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Will closing the Department of Education fix education? · Cultural Wars | America Out Loud News

0:23
Good afternoon, everybody.
0:25
Welcome.
0:26
Welcome on board.
0:27
It's a beautiful, glorious late spring day.
0:32
Don't you feel it?
0:33
Do you do you feel the if you
0:35
live in the Midwestern states?
0:37
Do you feel the transition happening weatherwise?
0:41
I feel like this week, finally, finally in
0:44
Michigan this week, the light turned on, and
0:47
all of a sudden we've got some warmth.
0:50
And warmth just feels fantastic, doesn't it?
0:53
All the way around.
0:55
Don't you just feel a lot better when
0:57
you're warm?
0:59
The warmth of nature and the warmth of
1:03
humanity, the warmth, the friendship.
1:09
Just um the warmth of a proper education.
1:13
Yeah, I don't I don't know if I've
1:15
if I have ever heard of uh proper
1:17
education uh referred to as warmth.
1:20
Okay, I'm uh I'm gonna give you that.
1:23
But I think there is a warmth that
1:26
unfolds when you have a really good education.
1:29
I I had some really great conversations this
1:33
weekend with with people who are who are
1:37
educated, and it shows just the the level
1:41
of conversation that comes across from the educated.
1:46
Uh I guess I'll I'll paraphrase that.
1:48
We're all educated, but there is a particular
1:50
type of education.
1:53
You know the type, you know what I'm
1:54
talking about.
1:55
There's a particular type that is geared towards
1:59
forming and and shaping the soul, and it's
2:02
that type of education that just makes for
2:06
for people to become great conversationalists just because
2:10
they have a depth, they have a breadth,
2:13
they have a richness of vocabulary, they've been
2:17
exposed to a thing or two, a thing
2:20
or two as it relates to to goodness.
2:24
They have been on this search and on
2:28
this hunt for goodness, and as far as
2:32
I'm concerned, that is the purpose of education
2:36
to put us on this hunt of uh
2:39
of goodness, a hunt of truth, excuse me,
2:43
a hunt of discovering what is beautiful.
2:49
In regard to that hunt, by the way,
2:51
in regard to being on a quest and
2:54
and a search for for what is true
2:57
and what is good and what is beautiful
2:59
and what is glorious in this world.
3:02
Today is a very interesting day in history.
3:08
Uh today today we have a very uh
3:11
interesting history class that we've got to get
3:14
to, and we're gonna get to it, and
3:17
and juxtapose it to a commentary that was
3:20
in the epoch times over the weekend.
3:23
The commentary is by William Brooks, and it's
3:27
an opinion piece entitled Dismantling Washington's education department
3:31
will not stop the indoctrination of students, won't
3:34
do it, and I've got to tell you,
3:38
I agree with just about everything that he
3:42
says.
3:46
I'm in support of dismantling the department of
3:50
education, but dismantling the department of education alone
3:54
is not going to do anything in regards
3:58
to to the to the dismantling of the
4:02
indoctrination apparatus, it just isn't gonna do it.
4:07
And so why do I bring that up?
4:09
Uh, because today uh today's history class is
4:13
just this dichotomy of um uh opposition, I
4:17
guess.
4:21
It's the strange dichotomy of opposition that's taking
4:25
place on this very day and in history,
4:29
and it has everything to do with our
4:33
education system, it has everything to do with
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how Americans are being raised, how they're being
4:40
trained, how they're being educated, and it is
4:44
uh um I'm searching.
4:48
Can you tell that I'm searching for the
4:51
right words today?
4:53
And and maybe I just maybe we just
4:56
need to dive into the history class and
4:58
let it unfold and see where it takes
5:01
us, and then dive into uh Brooks's uh
5:04
opinion piece here and and look at the
5:06
juxtaposition of it all.
5:09
I'm game.
5:10
Are you game?
5:10
Let's just enough talk.
5:12
Enough talk, Dean.
5:14
Dive into history.
5:15
Okay, well, here we go.
5:17
Uh interestingly enough, today's the day, 1860, that
5:21
the Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln to be their
5:25
candidate for president of the United States, May
5:29
18th, 1860.
5:33
Today's the day.
5:37
We want that guy over there.
5:40
One of the one of the reasons that
5:44
they chose Lincoln was because of his ability
5:47
to communicate particular things.
5:51
Essentially, Lincoln understood the founding principles of the
5:54
country.
6:00
And he understood what they meant, and he
6:02
knew how to communicate them.
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The Lincoln Douglas debates showed this, they proved
6:07
it.
6:09
His many speeches showed it, proved it.
6:14
Uh the Gettysburg Address alone revealed Lincoln's uh
6:20
ability here to communicate just beautiful principles.
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I mean, the the one guy, the senator.
6:28
I don't you'd think I'd remember his name.
6:31
I don't have it right in front of
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me.
6:34
Forgive me.
6:36
Dude talked for over two hours, over two
6:39
blooming hours, you know, people sat and listened
6:42
to him for two hours.
6:46
Lincoln got Lincoln got up and he and
6:48
what did he speak for I don't know,
6:50
90 seconds?
6:52
Did he even go two minutes?
6:53
Does the get it does the Gettysburg address
6:56
even take you two minutes to read it?
6:58
And or recite it.
7:01
By the by the time he got up
7:01
By the by the time he got up
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and sat down, people were like, wait, well,
7:02
and sat down, people were like, wait, well,
7:03
what just happened?
7:03
what just happened?
7:05
What?
7:05
What what?
7:06
Is he done?
7:06
Is he done?
7:07
We were just I mean, we were just
7:07
We were just I mean, we were just
7:10
getting our notebooks ready to start making notes,
7:10
getting our notebooks ready to to start making
7:13
and he's he's done.
7:13
notes, and he's he's done.
7:16
What?
7:16
What?
7:18
But it was so rich, it was so
7:18
But it was so rich, it was so
7:22
beautiful, it was so meaningful that uh you
7:22
beautiful, it was so meaningful that uh you
7:25
know, later on, the other senator, uh, the
7:26
know, later on, the other senator.
7:28
the other speaker, shouldn't say other senator, the
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other speaker commented that how uh Lincoln got
7:35
up and nailed it.
7:39
I'm paraphrasing, but he got up and nailed
7:40
it.
7:41
That dude took two hours uh and did
7:44
not adequately say what Lincoln said in 90
7:47
seconds.
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Everybody knew it.
7:52
So today's the day, 1860, that the Republicans
7:56
nominate Abraham Lincoln for president.
8:01
They did so.
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The the whole point of the Republican Party
8:05
was to was to end slavery.
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That's the point.
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They met and they they put together a
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platform, and one of the the major driving
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pieces of that platform was to end the
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evils of slavery in direct opposition to the
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Democrat Party, I might add, direct opposition.
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The Democrats were all about it, they loved
8:34
it, they loved what it brought to the
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table economically, and they were willing to sacrifice
8:40
the morality of the issue in favor of
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the economics of the issue.
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That was their that was the Ramot, but
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the Republicans formed to put an end to
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it.
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They formed to specifically put a stop to
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it.
8:57
So this is the day, 1860.
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Ironically enough, in this strange dichotomy of history
9:04
class today, May 18th, 1896, 46 years later,
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46 years later, after the Republicans nominate Abraham
9:13
Lincoln for president, the United States Supreme Court
9:17
on this day handed down its decision in
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the Plessy v.
9:25
Ferguson case.
9:28
Have you heard of Plessy, the Plessy V
9:31
P L E S S Y Plessy V.
9:34
Ferguson?
9:36
This case has come up recently on various
9:39
uh comments from appellate courts and and even
9:42
the Supreme Court.
9:46
We've read them, we've referred to it here
9:49
on the show, but we've not really gotten
9:52
into the depths and the details of Plessy.
9:55
Well, today's the day that the court handed
9:57
down the Plessy decision.
9:59
The that the Plessy case challenged a Louisiana
10:04
law segregating railroad car passengers by race.
10:08
That was the case in Louisiana.
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If you were if you were white, you
10:13
had a particular railroad car.
10:15
If you were black, you went to another
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car.
10:18
And Plessy v.
10:20
Ferguson challenged that law.
10:22
The Supreme Court erroneously in 1896 upheld the
10:25
statute.
10:29
And it's in this case that they established
10:33
the policy of separate but equal.
10:37
Separate but equal public facilities for blacks and
10:39
whites.
10:42
John Marshall Harlan, a former slave owner, was
10:44
the only justice to dissent from the Plessy
10:47
decision.
10:50
He was the only one.
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It was an eight to one decision.
10:55
And they said, separate but equal.
10:58
They can have separate facilities, but equal, equal
11:01
facilities, but separate facilities, separate but equal.
11:05
In the following decades, civil rights advocates often
11:09
quoted uh John Marshall Harlan's forceful argument and
11:13
their quest to end segregation.
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Again, this is 1896.
11:20
And uh we would go on this journey
11:23
to to be done with with segregation for
11:25
a long time, by the way.
11:27
This would take us into the 1960s.
11:32
And civil rights advocates would often refer to
11:35
John Marshall Harlan, the former slave owner, by
11:38
the way, the only justice to dissent.
11:42
Here's what Harlan had to say.
11:44
Are you ready?
11:44
Are you ready for Harlan's words?
11:47
In view of the Constitution, Harlan said, in
11:49
the eye of the law, there is in
11:52
this country no superior dominating ruling class of
11:54
citizens.
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This is the constitution, he's saying.
12:30
Yet John Marshall Harlan here is saying, look
12:33
at here's what the Constitution says.
12:36
In the eye of the constitution and the
12:38
law, there's no in this country, there's no
12:41
superior dominating ruling class of citizen.
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He continues, there's no caste here.
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No, no, he's referring to it to a
12:49
caste system like they have in India.
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There's no caste here.
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Our constitution is colorblind and neither knows nor
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tolerates classes among citizens.
13:00
And respect of civil rights, all citizens are
13:03
equal before the law.
13:06
The humblest is the peer of the most
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powerful.
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The law regards man as man and takes
13:13
no account of his surroundings or of his
13:16
color when his civil rights is guaranteed by
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the supreme law of the land, are involved.
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And so I'm I'm adding here.
13:28
And so why are we doing this?
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This is what John Marshall Harlan's actually saying.
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Why are we creating a caste system here?
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Why are we making it so uh that
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man is man um in charge of his
13:46
own destiny?
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And why are we taking into account what
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this what the constitution is not taking into
13:56
account, and that is his surroundings, or the
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color of a skin?
14:00
Of a skin.
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Why are we doing this?
14:01
Why are we doing this?
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This is this is these are the words
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This is this is these are the words
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of John Marshall Harlan.
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of John Marshall Harlan.
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Okay, Harlan continues.
14:06
Okay, Harlan continues the arbitrary separation of citizens
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The arbitrary separation of citizens on the basis
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on the basis of race while they are
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of race while they are on a public
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on a public highway is a badge of
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highway is a badge of servitude, wholly and
14:16
servitude, wholly inconsistent with the civil freedom, the
14:17
consistent with the civil freedom, the equality before
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equality before the law established by the constitution.
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the law established by the Constitution.
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It cannot be justified upon any legal grounds.
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It cannot be justified upon any legal grounds.
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He he's nailing it here.
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He's nailing it here.
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He continues.
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But it is difficult to reconcile that boast
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with a state of the law, which practically
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puts the brand of servitude and degradation upon
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a large class of our fellow citizens.
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Our equals before the law.
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Exactly 46 days later from the Republican Party,
15:11
finding a presidential candidate who's going to carry
15:16
the water on ending slavery in this country.
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And yet, even though slavery was ended, segregation
15:23
had just begun.
15:26
And the Supreme Court, exactly 46 years later,
15:31
it has upheld in the Plessy case that
15:35
love for segregation.
15:40
You know, I don't know who the who
15:41
the other eight are.
15:42
We need to we need to do some
15:43
research.
15:45
Who are the other eight?
15:46
Who appointed them?
15:48
Are they slave-owning Democrats?
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I mean, or were they slave-owning?
15:53
I don't know.
15:54
I don't know.
15:54
We need we need to know who they
15:55
are.
15:57
We need to uh we need to talk
15:58
about it.
15:59
I mean, we've talked about the nine who
16:02
uh who basically destroyed the First Amendment in
16:06
the 1950s and the 1960s.
16:10
So we we need to know who who
16:13
this uh who these nine are who are
16:17
they, what do they stand for because they
16:20
are doing something egregious here to the Constitution.
16:24
There is an attempt here to just to
16:26
rip it up and to destroy it.
16:30
46 years later, and then here we are.
16:33
Okay, there's one more day I want to
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make note of here.
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Uh and it's in 1908, 1908.
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Uh 96 to 08, that'd be 12 years
16:46
later, right?
16:49
12 years later, Congress requires the motto and
16:53
God we trust to appear on certain coins.
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We love this story, by the way.
16:58
We talk about it all the time.
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That uh Congress said, Yeah, 1908, we're gonna
17:03
put in God We Trust.
17:05
And it was during the Civil War that
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Lincoln's uh Treasury Secretary had the motto issued
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on uh some of the money in God
17:14
we trust.
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Uh he received a letter from a Pennsylvania
17:20
pastor who felt like uh we needed to
17:23
repent for the sin of slavery, and one
17:26
way uh to do that is to acknowledge
17:29
that our trust is in God, we need
17:32
to put it on our money.
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Lincoln's treasury secretary was all about that.
17:39
And he was like, Yeah, let's do that.
17:40
Let's get it on the money.
17:41
Well, and and in 1908, Congress requires the
17:44
motto uh to appear on certain coins.
17:47
It became aid, a congressional act at that
17:50
point in God we trust.
17:54
So we are a country who, on one
17:57
hand, says, yes, we're gonna put our trust
18:01
in God, and on the other hand, our
18:04
Supreme Court is going to say, Yeah, we
18:08
can we can segregate boxcars separate but equal.
18:11
I mean, that's that's fine.
18:14
Yet um the in an attempt to uphold
18:19
Jefferson's words that all men are created equal.
18:24
And this strange attempt, yes, we're all created
18:26
equal, but we've got to be separate.
18:28
We can't, we can't come together.
18:30
There can't be unity.
18:32
There has to be a separation.
18:34
Yes, yes, we're equal, but we're separate.
18:38
Do you know who who wants separation?
18:43
Do you know who does not want unity?
18:45
I can tell you right now, it's not
18:46
God.
18:49
God does not want separation.
18:51
God does not want division, God wants unity.
18:56
Well, Dean, are you who are you to
18:58
speak for God?
18:59
I'm not I'm not speaking for God.
19:01
I'm just saying this, this happens to be
19:03
what he wants.
19:04
I mean, it's what Jesus prayed for in
19:06
John chapter 17.
19:08
This was his prayer that we would be
19:10
one, as he and the father are one.
19:12
And this theme is repeated in his prayer
19:14
over and over.
19:17
It's a theme for unity.
19:19
The theme that we would be of one
19:22
heart, that we would be of one mind,
19:24
that we would be of of one attitude.
19:26
Look, we're all different.
19:28
You know, I get that.
19:29
There's there's differences.
19:31
We all have differing opinions, and and we
19:32
should.
19:35
We we shouldn't be robots, all agreeing on
19:37
on the exact same thing, but on principle,
19:39
there should be unity.
19:43
One of those principles that that there should
19:45
be unity is uh is the principle of
19:47
liberty.
19:50
Uh we as a people should be unified
19:54
around this idea of liberty.
19:58
You know what else we should be unified
19:59
around?
20:01
We should be unified around the idea that
20:04
we were all created equal, not separate, but
20:07
but equal.
20:10
We were all created with with this equality.
20:13
Well, we're not all equal, Dean.
20:14
Some are smarter than others, some are better
20:16
looking than others, some are blah, blah, blah.
20:18
Yes, we we have differences, but we were
20:21
created in an equality.
20:25
We all have the uh again, there's outliers
20:28
here.
20:31
So when I say we all have, I
20:33
mean, statistically, it's there's not a hundred percent
20:34
ever.
20:37
But I think you get my point.
20:40
We all have the ability to to pursue
20:43
our hopes and our dreams.
20:45
We all do.
20:47
If there are certain inalienable rights that are
20:50
that are protected, and one of those is
20:53
liberty and life, the pursuit of happiness.
20:56
If those rights are protected in equality, we
20:59
all have the ability to go after it.
21:00
The ability to go after it.
21:02
We all have the ability to pursue it.
21:02
We all have the ability to pursue it.
21:04
We all have the ability, as Aristotle pointed
21:04
We all have the ability, as Aristotle pointed
21:06
out, we have the ability to speak, we
21:06
out, we have the ability to speak.
21:09
have the ability to reason.
21:09
We have the ability to reason.
21:11
We have the ability to logically communicate our
21:11
We have the ability to logically communicate our
21:15
ideas and express them and persuade others.
21:15
ideas and express them and persuade others.
21:19
But we're not all the same.
21:19
But we're not all the same.
21:21
I understand that.
21:21
I understand that.
21:22
There's differences between us.
21:22
There's differences between us, but we're created equal.
21:25
But we're created equal.
21:28
We're we we are created.
21:28
We're we are created with the same opportunity
21:32
to pursue our goals and our dreams.
21:36
And here on this very day, we have
21:39
this strange historical dichotomy going on where the
21:42
Republicans are nominating a man to lead them
21:45
down this path of ending slavery.
21:48
And then on this exact day, we've got
21:50
the Supreme Court saying separate but equal.
21:52
We need to have separate boxcars in Louisiana.
21:55
And then on this same day, years later,
21:57
we're we're we're putting uh on the mint.
22:01
We're minting the words in God we trust.
22:03
It's just it's this dichotomy.
22:05
And it I'm not presenting it in a
22:08
way that makes it so uh the words
22:11
aren't true.
22:14
The words of the declaration are aren't true.
22:16
I'm not presenting it.
22:17
At least it's not my intent to present
22:18
it that way.
22:20
It's my intent to show you that the
22:22
words are true and they're under assault.
22:26
The words of freedom and the words of
22:29
liberty and and the inalienable rights that are
22:32
acknowledged in the declaration are constantly under assault.
22:36
And in some instances, they're under assault by
22:38
our very own branches of government.
22:41
And this has happened throughout the years.
22:44
In this case, it's the Supreme Court here
22:46
in 1896.
22:50
In other instances, it's the uh the legislative
22:55
branch in the 1840s, the 1830s, the 1820s,
23:00
uh, the 1850s.
23:05
It's it's it was the legislative branch that
23:08
was introducing laws that were that were uh
23:11
contrary to the constitution in that regard.
23:14
In terms of slavery, and and you know,
23:17
the whole Mississippi compromise or Missouri, whatever compromise
23:19
it was.
23:22
That yeah, we we needed to allow some
23:25
states that they should have slavery, and then
23:27
so we can we can make it equal.
23:29
There can be equity.
23:32
So these ideas have been under assault by
23:35
our own government at particular times.
23:39
And Jefferson said the purpose of government is
23:41
to protect and defend these rights.
23:44
And in certain instances, government has been weaponized
23:46
against them.
23:49
So my point is is not to point
23:51
out here in this this dichotomy of history
23:53
class today that that the words are false,
23:55
because they aren't.
23:57
They are true, but they are under assault,
23:58
and that's my point.
24:00
They are under assault.
24:01
They have been under assault for quite some
24:02
time.
24:04
And my friends, as long as humanity exists,
24:06
these words will be under assault.
24:09
The words of freedom, the words of liberty,
24:11
the words of life, the words of happiness
24:14
will continue to be under assault.
24:17
And it's up to us uh to maintain
24:20
our integrity to defend these words.
24:22
All right, I'm looking at the clock, and
24:24
we're up against it.
24:26
Let's pause here for this break.
24:27
We'll pick up the comments of William Brooks
24:29
on the other side.
24:30
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All right, I want to get to William
28:48
Brooks' words here.
28:51
He's he's got this opinion piece entitled dismantling
28:54
Washington's education system, or or I'm sorry, Washington's
28:58
education department will not stop the indoctrination of
29:01
students.
29:05
Why am I juxtaposing this to the history
29:07
class?
29:08
The strange dichotomy of history.
29:11
It's because we are in a fight to
29:15
defend founding principles.
29:19
That's what this boils down to.
29:21
We're out here defending founding principles, inalienable rights,
29:25
American founding virtues and values, and uh dismantling
29:29
the department of education is not going to
29:32
automatically come to the defense of those principles
29:36
because students are going to continue to be
29:40
indoctrinated.
29:44
The student indoctrination, by the way, is antithetical
29:47
to American founding principles and values.
29:50
And that's the point of the indoctrination.
29:52
It's to thwart and overcome and dispel and
29:55
discredit and defeat the founding principles of this
29:58
country.
30:03
I don't see it any other way.
30:05
I don't look at it any other way.
30:08
I see it as John Eldridge often says,
30:10
we are in a world at war.
30:13
And specifically the war here, and and he
30:15
he says that in a reference to spirituality,
30:17
which is true.
30:20
There is there is spiritual darkness all around
30:21
us.
30:22
And I think it it plays into our
30:26
necessity to defend American values.
30:30
I think there is a spiritual darkness that
30:33
is assaulting these values.
30:37
I'm not trying to be weird about it.
30:39
I'm not trying to over-spiritualize the situation.
30:41
I just, that's my opinion.
30:43
I think it is what it is.
30:45
We are in a spiritual uh warfare.
30:49
Uh Paul said we don't wrestle against flesh
30:50
and blood.
30:52
But we're not out here fighting with humanity.
30:54
We're fighting against principalities and powers.
30:58
Uh, you know, spiritual wickedness, spiritual rulers, um,
31:02
ruling uh in dark places and attempting to
31:07
overcome the light and spread darkness.
31:12
If they can drive out the light, then
31:13
what's there?
31:14
It's a void.
31:15
And then that void is is indeed the
31:17
darkness.
31:19
That's what we are up against.
31:22
Pure and simple.
31:23
When when I say we're out here defending
31:27
uh founding principles, it's it's really a fight
31:31
against uh darkness against light, ultimately.
31:35
And Brooks is out here saying that uh
31:38
steps toward dismantling the department of education, while
31:41
they're they're great and they're greeted enthusiastically by
31:44
Americans all over the country.
31:47
Uh Americans who believe that federal bureaucracies are
31:50
indeed the primary drivers of uh ideological indoctrination
31:53
in schools.
31:57
Um and they they believe that, you know,
32:00
by just stating a simple argument that if
32:02
we eliminate the department and return authority to
32:05
states and local counties, the problem will resolve
32:08
itself.
32:11
But the problem with that statement is the
32:15
problem will not resolve itself because that problem,
32:19
my friends, existed before the department of education.
32:25
It's it's been with us for for long
32:27
before the department of education showed up.
32:30
The department of education showed up in 1979.
32:37
That was not the beginning of the end.
32:39
And I know a lot of people will
32:40
say, oh, since the department of education, we've
32:42
been on this educational decline and blah, blah,
32:43
blah, blah.
32:45
And that's true, we have been.
32:47
But the educational decline started long before the
32:50
department of education got here.
32:53
I can I can take you back to
32:54
when it started.
32:55
I've I've got the charts.
32:57
I've got the receipts.
32:58
They're on my Instagram page, by the way,
33:00
the Dean's List 33.
33:02
If you want to, and that's one of
33:04
the very first things I posted when I
33:06
started that Instagram page.
33:09
Uh, so just scroll to the bottom or
33:11
to the to the beginning.
33:13
You'll see the receipts.
33:14
The charts are there that show the decline
33:19
in the department of education began 1962-63, post-6263,
33:23
when the Bible and morality was kicked out
33:28
of the school system.
33:32
That's when it started, my friends.
33:34
That right there, that's when that's when we
33:37
said, oh, gee, uh, how about we start
33:39
declining here?
33:42
That's when we kick morality out.
33:44
It's it's not at the start of the
33:45
department of education.
33:49
Uh so unfortunately, this diagnosis that um that
33:52
will eliminate indoctrination when we get rid of
33:56
the department of education.
34:01
Uh, it it mistakes a bureaucratic system for
34:04
the underlying disease.
34:07
That's what um Brooks adequately states here.
34:12
Uh, even if the Department of Education were
34:16
abolished tomorrow, according to Brooks, the the ideological
34:19
orientation of American schooling would remain intact.
34:23
The real engines, Brooks notes of indoctrination lie
34:27
within the institutions themselves that train teachers and
34:31
define the philosophy of education.
34:35
There, my friends, therein lies the issue, therein
34:37
lies the problem.
34:40
It's not at the Department of Education.
34:44
The whole point, by the way, of the
34:47
Department of Education in 1979.
34:51
Uh, it consolidated federal education functions into a
34:54
cabinet level agency.
34:57
That's it.
34:58
That's what it did.
34:59
Its original mission was limited to supporting equal
35:00
Original mission was limited to supporting equal access,
35:02
access, administering federal aid, enforcing civil rights statutes,
35:03
administering federal aid, enforcing civil rights statutes, and
35:06
and collecting data.
35:06
collecting data.
35:09
I mean, that those were its four tenets.
35:09
I mean, that those were its four tenets.
35:12
It had nothing to do with establishing curriculum.
35:12
It had nothing to do with establishing curriculum.
35:16
It had nothing to do with training teachers.
35:16
It had nothing to do with training teachers.
35:20
It has no um no indoctrinational uh purpose
35:20
It has no indoctrinational purpose, really.
35:24
really.
35:28
Now, mind you, it's currently 50%.
35:28
Now, mind you, it's currently filled with people
35:30
who are indoctrinated.
35:32
And so to that end, that purpose kind
35:34
of flows out of them and through the
35:36
department itself.
35:39
But its original mission was completely uh benign
35:45
to indoctrination, despite its prominence in political rhetoric.
35:51
Uh you know, the the department just hasn't
35:53
engaged in designing curricula or hiring teachers or
35:56
controlling classroom instruction.
35:59
These responsibilities rest overwhelmingly with the states already
36:03
and with local school districts already, and most
36:07
crucially, however, they rest in teacher training institutions.
36:13
That's it.
36:14
So you know, when uh, you know, when
36:17
Lyndon McMahon and other uh leaders say, you
36:20
know, including Trump, when they say we're gonna
36:23
turn education back to the state, well, education's
36:26
already in the hands of the state.
36:29
So I don't uh, you know, that statement
36:32
is somewhat oxymoronic.
36:35
Uh it's already there.
36:38
Um the the department of education's budget is
36:41
it's substantial, um, but it's large because it
36:44
functions as a conduit for grants and student
36:47
aid uh rather than as a centralized authority
36:50
shaping shaping pedagogy.
36:54
So, you know, when when we talk about
36:57
turning turning education back to the states, it's
37:00
uh it's already there.
37:03
Um, you know, McMahon's intentions to dradically uh
37:08
uh dramatically reduce the department's role reflects uh
37:12
the people's long standing concerns about federal overreach.
37:17
And we've all felt this.
37:18
We've all felt that that federal overreach has
37:20
been um it's been huge, and it needs
37:23
to be it needs to be brought under
37:25
control.
37:28
And so her stated rationale to return education
37:32
to the states, eliminate bureaucratic waste, curb ideological
37:35
activism, you know, all of that has merit,
37:38
a lot of merit.
37:42
But structural reform, according to Brooks, at the
37:46
federal level is unlikely to alter the deeper
37:50
source of mass ideological conformity in American education,
37:54
and I and I think Brooks is spot
37:58
on in making that observation.
38:04
The existing conformity, by the way, originates not
38:08
in Washington itself, according to Brooks, but in
38:12
the intellectual tradition of progressive education.
38:16
And he's he's a hundred percent accurate here.
38:20
Uh that the modern influence of this progressive
38:23
education began with a man by the name
38:25
of John Dewey.
38:27
We've talked about Dewey around here quite a
38:28
bit.
38:31
Uh Dewey went to the teachers' college at
38:33
Columbia University.
38:36
And while there he began this ongoing laboratory
38:42
experiment of social uh social importance, I guess
38:48
we could say Dewey himself was not a
38:53
proclaimed Marxist uh in the orthodox revolutionary sense.
39:00
But he was not a benign reformer here.
39:03
His philosophy marked a decisive break from classical
39:05
liberal education.
39:09
He broke away from those traditions.
39:12
He rejected the transmission of inherited knowledge.
39:15
He rejected the authority of the canon.
39:18
He rejected the idea, one of the most
39:21
important foundational ideas that education should be oriented
39:24
toward objective standards of scholarship or objective standards
39:26
of truth.
39:30
Instead, he he reimagined schools as instruments of
39:34
social transformation.
39:37
This was his laboratory.
39:39
It was ongoing.
39:43
Dewey's insistence that schools exist primarily to reshape
39:47
society rather than to cultivate individual intellect, laid
39:52
the critical groundwork for later ideological developments.
39:56
And so here we are today.
40:11
Dewey's progressive education created a framework highly compatible
40:15
with collectivist visions, according to Brooks here.
40:20
Dewey's progressive rhetoric and assumptions cleared the path
40:23
then for Marxists to come on and just
40:26
clean up the mess.
40:30
Cleared the path for Marxist concepts to enter
40:32
education under the guise of social justice, under
40:35
the guise of equity, under the guise of
40:37
emancipation.
40:41
So by the time we got to the
40:45
late 20th century, Dewey's influence was increasingly supplemented
40:49
by actual Marxists, actual Marxist Marxists came in,
40:54
and started to have actual reform.
40:59
A man by the name of Poolo Freire,
41:01
F-R-E-I-R-E.
41:05
Frere's pedagogy of the oppressed.
41:07
That's what he called it.
41:08
The pedagogy of the oppressed became uh it
41:11
became canon.
41:14
It became canon in Western faculties of education.
41:18
And they they embraced it.
41:20
They developed it further, this pedagogy of the
41:21
oppressed.
41:24
Um it wasn't a marginal critique, mind you,
41:28
but it became a foundational text.
41:33
It became a foundational teacher training tool.
41:38
Unlike Dewey, Freire was explicitly Marxist.
41:42
He viewed education as a site of political
41:44
struggle.
41:48
Uh, and and the struggle would take place
41:52
between the you guessed it, the oppressors and
41:56
the oppressed, rejecting the notion of unbiased knowledge.
42:00
And uh Frey argued that teaching should function
42:00
And uh Frey argued that teaching should function
42:03
as a form of revolutionary consciousness raising.
42:03
as a form of revolutionary consciousness raising.
42:07
That should be the point of teaching.
42:07
That should be the point of teaching.
42:09
We have to raise their conscious level of
42:09
We have to raise their conscious level of
42:11
revolutionaries.
42:11
revolutionaries.
42:13
We've got they've got to realize they're oppressed,
42:13
We've got they've got to realize they're oppressed.
42:16
they've got to fight against the oppressors.
42:16
They've got to fight against the oppressors.
42:18
This is this is Marxism.
42:18
This is this is Marxism, true and true.
42:21
True and true.
42:22
And we're watching this unfold.
42:22
And we're watching this unfold.
42:25
We watched this unfold on May 1st when
42:25
We watched this unfold on May 1st.
42:27
schools shuttered.
42:28
When schools shut their doors, shuttered the, you
42:31
know, teachers took their students outside to become
42:34
political activists.
42:37
That was the point.
42:38
It's always been the point.
42:41
We're not here to uh reshape society.
42:44
I'm sorry, we're not here to cultivate individual
42:46
intellect.
42:48
We're here to reshape society.
42:51
And that's why schools exist.
42:53
So students need to get out and protest
42:55
so we can reshape society.
42:58
That's the that's a huge comment.
43:01
Once we understand that, once we realize that
43:04
that's the point, then holy smokes, our our
43:06
eyes begin to open.
43:10
The scales start to fall off the eyelids,
43:12
as it were.
43:15
Frearian pedagogy reframed the classroom as an arena
43:18
of power rather than uh a place of
43:21
learning.
43:25
We're not we're not here to learn uh
43:27
how to how to cultivate our intellect or
43:29
how to shape our souls.
43:31
Instead, we are here to take power, to
43:33
take power for ourselves.
43:36
Frere uh would cast teachers as political actors,
43:40
and he would cast students as uh their
43:44
subjects to be liberated from inherited cultural norms.
43:49
And and you know what this approach is
43:51
now branded as?
43:52
It's branded as uh they call it critical
43:54
pedagogy.
43:57
Sounds like critical theory, critical race theory, critical
43:59
pedagogy.
44:02
It dominates almost all the teacher training programs,
44:05
according to Brooks.
44:08
Its language is cleverly deceptive, but its assumptions
44:11
are very clear, and here they are.
44:15
Western traditions are suspect.
44:17
Those are their assumptions, this the assumptions of
44:19
critical pedagogy.
44:21
Western traditions are suspect.
44:24
Knowledge is socially constructed, and education must be
44:28
subordinated to political ends.
44:32
In other words, the whole point of education
44:36
is to change society.
44:40
That's the point.
44:41
This must be subordinated to political ends.
44:44
It's about social justice, it's about social fill-in-the-blank.
44:50
These ideas are not imposed, by the way,
44:52
by the department of education.
44:55
They are disseminated through schools of education, which
44:58
certify nearly every public school teacher in North
45:01
America.
45:04
All right, just I just want you to
45:06
let that sink in.
45:08
This isn't this isn't happening at the federal
45:11
level, it's happening beyond the federal level.
45:14
It's happening when these young kids have this
45:16
dream and this idea that they want to
45:19
shape the world by teaching the next generation.
45:22
So they go to these teacher colleges, and
45:24
it's here that they're instructed on how to
45:26
shape the next generation.
45:29
And I'm telling you, there's nothing, there's nothing
45:31
good about it.
45:34
There's nothing glorious about it.
45:35
There's nothing beautiful about it, there's nothing truthful
45:37
about it.
45:39
Nothing at all.
45:40
All right, my friends, we're gonna we're gonna
45:42
finish Brooks's commentary on the other side of
45:44
this break.
45:46
Don't go anywhere, hold on to your hats.
45:49
We'll be back momentarily.
45:50
You're listening to the Dean's List on America
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All right, we went a little long in
47:46
both of those segments.
47:47
So segment three, it's gonna be a little
47:49
shorter.
47:50
So I'm gonna dive into it and dive
47:52
into it quickly so we can put a
47:55
nice little bow on this bad boy.
48:00
So we know that in the according to
48:03
Brooks, what he's telling us.
48:07
We know that the teacher training institutions, the
48:10
teacher colleges, as it were, are presenting what
48:14
they're what they call a critical pedagogy, which
48:18
assumes that Western traditions are suspect, and that
48:22
knowledge is socially constructed, and that education must
48:26
be subordinated to political ends.
48:30
We know these ideas are not imposed at
48:32
the at the level of the department of
48:34
education.
48:36
They are disseminated through schools of education, which,
48:39
as I said at the end of that
48:43
last segment, these schools certify nearly every public
48:46
school teacher in North America.
48:50
Uh geography doesn't matter, governance doesn't matter.
48:54
Aspiring teachers are exposed to remarkably uniform ideological
48:57
content.
49:00
Content.
49:01
Courses emphasize systems of oppression, identity-based analysis, and
49:01
Courses emphasize systems of oppression, identity-based analysis, and
49:05
activism over mastery of subject matter.
49:05
activism over mastery of subject matter.
49:10
Why do you think our students can't read?
49:10
Why do you think our students can't read?
49:13
And we've not seen any progress in reading
49:13
And we've not seen any progress in reading
49:16
since they started measuring it the way they've
49:16
since they started measuring it the way they've
49:19
been measuring it since the early 90s.
49:19
been measuring it since the early 90s.
49:23
Um, it's it's because they don't care about
49:24
Well, it's it's because they don't care about
49:26
progress and and reading.
49:26
progress and reading.
49:29
That's not the point.
49:29
That's not the point.
49:30
The point isn't teaching them how to read
49:31
well.
49:33
It's activism over mastery of subject matter.
49:37
Teachers emerge from these training programs, not merely
49:40
trained in methods, but they themselves are indoctrinated
49:43
into a shared world view.
49:46
If they come in as conservative, rarely do
49:49
they leave as conservative.
49:53
2018, uh Brooks cites this example.
49:56
In 2018, this reality was clearly explained in
49:59
an essay titled How Ed Schools Became a
50:01
Menace.
50:04
This was written by American scholar Lyle Lasher.
50:08
Asher argued that schools of education had evolved
50:12
into ideological and bureaucratic hubs that undermine academic
50:15
standards across the country.
50:19
Rather than cultivating scholarship and graduating skilled instructors,
50:24
these programs produce policymakers, administrators, and compliance officers
50:29
trained to expand their own influence.
50:35
The result, unfortunately, is an education system that
50:39
rewards ideological conformity and administrative growth while marginalizing
50:44
intellectual rigor.
50:48
Oh, but they'll tell you rigor, rigor, we're
50:50
going after rigor.
50:52
Yet it's been it's been marginalized, uh marginalized.
51:00
Explains why repeated structural reforms failed to produce
51:02
a meaningful improvement.
51:06
Changing funding formulas, governance arrangements or federal oversight
51:09
is not sufficient to alter the ideological formation
51:13
of teachers.
51:17
How do you do that?
51:18
I mean, how do you how do you
51:21
alter the ideological formation of teachers?
51:23
Well, if you don't revamp the teacher colleges,
51:25
you don't do it.
51:27
There is no, unfortunately, there is no uh
51:30
there is no altering.
51:35
The academic institutions that train educators and shape
51:38
their cultural assumptions also validate their partisan commitments
51:42
and guide their practices.
51:46
Classrooms are likely to remain strikingly similar, whether
51:50
authority resides in Washington, whether it's in state
51:54
capitals, or whether it's in local school boards,
51:57
because the teachers are all being funneled through
52:01
the same system.
52:06
The effects of this are impossible to ignore,
52:08
Brooks says.
52:10
Academic performance stagnates or declines.
52:14
Basic literacy suffers, and schools devote increasing attention
52:17
to political and social themes unrelated to core
52:21
educational goals.
52:25
Parents sense that something has gone wrong, terribly
52:27
wrong.
52:30
But they're often misdirected into focusing on bureaucratic
52:33
targets rather than philosophical roots.
52:38
Dismantling the Department of Education, according to Brooks,
52:41
may provide some political satisfaction, but it offers
52:44
little prospect for substantive change.
52:47
The real problem is not federal management, but
52:50
ideological capture.
52:57
From teacher training onward, education is no longer
52:59
about the transmission of knowledge and cultivation of
53:01
judgment.
53:04
It's become an instrument of social engineering.
53:07
And this is just as dewey perceived it
53:09
to be.
53:14
Not intellectual development, not soul formation, but social
53:18
engineering.
53:30
Societal growth, progressive, society has to progress.
53:35
The progressivism is for society.
53:38
It's not for the individual.
53:40
It's not for the individual intellect, it's not
53:42
for their heart and soul and mind and
53:45
till the institutions that train teachers are compelled
53:47
to abandon this mission.
53:50
Nothing fundamental is likely to change.
53:53
Schools will continue to indoctrinate children and fail
53:56
society.
53:58
It's just that simple.
54:02
In addition uh to indoctrinating children and failing
54:05
society.
54:07
Uh this will happen regardless of who signs
54:11
the checks or who manages the bureaucracy.
54:15
There's just there's no way around it.
54:19
What matters is not the level of government
54:23
involvement here, but the ideas that influence those
54:26
entrusted with educating the next generation.
54:31
If those ideas remain unchanged, so are the
54:33
results.
54:36
It doesn't matter if and look, I'm going
54:37
to be honest with you, I was all
54:39
about it.
54:41
You know, when Trump came on and said
54:43
we're going to dismantle the Department of Education,
54:46
yeah, and I still am.
54:48
I still am all for it.
54:49
I don't know that the Department of Education
54:51
is necessary.
54:53
Uh you know, the things that the Department
54:56
of Education is doing were being done by
54:58
other departments.
55:01
It's not like the work is not going
55:04
to continue at the Department of Education level.
55:07
It most certainly will continue.
55:09
It's gonna, it's gonna keep going.
55:14
So, yeah, 100%.
55:17
I'm for it.
55:19
But just because the Department of Education goes
55:21
away, to Brooks's point, doesn't mean that the
55:24
indoctrination is going to stop because it's not,
55:26
my friends, the indoctrination is coming at a
55:28
completely different level.
55:31
Uh, it's a level beyond the federal government.
55:35
It's it is it's even beyond the state
55:37
and local government.
55:39
It's it the teachers are bringing it with
55:40
them.
55:42
Now, I'm not saying 100%.
55:44
It's not like all the teachers are coming
55:47
out as robots because we've seen teachers stand
55:49
up against, for example, the the gender ideological
55:52
filth and corruption.
55:55
We've seen many teachers stand up against that.
55:58
Uh, so it's not like teachers are coming
56:00
Are coming out as uh mind-numbed robots.
56:00
out as as uh mind-numbed robots, but many
56:02
of them are, and not all of them,
56:03
But many of them are, and not all
56:04
but many of them are.
56:05
of them, but many of them are.
56:07
And the indoctrination will continue.
56:07
And the indoctrination will continue.
56:09
I i'm here to tell you your hope.
56:09
I'm here to tell you your hope.
56:11
Your hope in ceasing the indoctrination is to
56:11
Your hope in ceasing the indoctrination is to
56:14
get your child in a classical school.
56:14
get your child in a classical school.
56:16
That is your hope.
56:16
That is your hope.
56:17
Get them in a classical pedagogy.
56:17
Get them in a classical pedagogy.
56:20
Um, not a critical pedagogy, but a classical
56:20
Not a critical pedagogy, but a classical pedagogy.
56:22
pedagogy.
56:24
And that might, that might just save the
56:24
And that might, that might just save the
56:25
country.
56:25
country.
56:26
In my opinion, I believe it will.
56:26
In my opinion, I believe it will.
56:29
All right, my friend.
56:29
All right, my friends, we are up against
56:30
it.
56:31
It's all the time we have for today.
56:33
Thank you for joining me as always.
56:36
We love it that you're a part of
56:37
this audience.
56:38
Encourage your friends and family to get on
56:40
the dean's list.
56:42
Let's unite to renovate the age.