bank's balance sheet. Look at the underlying
21:16
plumbing. Look at the assets they are accumulating
21:19
or letting roll off. Precisely. When they expand
21:22
or shrink their holdings, that is monetary policy
21:25
happening right in front of you. If you are only
21:28
tracking the interest rate, you are fundamentally
21:30
missing half the story. Which leaves us with
21:32
a final provocative thought for you to ponder
21:35
long after this discussion ends. Throughout this
21:38
deep dive, we have referred to QE and forward
21:40
guidance as unconventional policies. They are
21:44
categorized as the emergency toolkit. Right,
21:47
the glass you break in an emergency. But if central
21:49
banks have relied on these exact tools to solve
21:52
major crises for the better part of 15 years,
21:55
and if institutional markets now fully expect
21:57
them to be deployed at the first sign of trouble,
22:00
Are they really unconventional anymore? It is
22:03
a profound structural question. If the emergency
22:06
lever is pulled every single time the economic
22:09
engine sputters, it ceases to be an emergency
22:12
lever. Has the fundamental unwritten job description
22:15
of a central bank permanently shifted into being
22:18
the ultimate guarantor of asset prices? How society
22:21
answers that question will define the next decade
22:23
of economic policy. It certainly changes how
22:26
you view that locked steering wheel, doesn't
22:28
it? When the interest rate hits the floor, they
22:30
don't stop driving the car. They completely rebuild
22:33
the engine while the car is still moving. Thank
22:35
you for joining us on this deep dive. Keep questioning
22:38
the consensus narratives and keep looking closely
22:40
beneath the surface.