Latest / The Mark Belling Podcast / Mark Belling Podcast #135: New House Dem manifesto shows just how radical the Marxist Democrats now are: they will do exactly what they say they will do. Big cities like Milwaukee have one big chance to re-emerge as industrial centers if they embrace data centers, but the radicals who run these cities will blow the opportunity.

Transcript

Mark Belling Podcast #135: New House Dem manifesto shows just how radical the Marxist Democrats now are: they will do exactly what they say they will do. Big cities like Milwaukee have one big chance to re-emerge as industrial centers if they embrace data centers, but the radicals who run these cities will blow the opportunity. · The Mark Belling Podcast

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  Speaker 2: One of the problems that a lot of Americans have,
• 0:32
  Speaker 2: including a lot of us on the right, is that
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  Speaker 2: we just can't fathom that lefties will do what lefties
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  Speaker 2: say they will do. I've been going through this for decades.
• 0:52
  Speaker 2: If they say they're going to do something, if they
• 0:55
  Speaker 2: get power, they do it. Yet we have had this
• 1:00
  Speaker 2: notion for the longest time that there's some sort of guardrail,
• 1:04
  Speaker 2: there's limits. Well, they won't do that. And indeed, for
• 1:07
  Speaker 2: the longest time, the Republicans were more moderate than they
• 1:12
  Speaker 2: are now a little bit more. The Democrats were certainly
• 1:16
  Speaker 2: way more moderate than they are now, and there were
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  Speaker 2: limits as to what either side was going to do.
• 1:23
  Speaker 2: As far as the left is concerned. They're all gone.
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  Speaker 2: Now as we dive into this topic, I'll explain why
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  Speaker 2: they're all gone. But we're going to start with this premise,
• 1:33
  Speaker 2: and I'm going to deal with this manifesto that's out
• 1:36
  Speaker 2: now from several House Democrat caucuses. If they get power,
• 1:40
  Speaker 2: they're going to do what they say they're going to do.
• 1:45
  Speaker 2: These aren't idle threats. And the radicals now control that party.
• 1:53
  Speaker 2: It's not a foregone conclusion that they will take it over,
• 1:57
  Speaker 2: but it's trending that way. We're going to dive into
• 1:59
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  Speaker 2: Visit you line dot com. This story was reported a
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  Speaker 2: few days ago by Politico. Politico is not a conservative site.
• 2:39
  Speaker 2: Lean's left, big news site that covers things in DC,
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  Speaker 2: and there's been some reaction to it, but I don't
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  Speaker 2: want to poke into it here because of the ramifications
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  Speaker 2: of this. You know, the Democrats now are all these groups.
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  Speaker 2: That's all the party is. It's the group of this,
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  Speaker 2: the group of that, the group of the other thing.
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  Speaker 2: So in the House they have all these caucuses is
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  Speaker 2: there's this caucus and that caucus. Anyway, a number of
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  Speaker 2: them have been working on a resolution. They actually think
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  Speaker 2: these are selling points, and the resolution deals with all
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  Speaker 2: of the things that they will do if they gain power,
• 3:19
  Speaker 2: if they gain control. The political story indicates that part
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  Speaker 2: of this is in response to the US Supreme Court
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  Speaker 2: decision which narrowed the nineteen sixty five Voting Rights Act.
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  Speaker 2: In any event, I'll quote here from the political story.
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  Speaker 2: The resolution obtained by Politico calls for the expansion of
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  Speaker 2: the Supreme Court and to establish term limits and a
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  Speaker 2: code of ethics for justices. Now let me pause, why
• 3:54
  Speaker 2: term limits. See, this is the thing that they really want.
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  Speaker 2: Republicans have controlled the White House about half the time
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  Speaker 2: in my lifetime. The thing of the presidency is it's
• 4:10
  Speaker 2: gone back and forth, and it's really gone back and
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  Speaker 2: forth throughout our history. You know, the Democrats held it
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  Speaker 2: for a long time when Roosevelt won in thirty two.
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  Speaker 2: They held it for twenty years until laisonar one and
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  Speaker 2: fifty two. But basically we've gone back and forth forever.
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  Speaker 2: And the Supreme Court, in an attempt to make it
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  Speaker 2: less immune to political pressure, the justices are appointed for life.
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  Speaker 2: This sticks in the craw of the leftists. They can't
• 4:37
  Speaker 2: stand that there are any conservative justices, So when a
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  Speaker 2: Republican gets in and appoints the conservative justice, they're stuck
• 4:43
  Speaker 2: with them. By putting these term limits in place, they're
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  Speaker 2: able to roll them out. Now, you could argue that
• 4:57
  Speaker 2: if the Republicans win more national ef actions and conservatives,
• 5:01
  Speaker 2: that that's going to actually work to the advantage of
• 5:03
  Speaker 2: the Republicans. We've seen in recent history that when the
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  Speaker 2: Democrats win, they always win a second term. The one
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  Speaker 2: exception on the Republican side, two of them really the
• 5:18
  Speaker 2: first Bush lost his reelection in ninety two to Clinton
• 5:23
  Speaker 2: and then Trump. Trump disputes this. He lost his first time,
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  Speaker 2: he ran for a second term and twenty. But when
• 5:30
  Speaker 2: the Democrats get in, they serve for two terms. It's
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  Speaker 2: really been that way ever since Truman left office. Kennedy
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  Speaker 2: won and then Johnson won in sixty four. Carter was
• 5:43
  Speaker 2: an exception, but that was such an unusual exception. Jimmy
• 5:46
  Speaker 2: Carter was such a terrible president and the country was
• 5:49
  Speaker 2: in such atrocious shape that Reagan got in. But then
• 5:53
  Speaker 2: you know, Clinton served the two terms. Obama served the
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  Speaker 2: two terms anyway, that's the first part. The second the
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  Speaker 2: Code of Ethics. Again, some of you on the right
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  Speaker 2: fall for this crap. The Code of Ethics means they
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  Speaker 2: now have grounds to remove a justice. And trust beyond this,
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  Speaker 2: they'll come up with anything on any justice. You know,
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  Speaker 2: they they've been making a stake, go oh, this justice
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  Speaker 2: took a flight with this one and this one did
• 6:18
  Speaker 2: this thing over here. It's again all an excuse when
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  Speaker 2: they control the government to remove a conservative. The manifesto
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  Speaker 2: also calls for elimination of the sixty vote filibuster in
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  Speaker 2: the Senate. Now, Trump has been pounding the Republicans in
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  Speaker 2: the Senate on this. They currently control the Senate, the
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  Speaker 2: filibuster's in place, and Trump keeps telling them the next
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  Speaker 2: time the Democrats get the Senate, they're going to get
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  Speaker 2: rid of the filibuster. Now they're saying it there it
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  Speaker 2: is now Again, these are House Democrats and they don't
• 6:52
  Speaker 2: control the Senate. But when you see them putting this
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  Speaker 2: stuff out there, that means this is what the agenda
• 6:59
  Speaker 2: is going to be. And in modern history of Democrat politics,
• 7:04
  Speaker 2: when they lay out an agenda of things that they
• 7:06
  Speaker 2: say that they're going to do when they get powered,
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  Speaker 2: they always do all of it. If anything, they go
• 7:13
  Speaker 2: farther than what they say they're going to do. We
• 7:20
  Speaker 2: face this forever this. Well, they'll never do that. I
• 7:22
  Speaker 2: remember when they were starting to when I told the
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  Speaker 2: audience about the trolley in Milwaukee, they're going to rip
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  Speaker 2: all the streets up, and they're going to have this
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  Speaker 2: train that's going to move really really slowly, and it's
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  Speaker 2: going to go actually in the traffic lanes. Well, they're
• 7:36
  Speaker 2: not going to do that. They're not going to do that.
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  Speaker 2: They're not going to do Well, then they did it.
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  Speaker 2: Then I talked about how they were going to take
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  Speaker 2: all the streets downtown, turn them from two lanes to one,
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  Speaker 2: and have the lanes veer in and outs. You have
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  Speaker 2: to keep shifting lanes all the attempt to slow down
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  Speaker 2: the traffic. And then they're going to put in these
• 7:52
  Speaker 2: concrete bump out curves to separate the bike lanes from
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  Speaker 2: the traffic. Oh, they aren't going to do that. They
• 7:57
  Speaker 2: aren't going to do that. Then people they hear me
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  Speaker 2: talking about this. Now these they're still doing it to
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  Speaker 2: all the streets. I think they're working in Oklahoma now.
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  Speaker 2: Silver spring's getting someone anyway, and people who don't live
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  Speaker 2: in the city they get down here in those cities.
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  Speaker 2: What's the deal in the streets? Have you not been
• 8:15
  Speaker 2: hearing me say? Yeah, well, I heard you say that,
• 8:17
  Speaker 2: but I didn't think it was this bad. I remember
• 8:20
  Speaker 2: when the trolley first came in, the number of people
• 8:24
  Speaker 2: that we had, and then it started, and I told
• 8:26
  Speaker 2: them how terrible the whole thing is. And then some
• 8:28
  Speaker 2: people come downtown and they'd see the thing for the
• 8:29
  Speaker 2: first time, and they could not believe it, and they said,
• 8:32
  Speaker 2: he Mark, I saw this, I couldn't believe. What did
• 8:34
  Speaker 2: you think? I was saying, Well, I didn't think it
• 8:36
  Speaker 2: was going to be that bad. It's always that bad.
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  Speaker 2: When they started saying in liberal cities, especially on the
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  Speaker 2: West Coast, that we were going to do nothing to
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  Speaker 2: induce homeless people to go into the shelters, but instead
• 8:53
  Speaker 2: we will provide them services on the street, they did that,
• 9:00
  Speaker 2: and the next thing you know, some of these cities
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  Speaker 2: have between fifty and one hundred thousand people on the street.
• 9:04
  Speaker 2: It's hard to do a headcount. Given the fact that
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  Speaker 2: it's hard to count people that are hiding it, laying
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  Speaker 2: underneath a bag but there they are. Then another question
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  Speaker 2: that I get. I'll get the why question. Why do
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  Speaker 2: liberals think this will work? Why do they think? Why
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  Speaker 2: do they think? I mean, these are people going to universities.
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  Speaker 2: Why would they believe this? And I've tried to give
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  Speaker 2: you the answer to that, but again, people have are
• 9:36
  Speaker 2: hard to have accepting the answers because they're stupid. It's
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  Speaker 2: not complicated. Anybody who would believe any of this stuff.
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  Speaker 2: Anybody who would want to bring in socialism after socialism
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  Speaker 2: has been a nightmare everywhere it's been tried on the planet,
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  Speaker 2: has to be stupid. They have motivations within that stupidity,
• 9:55
  Speaker 2: but they're stupid. The other parts of the resolution, they're
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  Speaker 2: calling for expanding the size of the United States Supreme Court,
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  Speaker 2: perhaps all the way to twenty two. Now, why would
• 10:14
  Speaker 2: they do this, Well, currently there's a six to three
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  Speaker 2: conservative majority, and many point out that two of those
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  Speaker 2: six are rather wobbly. If I think what we have
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  Speaker 2: right now is a moderate to conservative Supreme Court, they
• 10:29
  Speaker 2: don't like this. If they get the White House and
• 10:31
  Speaker 2: control the Senate, they're simply going to add a zillion
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  Speaker 2: justices so they can pack in ten twelve of them. Now,
• 10:43
  Speaker 2: one wonders if, if they do expand the court, if
• 10:45
  Speaker 2: they'd put the term limits in. Chances are they would
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  Speaker 2: not do the term limits if they could pack the court.
• 10:50
  Speaker 2: If they end up with say a fifteen to six
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  Speaker 2: majority on the Court, they probably wouldn't put term limits in.
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  Speaker 2: There is also talk of giving full statehood to Puerto
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  Speaker 2: Rico and DC. Now why would they do that. They've
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  Speaker 2: just added four Democrats seats to the United States Senate.
• 11:19
  Speaker 2: Every state gets two seats. DC already has electoral votes,
• 11:25
  Speaker 2: but Puerto Rico does not. The territories cannot vote in
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  Speaker 2: presidential elections. If you made Puerto Rico a state, they
• 11:32
  Speaker 2: get electoral votes in addition to the fact that they
• 11:34
  Speaker 2: get the two Senators and they get the House members,
• 11:36
  Speaker 2: either one or two depending on the population there. With this,
• 11:42
  Speaker 2: all is obviously is an attack on democracy. They don't
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  Speaker 2: like what democracy has given us now. And we know
• 11:51
  Speaker 2: what democracy has given us now, a country in which
• 11:54
  Speaker 2: half the states seem to be run by Democrats, half
• 11:56
  Speaker 2: are run by Republicans, and then it's a handful like
• 11:59
  Speaker 2: us that are sort of split. What we have now
• 12:03
  Speaker 2: is occasionally the Republicans control the Congress, Occasionally the Democrats
• 12:06
  Speaker 2: control the Congress. Occasionally there's a Republican president, occasionally as
• 12:10
  Speaker 2: a Democrat president. They don't like that. They don't want
• 12:16
  Speaker 2: what democracy produces. They want total control. To do some
• 12:23
  Speaker 2: of these things would have to change the Constitution, but
• 12:26
  Speaker 2: most of them not. There doesn't appear to be constitutional
• 12:32
  Speaker 2: language that would stop them from expanding the Supreme Court,
• 12:37
  Speaker 2: and there's nothing in the constitution that stops them from
• 12:41
  Speaker 2: granting statehood. BC is in there in terms of constitution.
• 12:47
  Speaker 2: It's established constitutionally, but there doesn't appear to be anything
• 12:51
  Speaker 2: that would stop them from granting its statehood if they
• 12:53
  Speaker 2: chose to do so. Whenever the left two screams that
• 13:02
  Speaker 2: our side the right is doing something, again, this holds always.
• 13:07
  Speaker 2: That's the thing they're doing. Whenever they want about extremism,
• 13:13
  Speaker 2: they're being extremists. When they talk about hate speech, they're
• 13:19
  Speaker 2: the ones that engage in hate speech. And when they
• 13:23
  Speaker 2: talk about threats to democracy, it's because they are threatening democracy.
• 13:29
  Speaker 2: My side is the one that wants to make sure
• 13:31
  Speaker 2: that everybody who votes is legally voting, and wants to
• 13:34
  Speaker 2: make sure that the elections are on the up and up.
• 13:38
  Speaker 2: They don't like that they want zero checks on voting.
• 13:43
  Speaker 2: That's not pro democracy, that's pro cheating in elections, which
• 13:47
  Speaker 2: is the antithesis of democracy. So anyway, they've got this
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  Speaker 2: manifesto and it's laying out what it is that they
• 13:58
  Speaker 2: intend to do. And once they get all of this power,
• 14:01
  Speaker 2: they intend, if the Marxists take total control of the
• 14:06
  Speaker 2: Democrat Party, they intend to socialize America. All of these
• 14:12
  Speaker 2: wealth taxes that they say that they're going to do,
• 14:14
  Speaker 2: nationalize all this stuff. They're going to do it. The
• 14:19
  Speaker 2: people in Venezuela, which had a thriving capitalist economy, strong
• 14:23
  Speaker 2: with because of oil and so on, you go Chavez
• 14:27
  Speaker 2: and his people when they got in power, they nationalized
• 14:30
  Speaker 2: the oil industry. They let the drug dealers do whatever
• 14:33
  Speaker 2: they want. The country went to hell. Anybody who thought
• 14:38
  Speaker 2: they would not have done that if you were around
• 14:41
  Speaker 2: in the late nineteen fifties, which I can't say that
• 14:44
  Speaker 2: I recalled them. When Chae Gavera and Fidel Castor wanted
• 14:49
  Speaker 2: to overthrow the Batista government in Cuba. Oh these millionaires,
• 14:55
  Speaker 2: you know, the poor people aren't getting anything. They went in,
• 15:00
  Speaker 2: stole everybody's lands, stole everybody's money. They started to kill
• 15:05
  Speaker 2: anybody who was objecting to this. All the Cubans who
• 15:08
  Speaker 2: had any freedom and had any money left fled the country.
• 15:12
  Speaker 2: Cuban's been a rat hole of socialism ever since, and
• 15:18
  Speaker 2: rights were repressed. And that's what will happen here. The
• 15:21
  Speaker 2: rights are repressed because once the people who voted in
• 15:24
  Speaker 2: the socialists recognize what a stupid thing they did and
• 15:28
  Speaker 2: what a disaster it is, they tend to vote them
• 15:31
  Speaker 2: back out. So you've got to make it impossible that
• 15:34
  Speaker 2: for them to be voted back out. Socialist governments have
• 15:38
  Speaker 2: a tendency to never have fair elections. In South America,
• 15:42
  Speaker 2: we've started to see a significant turn the other way.
• 15:46
  Speaker 2: Many have pointed out that when USAID's programs many of
• 15:50
  Speaker 2: them were cut off, that's when Marxist started losing elections
• 15:55
  Speaker 2: in Latin America, that so much of this money was
• 15:59
  Speaker 2: being on political activism by radicals, that once they lost
• 16:04
  Speaker 2: that money and conservatives had a fair shot, they started
• 16:09
  Speaker 2: winning elections, such as an Argentina and a couple now
• 16:13
  Speaker 2: in Central America. Now let me get back to this
• 16:16
  Speaker 2: point that I've been on for a few weeks. Here,
• 16:20
  Speaker 2: the fascinating decision of almost all mainstream Democrats to not
• 16:27
  Speaker 2: fight back against the Marxists who are taking over their party.
• 16:33
  Speaker 2: I'll use as an example I can use. I suppose
• 16:38
  Speaker 2: any of them Tammy Baldwin. She's really liberal, but she
• 16:52
  Speaker 2: doesn't appear to be a Marxist. They'll come for her
• 17:00
  Speaker 2: New York State. In the most recent election, the House
• 17:05
  Speaker 2: Democrats that they knocked out and instead put in the
• 17:08
  Speaker 2: Mamdani socialists. Every one of them was extremely liberal, they
• 17:13
  Speaker 2: just weren't Marxist. They all lost their jobs, they lost
• 17:18
  Speaker 2: their careers. They're done. Those districts are like eighty five
• 17:22
  Speaker 2: percent Democrat districts. There was zero chance of Republican whatever
• 17:25
  Speaker 2: beat them. The only threat to them and their power
• 17:30
  Speaker 2: is Marxist within their own party. Yet they're going down
• 17:37
  Speaker 2: without a whimper. In twenty twenty, Bernie Sanders comes right
• 17:54
  Speaker 2: out and says he's a socialist. Was the front runner
• 17:57
  Speaker 2: for the Democratic nomination for president. That Sanders was winning
• 18:01
  Speaker 2: was telling you that that was the turning point in
• 18:03
  Speaker 2: which the radicals had actually become more than half the party.
• 18:07
  Speaker 2: But the pragmatic Democrats knew that the rest of the
• 18:11
  Speaker 2: country was not ready to elect an actual socialist. That
• 18:15
  Speaker 2: al Trump running for a second term. Had to say,
• 18:17
  Speaker 2: is this guy's a socialist? So they had to stop him,
• 18:22
  Speaker 2: and they stacked the deck. They forced everybody out out
• 18:25
  Speaker 2: of the race. They went to South Carolina and they
• 18:28
  Speaker 2: had the leaders of the party all endorsed Biden, figuring
• 18:32
  Speaker 2: Biden's been around forever, nobody thinks he's a socialist. And
• 18:35
  Speaker 2: it was to their advantage that he was a vegetable
• 18:38
  Speaker 2: by that point, because they could run the government without
• 18:40
  Speaker 2: him knowing what the hell was going on, and they
• 18:44
  Speaker 2: stopped him. The government was run radically under Biden because
• 18:48
  Speaker 2: Biden was not in a position to know what his
• 18:51
  Speaker 2: government was doing, but they did know that they had
• 18:56
  Speaker 2: to stop the socialists. Times have changed. Wisconsin is such
• 19:02
  Speaker 2: a perfect example. Right now. The front running Democratic candidate
• 19:06
  Speaker 2: for governor and the Democratic primaries in a little over
• 19:09
  Speaker 2: a month is a Marxist. She may not use that word,
• 19:14
  Speaker 2: but she does use the word socialist, and she has
• 19:17
  Speaker 2: said she's an anti capitalist. You can't be more socialist
• 19:22
  Speaker 2: than opposed to capitalism. She has said she doesn't want
• 19:27
  Speaker 2: any prisons. She's Francesca Hogg in most of the polls,
• 19:33
  Speaker 2: and there haven't been In fairness, a lot of good ones.
• 19:36
  Speaker 2: She's front running. The polls have Mendela Barnes. It doesn't
• 19:40
  Speaker 2: appear to be a socialist, but has a lot of
• 19:43
  Speaker 2: baggage running second. If Hang wins the Democrat primary and
• 19:51
  Speaker 2: she gets elected governor, she will be the most leftist
• 19:55
  Speaker 2: governor in the United States of America. And they will
• 19:59
  Speaker 2: move as fast as they can to turn us into Oregon, Washington,
• 20:03
  Speaker 2: and California. And because I know a lot of Democrats,
• 20:07
  Speaker 2: I'm telling you many of them are terrified about this.
• 20:10
  Speaker 2: They don't want to lose control of their party. And
• 20:14
  Speaker 2: by the way, that would mean they lose all their
• 20:16
  Speaker 2: power too, because the Marxist clean house and put all
• 20:18
  Speaker 2: their people in. But look around you in Wisconsin. What
• 20:24
  Speaker 2: opposition is she getting. There's seven Democrats running for governor
• 20:28
  Speaker 2: that you can't I have not heard a peep of
• 20:30
  Speaker 2: any of them attacking Francesca Hang for being a Marxist.
• 20:36
  Speaker 2: So I get this, and a lot of these Democrats
• 20:38
  Speaker 2: will mark, we're not Marxists, We're just Democrats. Okay, you
• 20:41
  Speaker 2: got this Marxist over here. You say you're not a Marxist,
• 20:47
  Speaker 2: get the argument going. Lay out your vision of a
• 20:52
  Speaker 2: non Marxist Democrat. And attack her for being a Marxist. See,
• 20:56
  Speaker 2: this is the thing I started this discussion with the
• 20:58
  Speaker 2: guardrails that were in place. It was only so far
• 21:00
  Speaker 2: to the left and so far to the right that
• 21:02
  Speaker 2: you could go. And the guardrails that stopped the left
• 21:05
  Speaker 2: from going too far were in the Democratic Party. I've
• 21:11
  Speaker 2: given this example a few times, and why not do
• 21:13
  Speaker 2: it again. The first big threat to the United States
• 21:19
  Speaker 2: in terms of US going socialist was after World War Two.
• 21:25
  Speaker 2: There was a significant communist movement in the United States.
• 21:31
  Speaker 2: People think that Joe McCarthy made all of that up.
• 21:34
  Speaker 2: Joe McCarthy may have had tactics that were not justifiable
• 21:37
  Speaker 2: and may have claimed he had a bunch of names
• 21:40
  Speaker 2: when he didn't, But there were people who were publicly Marxist. Remember,
• 21:46
  Speaker 2: Russia was an ally of us by necessity in World
• 21:50
  Speaker 2: War two and after World War two when they cut
• 21:55
  Speaker 2: the deal to divide up what was left of Europe,
• 21:58
  Speaker 2: in which it enfeebled rows of He was not the
• 22:00
  Speaker 2: president when the war ended, but they had the conference
• 22:02
  Speaker 2: at Yalta prior to the end of the war and
• 22:05
  Speaker 2: they cut the deal in the Russians well, essentially a
• 22:08
  Speaker 2: next Eastern Europe the Soviet Union would gobble up territories
• 22:12
  Speaker 2: and Russia would control them, and then other countries that
• 22:15
  Speaker 2: would remain semi sovereign would be under the thumb of Russia.
• 22:20
  Speaker 2: There's a lot of people here in the West that
• 22:21
  Speaker 2: thought that was a great and wonderful thing. The first
• 22:25
  Speaker 2: election post Roosevelt was forty eight. Truman came into office
• 22:28
  Speaker 2: when Roosevelt died. Then there's election forty eight. The Democrat
• 22:34
  Speaker 2: Party stomped out the Marxists, the regular old Democrats. Perfect
• 22:43
  Speaker 2: example of that would be Truman himself. Truman was the
• 22:46
  Speaker 2: vice president. He's a regular old moderate to liberal Democrat
• 22:50
  Speaker 2: garden variety for that era of the nineteen forties. The
• 22:56
  Speaker 2: rest of the Democrats the union movement in America. America's
• 23:00
  Speaker 2: union movement until recently has never been socialist. The afl CIO,
• 23:06
  Speaker 2: you go back into the nineteen sixties, they were the
• 23:08
  Speaker 2: pro Vietnam War all that stuff. They believed in workers' rights,
• 23:13
  Speaker 2: but they were not socialists. They were capitalists. They wanted
• 23:16
  Speaker 2: the people who owned the companies to give more of
• 23:19
  Speaker 2: the money to the workers, but they did believe that
• 23:22
  Speaker 2: the company should be making money. They believed in that
• 23:25
  Speaker 2: part of it. The AFLCIO in the sixties was adamantly
• 23:31
  Speaker 2: anti communist, and what would happen was the communists were
• 23:37
  Speaker 2: turned into a marginal fringe pack. For the longest time
• 23:41
  Speaker 2: there was a Communist Party USA. It would run candidates
• 23:44
  Speaker 2: for president. Then there were other socialist parties, the Socialist
• 23:47
  Speaker 2: Workers Party, the Socialist Labor Labor Party, and they'd run
• 23:51
  Speaker 2: candidates and they'd all get like one tenth of one
• 23:53
  Speaker 2: percent of the vote. That's all it was because they
• 23:56
  Speaker 2: were stomped out by the regular Democrats. There'd be people
• 24:00
  Speaker 2: on the right who would say, ah, you Democrats are socialists,
• 24:02
  Speaker 2: and the Democrats would always no, no, no, we're not, and
• 24:07
  Speaker 2: we'll prove it. We got these socialists over here, will
• 24:10
  Speaker 2: stomp them, and they did so. The Democrats were on
• 24:15
  Speaker 2: the left, but there were limits as to how far
• 24:17
  Speaker 2: left they would all this crazy stuff they're talking about now,
• 24:21
  Speaker 2: they didn't do that. Then why didn't they pack the
• 24:24
  Speaker 2: Supreme Court? They controlled the House of Representatives for nearly
• 24:29
  Speaker 2: I think there were a couple of years. It was
• 24:31
  Speaker 2: like it was like thirty years. I think the entire
• 24:35
  Speaker 2: nineteen sixties and seventies, the House was Democrat and the
• 24:40
  Speaker 2: Senate for most of that time, the Republican leader of
• 24:43
  Speaker 2: the House was always the minority leader. I know one
• 24:48
  Speaker 2: of them, Bob Michael from Peoria, Illinois. You might have
• 24:51
  Speaker 2: known that name. You're from Illinois. Do you ever hear
• 24:53
  Speaker 2: of Bob Michael. Yeah, the old old bull Democrat. You know,
• 24:57
  Speaker 2: happy as it can be to just be in the
• 24:59
  Speaker 2: minority there and have this little pompous, ineffectual power and
• 25:04
  Speaker 2: all of that. They had it forever. So during that
• 25:06
  Speaker 2: time that they controlled the House and the Senate and
• 25:08
  Speaker 2: had the presidency for half the time, they didn't do
• 25:11
  Speaker 2: any of this Marxist stuff. Well, Jimmy Carter is today
• 25:14
  Speaker 2: beloved by the left. When he won in seventy six,
• 25:17
  Speaker 2: he ran as a moderate to conservative Democrat. He's from
• 25:22
  Speaker 2: the South. He's the governor down there after Lester Maddocks,
• 25:27
  Speaker 2: an out and ode segregationist. What we have now is
• 25:35
  Speaker 2: a regular Democrat party that will not fight back against
• 25:40
  Speaker 2: the Marxists within their own party. Interesting story that's developed
• 25:46
  Speaker 2: over the weekend. Josh Shapiro, the governor of Pennsylvania. He
• 25:51
  Speaker 2: clearly wants to run for president in twenty eight. Tricky
• 25:56
  Speaker 2: thing here for Republicans that know what to do about this.
• 26:00
  Speaker 2: If Shapiro wins, it would be a good thing for
• 26:02
  Speaker 2: saving the country from Marxism, because Shapiro's not a Marxist.
• 26:06
  Speaker 2: He's just a liberal Democrat. He's in the same variety
• 26:10
  Speaker 2: as what used to be almost all other Democrats. Shapiro
• 26:19
  Speaker 2: over the weekend ripped the New York Democrat Marxist, in
• 26:24
  Speaker 2: particular a Vila Chevalier. She's the New York down who
• 26:30
  Speaker 2: won a House primary radical. She's to the left of AOC.
• 26:35
  Speaker 2: And when I say that, that's not hyperbole. She's to
• 26:37
  Speaker 2: the left of AOC. Shapiro specifically went out and targeted
• 26:42
  Speaker 2: her and then said there's a battle for the future
• 26:46
  Speaker 2: of the party. So Shapiro has figured out his strategy
• 26:49
  Speaker 2: for running in twenty eight He's going after the Marxist
• 26:53
  Speaker 2: and he's going to try to take this campaign national,
• 26:55
  Speaker 2: and he's banking that the majority of Democrat voters are
• 26:59
  Speaker 2: not yet Marxist. He recognizes AOC's probably running. The thought
• 27:08
  Speaker 2: that many on the fire left believe is if you
• 27:11
  Speaker 2: have Shapiro in there, if you have Newsome from California
• 27:16
  Speaker 2: in maybe Besher of Kentucky, you're going to have three
• 27:19
  Speaker 2: or four regular Democrats and then the fire leftist one AOC.
• 27:24
  Speaker 2: She's going to have the entire leftist vote and she'll
• 27:26
  Speaker 2: sweep to the primaries. Well, anyway, Shapiro has decided to
• 27:29
  Speaker 2: be the first one to jump in there and attack
• 27:32
  Speaker 2: the fire leftist Democrats. It may work. When Democrats have
• 27:45
  Speaker 2: tried this, When a Democrat has gone after the extreme
• 27:49
  Speaker 2: leftist elements in his party, it's generally been a hym
• 27:52
  Speaker 2: who's done it, the old Sister Soldia, but they do
• 27:56
  Speaker 2: refer to the Sister Soljia moment in which that disconnect ocur.
• 28:01
  Speaker 2: Jesse Jackson famously once attacked the fire left of his party.
• 28:05
  Speaker 2: Clinton did it several times, but again that's when the
• 28:10
  Speaker 2: overwhelming majority of Democrat voters were not actual Marxist. Now
• 28:17
  Speaker 2: we're seeing what's setting up here for twenty eight with
• 28:19
  Speaker 2: Shapiro running for president, and in order to get there,
• 28:22
  Speaker 2: he's going to have to defeat candidates to the left
• 28:24
  Speaker 2: of him, and he intends to do so by saying,
• 28:27
  Speaker 2: I'm a candidate from the middle. I'm not a Republican
• 28:30
  Speaker 2: Trump all that, they're terrible, but I'm not a Marxist.
• 28:35
  Speaker 2: But here in Wisconsin, where we have a governor's election
• 28:38
  Speaker 2: this fall. You have several non Marxist Democrats running for
• 28:43
  Speaker 2: I would say Sarah Rodriguez is very liberal but not
• 28:46
  Speaker 2: quite a Marxist. David Crowley, the Milwaukee County executive, very liberal,
• 28:51
  Speaker 2: very ineffectual, but not a Marxist. Joel Brennan, who had
• 28:56
  Speaker 2: been the hope of the centrist Democrats, clearly not a Marxist.
• 29:05
  Speaker 2: But you've got Kel de Roy's over there who's close
• 29:07
  Speaker 2: to Marxist, and Francesca han who is. But what has
• 29:12
  Speaker 2: not happened and people keep saying, well, it won't happen
• 29:15
  Speaker 2: until we get close out of the election. We're about
• 29:17
  Speaker 2: five weeks. There's been no attacking of the number two candidate,
• 29:26
  Speaker 2: Barns for all of his skeletons in his closet, and
• 29:29
  Speaker 2: there's been zero attacking of Francesca Hawn. Now I know
• 29:33
  Speaker 2: why they're not doing it. They're terrified of the left
• 29:36
  Speaker 2: wing of their party. These people, the Antifa crowd, these
• 29:40
  Speaker 2: people are vicious. You've seen how they've gone after Conservatives.
• 29:45
  Speaker 2: You've seen how they've gone after Trump's Trump. You've seen
• 29:48
  Speaker 2: the kind of demonstrations, You've seen their open willingness to
• 29:51
  Speaker 2: endorse violets. I think they're afraid to do it. They're
• 29:59
  Speaker 2: afraid to be on receiving end of criticism from within
• 30:01
  Speaker 2: their own party, from the left wing of their party.
• 30:04
  Speaker 2: But if they don't do it, they're gonna lose, and
• 30:11
  Speaker 2: then we'll face the showdown. You'll have Tiffany the Republican
• 30:17
  Speaker 2: running if she then again she wins against it openly
• 30:20
  Speaker 2: Marxist candidate in Hang. Many Democrats believe they should roll
• 30:25
  Speaker 2: the dice, the ones who are really radical, roll the
• 30:29
  Speaker 2: dice and do it for Houng because this is expected
• 30:31
  Speaker 2: to be nationally a big Democrat year and just the
• 30:33
  Speaker 2: anti Trump thing that will carry her in. And then
• 30:36
  Speaker 2: they've got the state and they can make us the
• 30:39
  Speaker 2: model from marxistmlicon. There's so many people I know this.
• 30:42
  Speaker 2: Listen to me right now. Oh, they won't do that,
• 30:44
  Speaker 2: they won't do that, they won't do that. I don't
• 30:46
  Speaker 2: know what it is that these lefties have to do
• 30:48
  Speaker 2: to convince you that if they get power, they will
• 30:50
  Speaker 2: do all of this. Do you ever think California would
• 30:55
  Speaker 2: be running around with millions of illegal immigrants openly taking
• 30:59
  Speaker 2: a of all of their benefits, that you'd have people
• 31:07
  Speaker 2: whizzing and crapping and puking on the streets in San
• 31:10
  Speaker 2: Francisco and being give a nice pat on the head
• 31:13
  Speaker 2: for doing so. Would you have thought that the state
• 31:17
  Speaker 2: of Minnesota would simply let somalions come in and scan
• 31:21
  Speaker 2: the social service systems and make hundreds of thousands millions
• 31:25
  Speaker 2: of dollars. Everything they say they're going to do, they're
• 31:32
  Speaker 2: going to do. I remember another one. I've thesen another one.
• 31:37
  Speaker 2: This isn't so much socialism, but it's extremism. There's actually
• 31:41
  Speaker 2: if you want to google this stuff up, you can
• 31:43
  Speaker 2: find proof of the point that I'm making. When the
• 31:45
  Speaker 2: shav of Iran was overthrown by the fundamentalists, the Iatola
• 31:53
  Speaker 2: Kamane was Comany, not the one who's just we just
• 31:56
  Speaker 2: killed Comany. Comeny was the first one. There were a
• 31:59
  Speaker 2: lot of stories in the Western media, especially the New
• 32:01
  Speaker 2: York Times, the New York Times, It's just uncanny forever
• 32:04
  Speaker 2: has gotten the big turns in history. Rang You can
• 32:07
  Speaker 2: even go back to the early communist movement in Russia.
• 32:12
  Speaker 2: The New York Times reporter who covered Moscow, as it
• 32:16
  Speaker 2: later turns out, was on the take, was he was
• 32:19
  Speaker 2: actually a Russian operative but they were reporting, Oh, this
• 32:22
  Speaker 2: is going to be wonderful, and it's not gonna be bad.
• 32:24
  Speaker 2: It's not gonna be bad. It's not gonna be bad.
• 32:26
  Speaker 2: They're stylid cracking down and killing everybody and throwing them
• 32:29
  Speaker 2: and it's not gonna be bad. Anyway, when the cha
• 32:35
  Speaker 2: fell and the iotol and the fundamentalist came in, this
• 32:37
  Speaker 2: is before they took the American hostages. There are all
• 32:40
  Speaker 2: these reports, Oh, they're much more moderate than you think.
• 32:42
  Speaker 2: These are reasonable people. They've tried to sell them offs
• 32:47
  Speaker 2: and hisbala is that the myth of the reasonable Marxist.
• 32:55
  Speaker 2: I'm sure back in the day that there are people
• 32:58
  Speaker 2: in the United States who just assumed that after Castro,
• 33:00
  Speaker 2: when there'd be free elections, the churches would continue to operate,
• 33:03
  Speaker 2: there'd still be hotels, there'd still be freedom. Well, they'll
• 33:09
  Speaker 2: never do that. After the political report of this manifesto
• 33:14
  Speaker 2: that I mentioned a little bit earlier, Trump weighed in
• 33:16
  Speaker 2: on this. A lot of people don't like the fact
• 33:19
  Speaker 2: that he's weighed in on it. During the Fourth of
• 33:22
  Speaker 2: July celebration on Friday, he took shots at the soul
• 33:28
  Speaker 2: called social democrats and socialist democrats, callte. These are not
• 33:34
  Speaker 2: social democrats. They are hardcore godless communists. They're godless communists.
• 33:41
  Speaker 2: Now people say, oh, that's just Trump being Trump. How
• 33:46
  Speaker 2: many of these people on the hard fire left believe
• 33:48
  Speaker 2: in God and they're certainly communists. You go back to
• 33:54
  Speaker 2: the principles of Karl Marx, you go back to the
• 33:56
  Speaker 2: original communists. Everything those people believed in. That's what the leftist.
• 34:03
  Speaker 2: All communists are godless. By the way, there's a reason
• 34:06
  Speaker 2: for that. God in religion again is something that threatens them.
• 34:11
  Speaker 2: Communists want total thought control, They want control of everything.
• 34:15
  Speaker 2: They believe that they are right and it is in
• 34:20
  Speaker 2: their best interests. The benevolent dictator will take care of you.
• 34:25
  Speaker 2: That's the one thing that the capitalist communists, the Chinese
• 34:28
  Speaker 2: communists have in common with the other. None of them
• 34:32
  Speaker 2: believe that the individuals have any right to dissent at all.
• 34:35
  Speaker 2: Back to Trope, they don't believe in God. This is
• 34:38
  Speaker 2: the most serious threat to our country since it exists existence.
• 34:42
  Speaker 2: I would say this in the Civil War when the
• 34:45
  Speaker 2: South refused to accede to the wishes of the rest
• 34:47
  Speaker 2: to get rid of their slaves, and they fought a
• 34:50
  Speaker 2: war that certainly was a threat to our existence, because
• 34:53
  Speaker 2: if the South had one, we would have lost the
• 34:55
  Speaker 2: southern half of the country. You know, there are actually
• 34:58
  Speaker 2: books written back when I was in what if the
• 35:00
  Speaker 2: South had won the Civil War? The question is how
• 35:02
  Speaker 2: long slavery would have lasted, because slavery is dying all
• 35:06
  Speaker 2: over the world at the same time. Let's imagine the
• 35:09
  Speaker 2: Confederacy had won the North, said Uncle Lynn. The secession
• 35:12
  Speaker 2: continued in the Confederate States of America, just stayed and
• 35:15
  Speaker 2: there was a separate country. How long before they internally?
• 35:20
  Speaker 2: I think it would have lasted a lot longer than
• 35:21
  Speaker 2: people think. All those states were democrats. All of the
• 35:26
  Speaker 2: people who voted against the civil rights legislation of the
• 35:28
  Speaker 2: nineteen sixties, there were all democrats. They were segregationist. Segregationist
• 35:33
  Speaker 2: governors are being elected as late as the nineteen sixties.
• 35:35
  Speaker 2: Maddox and Georgia. I think at seventy I think they
• 35:39
  Speaker 2: might have kept slaves for one hundred years. They're separate,
• 35:42
  Speaker 2: rogue country there down there. Anyway, Trump is saying this
• 35:47
  Speaker 2: is our gravest threat since the beginning of our nation.
• 35:49
  Speaker 2: I'd say I'd be right there. With the Civil War,
• 35:52
  Speaker 2: this is the first time However, the capitalism has ever
• 35:57
  Speaker 2: been questioned in our country. Capitalism and freedom are equated.
• 36:02
  Speaker 2: You can't have freedom without capitalism, and you can't have
• 36:04
  Speaker 2: capitalism without freedom. Freedom means the ability to go out
• 36:10
  Speaker 2: there and make money and keep it. It means that
• 36:13
  Speaker 2: you don't have to give it all to the government.
• 36:15
  Speaker 2: You don't need anybody's permission to go out and do
• 36:17
  Speaker 2: certain things within limits. It's been accepted generally by both parties.
• 36:25
  Speaker 2: To the point is I say, I mean forever, even
• 36:27
  Speaker 2: doing my show, I call said some Democrat would do
• 36:30
  Speaker 2: something and I'd say, you're a socialist, and they all
• 36:31
  Speaker 2: deny it. It was the biggest slur. And they went from
• 36:36
  Speaker 2: denying it, denying and denying it to coming out and
• 36:39
  Speaker 2: openly at betigate. And now nobody in the party criticizes
• 36:44
  Speaker 2: anybody else in the party who says they're a socialist.
• 36:48
  Speaker 2: We're gonna see this in Milwaukee. There's gonna be one
• 36:51
  Speaker 2: of them that's gonna run for mayor in twenty eight.
• 36:53
  Speaker 2: It might be Ryan Clancy, it might be somebody else,
• 36:57
  Speaker 2: and he's gonna run against Little Mayor Chevy or Mayor
• 36:59
  Speaker 2: Kevliu Johnson. One wonders will Johnson fight back and tell
• 37:06
  Speaker 2: Milwaukee Marxist will destroy our city, that these people are dangerous.
• 37:14
  Speaker 2: Oh there is rollover, and will Ryan Clancy be the
• 37:17
  Speaker 2: mayor of Milwaukee. All economic development will end, twenty five
• 37:21
  Speaker 2: thousand homeless people will be living on the street, and
• 37:23
  Speaker 2: the police will be under instructions to arrest virtually nobody.
• 37:28
  Speaker 2: Then it'll simply be what we have in Chicago, where
• 37:30
  Speaker 2: police aren't even allowed to chase, where street takers takeovers
• 37:36
  Speaker 2: aren't the occasional event, they're constant. Don't know, parallel topic here.
• 37:47
  Speaker 2: This is the subject of my newspaper column this week,
• 37:49
  Speaker 2: but I want to address it in brief here because
• 37:51
  Speaker 2: it relates the many people who have written. And I'm
• 37:57
  Speaker 2: going to use Milwaukee. For those of you outside of Milwaukee,
• 38:00
  Speaker 2: it's as long as I've got to use an example,
• 38:02
  Speaker 2: why not use Milwaukee. I'm most familiar with it, and
• 38:05
  Speaker 2: we have a lot of people who live in the
• 38:06
  Speaker 2: area who are from anyway. Milwaukee was a boomtown for
• 38:13
  Speaker 2: the first half of the twentieth century. It essentially was
• 38:20
  Speaker 2: middle class America. And that's because Milwaukee was a tremendous
• 38:25
  Speaker 2: industrial city. Many of the big cities were certain industries
• 38:30
  Speaker 2: tended to be concentrated in certain cities. You know, Pittsburgh
• 38:35
  Speaker 2: was steel, Detroit was cars, Milwaukee was beer, and a
• 38:42
  Speaker 2: lot of heavy industry, lots of stuff that were made
• 38:45
  Speaker 2: with metal were in Milwaukee. Most of these factories were unionized,
• 38:51
  Speaker 2: and because they were unionized, the wages and benefits were
• 38:54
  Speaker 2: pretty dog gone good and all of almost all of
• 38:58
  Speaker 2: those companies either left, died, or the jobs ended up
• 39:04
  Speaker 2: being exported to Mexico and China. A few of the names.
• 39:08
  Speaker 2: Aosmith was a big employer. That company still exists, but
• 39:11
  Speaker 2: they don't do what they did back in the day.
• 39:13
  Speaker 2: Alice Chalmers American Motors. They had a car manufacturing company
• 39:17
  Speaker 2: big plan in Milwaukee. Numerous others that are still here
• 39:23
  Speaker 2: have downsized, Briggs and Stratton, Masterlock, even Harley Davidson is downsized.
• 39:31
  Speaker 2: But then to Milwaukee is just factory after factory after
• 39:33
  Speaker 2: factory after factory, after factor after factory, and many have
• 39:36
  Speaker 2: pointed out this is not simply a conservative argument. Many
• 39:39
  Speaker 2: of the left to pointed out that the economic problems
• 39:42
  Speaker 2: that occurred in Milwaukee, which many people blame on all
• 39:46
  Speaker 2: manner of things, will accurately point out that the city
• 39:50
  Speaker 2: lost all of these manufacturing jobs that it lost its
• 39:54
  Speaker 2: middle class, and indeed there is no middle class anymore
• 39:57
  Speaker 2: in Milwaukee. There are well off people and there are
• 40:00
  Speaker 2: poor people with passes for a middle class. There's some
• 40:05
  Speaker 2: on the southwest side, some on the east side, but
• 40:08
  Speaker 2: by and large it's a city of a few halves
• 40:11
  Speaker 2: and a lot of have nots. And it's certainly true
• 40:14
  Speaker 2: that the employment base is part of it. And that
• 40:15
  Speaker 2: employment base shifted for a lot of reasons. Some of
• 40:18
  Speaker 2: the factories wanted to leave because of the crime in
• 40:22
  Speaker 2: the cities, but most of it was simply manufacturing jobs
• 40:25
  Speaker 2: started moving overseas. The unions had priced themselves out of existence.
• 40:30
  Speaker 2: Companies started making things in Mexico, and then the Chinese
• 40:33
  Speaker 2: thing occurred. You can blame Nixon for that. Nixon, the
• 40:38
  Speaker 2: United States had zero relationship and no trade it all
• 40:40
  Speaker 2: with China. Nixon went to China. The lefties all loved
• 40:43
  Speaker 2: that met with the Chinese. The relationship thawed, and we
• 40:47
  Speaker 2: gradually went to this periad to which there was a
• 40:49
  Speaker 2: lot of trade, which meant American companies had all their
• 40:54
  Speaker 2: crap built in China and the stuff would be sent
• 40:56
  Speaker 2: back to the United States. Well This killed the manufacturing industry,
• 40:59
  Speaker 2: and the manufacturing industry was largely in the cities. The
• 41:02
  Speaker 2: other places it was was in the medium cities dotting
• 41:05
  Speaker 2: across the United States, for example northern Wisconsin paper mills.
• 41:12
  Speaker 2: The manufacturing that stayed here has stayed and lasted because
• 41:17
  Speaker 2: it's simply cheaper to make the stuff here than it
• 41:19
  Speaker 2: is to put it on a boat and bring it
• 41:20
  Speaker 2: over from China. But the backbone economically of a city
• 41:27
  Speaker 2: like Milwaukee was industrial manufacturing. And when it declined, when
• 41:34
  Speaker 2: the jobs were more office type jobs and they started
• 41:40
  Speaker 2: to locate primarily in the suburbs. Look at some of
• 41:42
  Speaker 2: the large employers that we have for healthcare. Healthcare another
• 41:47
  Speaker 2: huge job provider. Most of the big hospitals are either
• 41:50
  Speaker 2: on the edge of Milwaukee were out there in the suburbs.
• 41:54
  Speaker 2: A lot of the big booming companies decided that they
• 41:57
  Speaker 2: weren't going to be in the city. Story in Milwaukee.
• 42:00
  Speaker 2: Saffisser based in Brookfield. It's now kind of all over
• 42:04
  Speaker 2: the place, including New York, but most of these jobs
• 42:09
  Speaker 2: were into the city. Northwestern Mutual. It since reverse course,
• 42:14
  Speaker 2: but in the eighties and the nineties they started to
• 42:16
  Speaker 2: move outside the city. For those of you knew here.
• 42:18
  Speaker 2: They built this massive campus kind of on the edge
• 42:23
  Speaker 2: of Oak Creek and Franklin. You're twenty seventh and I
• 42:26
  Speaker 2: think Rawsen's the cross Street. They had their big old
• 42:30
  Speaker 2: headquarters in downtown Milwaukee, but the big or newer and
• 42:32
  Speaker 2: more modern one was out there in the suburbs, and
• 42:35
  Speaker 2: many people felt that they were simply going to move
• 42:37
  Speaker 2: the whole company down there. Eventually they realized it's really
• 42:39
  Speaker 2: stupid to have some jobs here and some jobs there.
• 42:42
  Speaker 2: They consolidated, and they consolidated downtown. The millennials created that.
• 42:46
  Speaker 2: Millennials didn't want to live in suburbs. They wanted to
• 42:48
  Speaker 2: live in the cities. So you still have Northwestern Mutual.
• 42:52
  Speaker 2: That would be industry isn't the right word. You can
• 42:55
  Speaker 2: call I guess financial services in industry. But it's not
• 42:58
  Speaker 2: heavy industry. It's not making things that they're hands, it's
• 43:00
  Speaker 2: not factories. But those jobs tend to be at least
• 43:07
  Speaker 2: somewhat skilled. The regular old factory jobs in which the
• 43:11
  Speaker 2: skill was a trade that you learn. You'll learn how
• 43:13
  Speaker 2: to run this machine and work this machine, et cetera.
• 43:16
  Speaker 2: They went away. I know that this is taking forever,
• 43:18
  Speaker 2: but I'm laying the base to make a point here.
• 43:21
  Speaker 2: So you end up with these cities, and if you
• 43:25
  Speaker 2: travel across the United States, most cities I like this,
• 43:29
  Speaker 2: your drive through the central cities, all these areas where
• 43:31
  Speaker 2: the factories were, it's just all empty lots. And then
• 43:34
  Speaker 2: there's housing. A lot of the housing is substandard and
• 43:37
  Speaker 2: much of the housing is empty. I worked in Saint Joe,
• 43:42
  Speaker 2: Michigan in nineteen eighty. I only went to Detroit, I
• 43:47
  Speaker 2: think two or three times. That was on the other
• 43:48
  Speaker 2: side of the state. Saint Joe, Michigan, straight across Lake Michigan, Chicago.
• 43:52
  Speaker 2: Saint Joe Betton Harbor. Have you ever been there? Jason Oh,
• 43:58
  Speaker 2: Michigan City, New Buffalo, right below the Saint Joe Betton Harbor.
• 44:01
  Speaker 2: Do you know about that community? Oddest place in the world.
• 44:04
  Speaker 2: They're twin city. Saint Joseph is like if you think
• 44:06
  Speaker 2: Elm Grove here and Beton Harbor is one of the
• 44:09
  Speaker 2: most impoverished cities in America anyway. It just yeah, well,
• 44:13
  Speaker 2: whirlpools in Beton Harbor. But it's in the part of
• 44:16
  Speaker 2: Benton Harbor that actually isn't the city of Beton Harbor.
• 44:19
  Speaker 2: It's like North Anyway Citytroit was on the other part
• 44:23
  Speaker 2: of the statement from my job. There are a couple
• 44:24
  Speaker 2: of two or three times I think I had to
• 44:25
  Speaker 2: go to Detroit and you know, I'm exploring. What do
• 44:29
  Speaker 2: I know. I'm driving my beautiful sixty eight Camaro convertible
• 44:32
  Speaker 2: which was actually a beater. Then I was driving to Detroit,
• 44:36
  Speaker 2: just amazing. The auto companies had already begun the exodus.
• 44:40
  Speaker 2: You go block after block in the inner city, which
• 44:42
  Speaker 2: was high crime, and it was just there was tumbleweeds going.
• 44:45
  Speaker 2: It was like the desert. Well, this happened to all
• 44:50
  Speaker 2: of these cities, and the cities were harmed because the
• 44:54
  Speaker 2: factories tended to be, as I said, in medium sized
• 44:56
  Speaker 2: cities like you know, Wassaw, Wisconsin, Rapids and so on,
• 45:00
  Speaker 2: and then in the big cities that's what they were.
• 45:05
  Speaker 2: They're gone. There is an opportunity right now for them
• 45:12
  Speaker 2: to come back, at least somewhat. We have a brand
• 45:20
  Speaker 2: new industry. Brand new. It's and I'll use the term
• 45:30
  Speaker 2: factories and expland it in a moment. Its factories are huge,
• 45:36
  Speaker 2: and you got to put them somewhere. And you don't
• 45:41
  Speaker 2: see a lot of factories sitting in a suburban community,
• 45:43
  Speaker 2: factories of any type. You know when Goodyear was having
• 45:48
  Speaker 2: its rubber plants for as Goodyear, are they in akron
• 45:51
  Speaker 2: Am I right about that? Yeah, I mix them up
• 45:54
  Speaker 2: with Firestone. Maybe they're both there. Ohio is a big
• 45:57
  Speaker 2: state for rubber anyway, I'm sure they don't put them
• 46:01
  Speaker 2: in whatever their version of Mechwan is in the city,
• 46:05
  Speaker 2: just like Harley Spencer, mostly in the city master elections
• 46:08
  Speaker 2: in the city. There is now an industry that is
• 46:11
  Speaker 2: putting up I'll use the term loosely factories right and left.
• 46:19
  Speaker 2: And it's in land that would be conducive for factories
• 46:23
  Speaker 2: because it used to be factories. It's in land that's
• 46:27
  Speaker 2: not quiet. It's a mix of commercial and residential, and
• 46:34
  Speaker 2: lord knows there's a lot of land available. It's the
• 46:36
  Speaker 2: data centers. The data centers are the industrial revolution of
• 46:41
  Speaker 2: this century, the twenty first century. They're going to be
• 46:45
  Speaker 2: going up in the same way that factories are going up,
• 46:48
  Speaker 2: putting up cars and making all the factories that were
• 46:53
  Speaker 2: built between nineteen hundred and nineteen forty, it's the same
• 46:55
  Speaker 2: thing with the data centers. Obviously, is objection to putting
• 47:03
  Speaker 2: these data centers right next to where people live. With
• 47:06
  Speaker 2: the big power lines, the use of the water. There's
• 47:13
  Speaker 2: backlash against it all over the place, But those data
• 47:18
  Speaker 2: centers would be a lot better for a central city
• 47:20
  Speaker 2: of say Milwaukee, then the abandoned nothingness that is where
• 47:23
  Speaker 2: all of the old factories oncewhere, and there would be
• 47:30
  Speaker 2: an employment based that could come from the city. Data
• 47:33
  Speaker 2: centers are like everything else. Some of the jobs are skilled,
• 47:35
  Speaker 2: some are unskilled. There's still people cleaning those buildings and
• 47:38
  Speaker 2: people working in the kitchens and all of that stuff.
• 47:46
  Speaker 2: One of the largest data centers on planet Earth right
• 47:49
  Speaker 2: now is in southern Racine County. There's been a little
• 47:53
  Speaker 2: bit of opposition. A few people are going are file
• 47:55
  Speaker 2: in a lawsuit over this, but it went up with
• 47:58
  Speaker 2: ah if opposite was on a scale of one to
• 48:01
  Speaker 2: one hundred, one hundred is overwhelming, unbelievable opposition and zero
• 48:05
  Speaker 2: is not a peep. It was like a four. Part
• 48:09
  Speaker 2: of it is the land was approved for fox Con.
• 48:11
  Speaker 2: They weren't going to do a data center, They're going
• 48:13
  Speaker 2: to be manufacturing, and well there was some griping over
• 48:15
  Speaker 2: that because it was Scott Walker's deal. There wasn't a
• 48:18
  Speaker 2: lot and once fox Con fizzled. Microsoft just decided to
• 48:22
  Speaker 2: take over the property, and from the minute, from the
• 48:24
  Speaker 2: first word, they said, we're going to do a data center,
• 48:27
  Speaker 2: and it was Tony Heavers announced the deal. It was Lefty,
• 48:30
  Speaker 2: but it's kind of fine with that. They built the thing.
• 48:33
  Speaker 2: There may be another one, but the first one is
• 48:35
  Speaker 2: built out, and Microsoft says that that data center center
• 48:39
  Speaker 2: is essentially the most powerful supercomputer in the world. There
• 48:43
  Speaker 2: has been very little opposition. I didn't say none, but
• 48:47
  Speaker 2: it's still been very little, partly because it's cited well,
• 48:53
  Speaker 2: there is no housing right adjacent to it. When the
• 48:56
  Speaker 2: fox Con deal occurred, some of the housing was bought out,
• 49:00
  Speaker 2: so the housing is a relative distance away. When I
• 49:03
  Speaker 2: say that it's in versine is it's actually to the
• 49:05
  Speaker 2: west of the city. It's just north of the Rasining
• 49:08
  Speaker 2: Kenosha County line. I think Kara is the name of
• 49:11
  Speaker 2: the road there. It's between Highway eleven and there and
• 49:16
  Speaker 2: a little bit to the east, in other words, toward
• 49:18
  Speaker 2: the lake from the interstate, but well to the west
• 49:20
  Speaker 2: of the city ever seat. So it's perfectly sighted in
• 49:24
  Speaker 2: terms of having a massive operation in which you can
• 49:27
  Speaker 2: have all these jobs, all this money, and now all
• 49:30
  Speaker 2: of the companies that will develop to service this. You
• 49:37
  Speaker 2: do the same thing in a city like Milwaukee. In fact,
• 49:40
  Speaker 2: there is a tiny When I've seen the description of this,
• 49:46
  Speaker 2: you know, that's the other thing. People, particularly leftists, as
• 49:49
  Speaker 2: I say, they're stupid. They think every data center has
• 49:52
  Speaker 2: to be huge. The data centers same as factories. There
• 49:55
  Speaker 2: are tiny factories. Think at some of like the little
• 49:57
  Speaker 2: machine shops that used to be one of the backbones
• 49:59
  Speaker 2: of Milwaukee. Nine people work there, and then there's a
• 50:03
  Speaker 2: factory like the old Briggs and Stratton plant that used
• 50:06
  Speaker 2: to have a couple thousand and three thousand. The same
• 50:08
  Speaker 2: thing is true of the data centers. We have a
• 50:12
  Speaker 2: property in Milwaukee. It's been called Midtown way back when
• 50:16
  Speaker 2: there was a shopping center there and after that went
• 50:18
  Speaker 2: under azilion thirty years ago, forty whenever was twenty five
• 50:24
  Speaker 2: Walmart came in, any even Walmart left. It's right in
• 50:29
  Speaker 2: the center of the city, near Capital Drive. It's just
• 50:33
  Speaker 2: sitting there nothing. There's nothing worse in a central city
• 50:38
  Speaker 2: than they have these giant, empty lots of nothing they're
• 50:41
  Speaker 2: having for people to go and meet up and do
• 50:43
  Speaker 2: drugs or who knows what else. When the buildings are
• 50:46
  Speaker 2: still standing. Same problem that we faced at Northridge. Anyway,
• 50:52
  Speaker 2: a company has come in with a proposal to use
• 50:54
  Speaker 2: that property for two things, storage facilities and a very
• 51:01
  Speaker 2: small data center. Again, you'll get lefty saying, well, this
• 51:06
  Speaker 2: is not what we want. We want housing. You may
• 51:09
  Speaker 2: want all the housing that you want, you still need
• 51:11
  Speaker 2: to have somebody who's decided I'm going to spend seventy
• 51:14
  Speaker 2: five million dollars to put up this housing because I
• 51:16
  Speaker 2: can make a buck. If somebody could make a buck
• 51:18
  Speaker 2: putting up more housing in the central city of Milwaukee,
• 51:20
  Speaker 2: they'd be putting up more housing in the central city
• 51:22
  Speaker 2: of Milwaukee. But let's go back to what Milwaukee was.
• 51:28
  Speaker 2: It was an industrial city. Now, let me make a
• 51:31
  Speaker 2: point here. That's an outstanding point as opposed to the
• 51:34
  Speaker 2: other points that have merely been dealing quality good. If
• 51:40
  Speaker 2: today's lefties were around in nineteen twenty five, they would
• 51:46
  Speaker 2: have opposed Harley, They would have opposed the breweries. They
• 51:50
  Speaker 2: would have opposed Alice Chalmers. All those places were making
• 51:55
  Speaker 2: stuff that added to the carbon footprint. We're making engines,
• 51:58
  Speaker 2: we're making metal stuff. They would have objected and bitched
• 52:02
  Speaker 2: the same way they were to the data centers. Interesting,
• 52:07
  Speaker 2: the lay Milwaukee was run by actual socialists in but
• 52:10
  Speaker 2: those weren't the socialists of today. They actually understood the
• 52:13
  Speaker 2: need for family supporting jobs and economic activity in the city.
• 52:19
  Speaker 2: So the Milwaukee Plan Commission, they all the meeting last
• 52:21
  Speaker 2: week and they put the thing on hold because I
• 52:24
  Speaker 2: grew up. They actually called themselves this Socialists and Liberation
• 52:27
  Speaker 2: Party for Socialism and liberation. They objected to this data center.
• 52:32
  Speaker 2: Here's how tiny the data center is. We hear that
• 52:34
  Speaker 2: these data centers use all this water. Do you know
• 52:37
  Speaker 2: how much water the data center in Milwaukee was going
• 52:39
  Speaker 2: to use? Five gallons a day. I go through that,
• 52:46
  Speaker 2: do I? Well? Yeah, I think I go through that
• 52:48
  Speaker 2: when I wash my clothes, don't I? I certainly go
• 52:51
  Speaker 2: through that through my showers, five gallons a day. In
• 52:54
  Speaker 2: other words, its footprint would be very small. It would
• 52:57
  Speaker 2: be just that it would be a small data center.
• 53:03
  Speaker 2: They're objecting to it, and it probably won't happen. And
• 53:07
  Speaker 2: my guess is the same thing will happen all over
• 53:08
  Speaker 2: the United States. We do know this. The data centers
• 53:10
  Speaker 2: will be somewhere and certainly a lot of and the
• 53:14
  Speaker 2: data centers are like everything else. Everybody wants when six
• 53:17
  Speaker 2: miles away, but nobody wants them next to them. And
• 53:19
  Speaker 2: when the data centers come in, Ultimately they're going to result.
• 53:22
  Speaker 2: Certainly a lot of these data centers will be automated,
• 53:25
  Speaker 2: but just by nature, you're going to have to have
• 53:27
  Speaker 2: a lot of jobs, and a lot of jobs in
• 53:30
  Speaker 2: areas that don't have anything to do with data center, security, landscaping,
• 53:35
  Speaker 2: plumbing services, food service, all the stuff that occurs, snowplowers,
• 53:41
  Speaker 2: everything that you can imagine. Think of all the things
• 53:44
  Speaker 2: that serve you know, any company. Think of Northwestern Mutual
• 53:47
  Speaker 2: and downtown Milwaukee and the number of people who work
• 53:49
  Speaker 2: there or work with them who have nothing to do
• 53:51
  Speaker 2: themselves with life insurance or financial planning or services. And
• 53:58
  Speaker 2: my guess is the cities that are now run by
• 54:00
  Speaker 2: radicals will blow it and these things will all be somewhere.
• 54:03
  Speaker 2: Hopefully they won't be overseas, but it's because if they are,
• 54:07
  Speaker 2: you know, we're talking about will AI kill jobs or not. Well,
• 54:09
  Speaker 2: we do know this. The creation of storage facilities, tech facilities,
• 54:14
  Speaker 2: data facilities, and so on, they will have to be
• 54:18
  Speaker 2: the replacement. Just the construction of these things. Over the
• 54:21
  Speaker 2: next ten to twenty years, you're talking about tens of
• 54:24
  Speaker 2: thousands of jobs, most unionized, not all, but most. The
• 54:34
  Speaker 2: key on the data centers, as I've said, is you
• 54:36
  Speaker 2: want to get as many of them as you possibly can,
• 54:39
  Speaker 2: because the economics are going to be outstanding. My guess
• 54:41
  Speaker 2: is that in the end, almost all the data centers
• 54:42
  Speaker 2: will be in the red cities, which will produce so
• 54:45
  Speaker 2: much revenue that they'll have the ability to lower taxes
• 54:47
  Speaker 2: even further, and the blue cities will turn up their
• 54:50
  Speaker 2: noses at them and they'll continue to have a bunch
• 54:52
  Speaker 2: of nothing. In the same way Mandani is kicking all
• 54:55
  Speaker 2: the businesses out of New York but trying to tax
• 54:57
  Speaker 2: them to death. You're going to see communities like Milwaukee
• 55:00
  Speaker 2: embrace well, we want a different kind of job. Well,
• 55:03
  Speaker 2: if there were other kinds of jobs that were gonna
• 55:05
  Speaker 2: go into the hood in Milwaukee, they would have done it.
• 55:09
  Speaker 2: Who do you think is going to go in there?
• 55:11
  Speaker 2: The advantage to the developer of a center is these
• 55:16
  Speaker 2: are already properly zoned. The land is already available. Going
• 55:20
  Speaker 2: out inquiring a massive amount of land on Interstate ninety four,
• 55:23
  Speaker 2: it o'conam walk costs a fortune. The data centers in
• 55:25
  Speaker 2: inner cities of Milwaukee and Chicrongo said would be cheaper,
• 55:32
  Speaker 2: but I'm not gonna guarantee this. At some point, common
• 55:36
  Speaker 2: sense may kick in and some of the people who
• 55:38
  Speaker 2: actually care about lower income people might realize that we're
• 55:41
  Speaker 2: finally going to get some money plowed into our community,
• 55:45
  Speaker 2: might bite on this. But I think the likeliest scenario
• 55:49
  Speaker 2: is if you have stupid liberals in charge, they're gonna
• 55:51
  Speaker 2: do the stupid thing. And now all of the squeaky wheel,
• 55:56
  Speaker 2: the loudest people, they're the ones on the far left.
• 56:00
  Speaker 2: The group's calling themselves socialists, and the city plan Commission,
• 56:03
  Speaker 2: which is largely appointed by a mayor who isn't a socialist,
• 56:06
  Speaker 2: they listen to these nuts. So they'd rather have gunshots
• 56:12
  Speaker 2: and murders out in the Midtown area and not punish anybody,
• 56:16
  Speaker 2: And let's have more reckless driving, but actually get some
• 56:19
  Speaker 2: economic activity in there and some jobs, and get some
• 56:21
  Speaker 2: security in there, and get some growth, and create an
• 56:25
  Speaker 2: incentive for somebody to bring in stores because people would
• 56:27
  Speaker 2: be working in there. And now, no, no, we can't
• 56:29
  Speaker 2: do that. This is on the small scale why Marxists
• 56:38
  Speaker 2: always bring destruction. They can't stand anything that makes money,
• 56:43
  Speaker 2: but anything that makes money is all of the things
• 56:46
  Speaker 2: that create a quality of life. You are listening to
• 56:50
  Speaker 2: the Mark Beelling podcast. All right, Now, here's an interesting
• 56:56
  Speaker 2: story for you. On the Markedpelling podcast. I said something.
• 57:01
  Speaker 2: I don't think it was still radio show. I think
• 57:03
  Speaker 2: it would have been last year, might have been the
• 57:06
  Speaker 2: tail ed at twenty five. I said, I thought electric
• 57:11
  Speaker 2: vehicles in America had peaked. That the percentage of electric vehicles.
• 57:17
  Speaker 2: Let's just say I said this a year ago, in
• 57:21
  Speaker 2: July of twenty five, that that's the highest percentage that
• 57:24
  Speaker 2: we would have that And I don't know what the
• 57:26
  Speaker 2: number is that. What do you think it is? Ten
• 57:28
  Speaker 2: twelve percent? There's there's teslas everywhere. I mean the Teslas
• 57:34
  Speaker 2: are the two two big selling teslas, the Why and
• 57:37
  Speaker 2: the Three. They're both in the top five of fastest
• 57:40
  Speaker 2: selling vehicles in the United States. I thought it had
• 57:44
  Speaker 2: peaked that you would have people who would buy electric
• 57:50
  Speaker 2: vehicles and most people would choose not to. And I
• 57:53
  Speaker 2: based this on a number of things. So many of
• 57:55
  Speaker 2: the conventional manufacturers that were bringing in electric vehicle lines,
• 57:58
  Speaker 2: like Ford, were shutting down their perduction of them. The
• 58:01
  Speaker 2: forty electric truck bombed didn't sell much at all, despite
• 58:06
  Speaker 2: incredible hype. Almost every automaker has electric versions of some
• 58:11
  Speaker 2: of their cars, but most of them sell very slowly.
• 58:15
  Speaker 2: It seems as though the people who want to buy
• 58:17
  Speaker 2: electric cars only want to buy them from Tesla. They
• 58:19
  Speaker 2: don't want to buy them from GM, they don't want
• 58:21
  Speaker 2: to buy them from Jaguar, they don't want to buy
• 58:23
  Speaker 2: them from many of the others. There are other electric
• 58:27
  Speaker 2: vehicle Manu. I see a fair number of Rivians out
• 58:29
  Speaker 2: there now. They make a truck in an suv and
• 58:32
  Speaker 2: they're coming up with a cheaper version of it. I
• 58:35
  Speaker 2: mean almost any time it might already be out. I'm
• 58:38
  Speaker 2: seeing some of those anyway. Second quarter, that's you have
• 58:43
  Speaker 2: to explain with the second Actually, economically, some companies don't
• 58:46
  Speaker 2: go by the calendar, but the second quarter Tesla's economic
• 58:48
  Speaker 2: year is the same as our economic year. So the April,
• 58:51
  Speaker 2: the period from April to June. April first, the June thirtieth,
• 58:54
  Speaker 2: Tesla's sales exploded. Tesla had been flat lighted are declining
• 59:00
  Speaker 2: for about a year and a half, and again part
• 59:02
  Speaker 2: of that was when Tesla rolled out the Model three
• 59:05
  Speaker 2: and the Model Y. They are the two most affordable.
• 59:07
  Speaker 2: They call the Y an suv, but it's not an suv.
• 59:10
  Speaker 2: You know which one the Y is, don't you? You
• 59:13
  Speaker 2: consider it an suv. You consider the Y and suv.
• 59:18
  Speaker 2: It doesn't look like when they and that's what's an suv.
• 59:21
  Speaker 2: It's something that looks like an suv. An suv, in
• 59:24
  Speaker 2: my opinion, is like what a station wagon was, except
• 59:27
  Speaker 2: it's built high off the ground and the styling tends
• 59:31
  Speaker 2: they have. I don't know, you know what an sup is. Anyway,
• 59:35
  Speaker 2: the three and the Y are the most affordable of
• 59:38
  Speaker 2: the Teslas, and when they both came out, and it
• 59:40
  Speaker 2: was around the same time, I mean, they have sold
• 59:43
  Speaker 2: these things like crazy. And part of the problem with
• 59:47
  Speaker 2: numbers is once you have a huge percentage increase of something,
• 59:51
  Speaker 2: it's hard. You know, you can still sell a lot,
• 59:53
  Speaker 2: but it might not match the earlier ones. The percentage
• 59:55
  Speaker 2: wise it goes down. So anyway, I thought it had peaked.
• 59:59
  Speaker 2: And since nobody also than the Tesla's having a lot
• 1:00:01
  Speaker 2: of success selling zillions of them, and Tesla didn't seem
• 1:00:06
  Speaker 2: to be all that motivated to upgrade their vehicles. I mean,
• 1:00:08
  Speaker 2: the Tesla still look the same as they did when
• 1:00:10
  Speaker 2: they first came out. I don't know why must doesn't
• 1:00:13
  Speaker 2: change the looks. I don't know that. But quarter two
• 1:00:20
  Speaker 2: deliveries which means sales, and quarter two jumped twenty five percent.
• 1:00:27
  Speaker 2: And this is without there being the introduction of a
• 1:00:30
  Speaker 2: new vehicle, the Tesla cybertruck, which is a novelty. Its
• 1:00:43
  Speaker 2: sales are not huge. Many people thought it was the
• 1:00:46
  Speaker 2: key to the future of the company. It's just too
• 1:00:48
  Speaker 2: weird of a vehicle to I think, to be a
• 1:00:50
  Speaker 2: mass appeal vehicle. As I said, when I'm in Florida,
• 1:00:52
  Speaker 2: I just see them all over the place. But they're
• 1:00:54
  Speaker 2: fashion statements. I see some around here. The thing about
• 1:00:57
  Speaker 2: one thing about the cyber truck is they don't blend
• 1:00:59
  Speaker 2: in with anything. So if there's one around, you see
• 1:01:01
  Speaker 2: that there's a cyber truck around. But the threes and
• 1:01:03
  Speaker 2: the whys are selling like crazy. Well, what happened to
• 1:01:06
  Speaker 2: the last year is gas price is spiked. What else
• 1:01:10
  Speaker 2: would explain this? Now, part of it is Tesla's doing
• 1:01:13
  Speaker 2: a better job now I'm selling their vehicles overseas. They're
• 1:01:15
  Speaker 2: flummox in China. China's trying preferring their own electric vehicles,
• 1:01:20
  Speaker 2: their own evs. Still, oil price is spiked worldwide, and
• 1:01:26
  Speaker 2: when oil goes up, of course gas goes up, and well,
• 1:01:30
  Speaker 2: no one knows how permanent this spike is, I think,
• 1:01:34
  Speaker 2: not whether it is or it isn't. It's the one
• 1:01:39
  Speaker 2: thing that you could put your finger on as to
• 1:01:41
  Speaker 2: why Tesla without introducing They didn't introduce a brand new
• 1:01:46
  Speaker 2: the three, and they still have the same five vehicles
• 1:01:48
  Speaker 2: that they've had and the only upgrading they do is
• 1:01:51
  Speaker 2: when they change the software. I mean they don't haven't
• 1:01:54
  Speaker 2: changed the look or anything like that. So without anything
• 1:01:56
  Speaker 2: else occurring, I'm just assuming that it's the oil thing.
• 1:01:58
  Speaker 2: So it's the oil prices remain somewhat elevated, let's say
• 1:02:03
  Speaker 2: above seventy eight dollars. If that's the norm, does that
• 1:02:11
  Speaker 2: mean that there's going to be the greater transition to
• 1:02:13
  Speaker 2: electric vehicles? Now, I don't have an EV. I have
• 1:02:17
  Speaker 2: a car in Florida and I have a car in Wisconsin,
• 1:02:19
  Speaker 2: and neither of them are an EV. But I acknowledge
• 1:02:23
  Speaker 2: I can't have one in Florida because I rent, and
• 1:02:26
  Speaker 2: I don't have a parking place for the charger, and
• 1:02:28
  Speaker 2: I just will never have an EV that I can't
• 1:02:30
  Speaker 2: charge at home. I'm not going to stand by a
• 1:02:33
  Speaker 2: charger for thirty minutes and watch the car charge up.
• 1:02:35
  Speaker 2: If I can't plug it at at home, I'm not
• 1:02:37
  Speaker 2: going to have one. I could have one in Milwaukee.
• 1:02:39
  Speaker 2: I've chosen not to. But I acknowledge EV's wake make
• 1:02:43
  Speaker 2: in most cases, way more sense than gasoline powered engines.
• 1:02:47
  Speaker 2: You don't need an engine, you need a motor. Now,
• 1:02:51
  Speaker 2: there's all sorts of negatives with the evs, and that's
• 1:02:53
  Speaker 2: the thing that kind of stop people from getting them,
• 1:02:55
  Speaker 2: including that if you do a lot of driving in
• 1:02:58
  Speaker 2: an individual day or eight trips and so on, they
• 1:03:01
  Speaker 2: don't take you far enough. Here in our part of
• 1:03:03
  Speaker 2: the country, the battery life is way shorter in frigid
• 1:03:06
  Speaker 2: weather that it is, say, in Florida. And I suspect
• 1:03:09
  Speaker 2: that's one of the reasons that I see them all
• 1:03:10
  Speaker 2: over the place in Florida, that the vehicle simply runs
• 1:03:14
  Speaker 2: longer because the weather's always warm and nice. And who's
• 1:03:16
  Speaker 2: said and the other thing. But if we're getting a
• 1:03:22
  Speaker 2: reset of oil prices, and the Strait of Hormuz is
• 1:03:26
  Speaker 2: a constant area of question, which again I don't think
• 1:03:32
  Speaker 2: it is. I don't think it's in the long term
• 1:03:34
  Speaker 2: interest of Iran to block the Strait of Hormuse because
• 1:03:36
  Speaker 2: Iran needs to have it's stuff running in and out
• 1:03:38
  Speaker 2: of the Strait of Hormos. So that my giant if
• 1:03:43
  Speaker 2: if if is if oil prices stay high, electric vehicles
• 1:03:48
  Speaker 2: might be starting a new boom again. To me, the
• 1:03:50
  Speaker 2: whole key is BMW is now offering on almost all
• 1:03:57
  Speaker 2: of its vehicles an electric version of the same car,
• 1:04:00
  Speaker 2: and they're not having a different name for them, like
• 1:04:02
  Speaker 2: BMW's rolling out it's new X five, that's their biggest
• 1:04:06
  Speaker 2: selling vehicle. It's their mid size suv. They're having an
• 1:04:10
  Speaker 2: electric version of it. It looks almost exactly like the
• 1:04:12
  Speaker 2: regular one. There's just the grill is a little different
• 1:04:14
  Speaker 2: because you don't need an air intake. Will they will
• 1:04:19
  Speaker 2: Of the X five's they sell, will two percent be
• 1:04:21
  Speaker 2: electric or forty? Don't know, But you do wonder if
• 1:04:27
  Speaker 2: some of the people who are opening their minds to
• 1:04:29
  Speaker 2: electric vehicles will start thinking beyond simply Tesla or maybe
• 1:04:34
  Speaker 2: a little bit of Ribon and a little bit of
• 1:04:35
  Speaker 2: the couple of the others they're in there. The only
• 1:04:38
  Speaker 2: other one, the only traditional manufacturer that I see a
• 1:04:42
  Speaker 2: lot of their I see a fair number of Cadillac
• 1:04:44
  Speaker 2: electric vehicles. But again, I'm somebody that always looks and
• 1:04:50
  Speaker 2: I'm still somebody that I used to say, the only
• 1:04:53
  Speaker 2: car that I would go down the road that I
• 1:04:54
  Speaker 2: couldn't automatically, I could, I can. You're not Are you
• 1:04:57
  Speaker 2: in the cars at all? Are? I mean? I could
• 1:05:01
  Speaker 2: when a car comes down the road almost every time,
• 1:05:03
  Speaker 2: I know the making model. I always said in the past,
• 1:05:06
  Speaker 2: I was weak on minivans, but now that's that there's
• 1:05:09
  Speaker 2: no the only minivan left is you know, like the
• 1:05:12
  Speaker 2: Pacific there's the PACIFICA, and Honda has the Odyssey, and
• 1:05:17
  Speaker 2: Chrysler has the PACIFICA. There's only two or three of them,
• 1:05:19
  Speaker 2: so that's we had it a lot easier, so I
• 1:05:21
  Speaker 2: can figure those out. By the way, I'm just the
• 1:05:23
  Speaker 2: Honda Odyssey forever has just looked at me like a hearse.
• 1:05:27
  Speaker 2: Look it looks like a hearse, doesn't it. It looks
• 1:05:30
  Speaker 2: like you should have some big guy in the back
• 1:05:32
  Speaker 2: of that thing being well, I clearly so you're a
• 1:05:36
  Speaker 2: car guy too. That uh yeah, I don't know how
• 1:05:39
  Speaker 2: to fix him or anything. I'm just getting the cars
• 1:05:40
  Speaker 2: always have them, all right, And now even if you
• 1:05:44
  Speaker 2: know how to fix them, you can't fix them because
• 1:05:46
  Speaker 2: you got to put a computer on it to tell
• 1:05:47
  Speaker 2: you what it And that's one of the things like cars.
• 1:05:50
  Speaker 2: You can't work on the cars well, but the vast
• 1:05:52
  Speaker 2: majority of people who don't want to work on their car,
• 1:05:54
  Speaker 2: they want somebody else that have to. There's far less
• 1:05:56
  Speaker 2: maintenance on them. The downside again to the ev is
• 1:06:00
  Speaker 2: if it does break down, who you're supposed to take
• 1:06:03
  Speaker 2: it to. It's not like we have zillions of ev
• 1:06:05
  Speaker 2: repair shops around all over the place. Next story here.
• 1:06:11
  Speaker 2: After Telsea Gabbard left, Trump put Bill Poulty in as
• 1:06:17
  Speaker 2: Director of National Intelligence, and a lot of people could
• 1:06:19
  Speaker 2: criticize them because he doesn't have an experience in this area.
• 1:06:22
  Speaker 2: Let me explain to you why Trump put Bill Poulty
• 1:06:24
  Speaker 2: into that job. Because he doesn't have any experience in
• 1:06:27
  Speaker 2: the area. Trump wanted his own guy in there. It's
• 1:06:34
  Speaker 2: the same reason Telsea had the job. Initially, the intelligence
• 1:06:40
  Speaker 2: community hated Telsey Gabbard because she's anti secrecy, and Trump
• 1:06:45
  Speaker 2: has not liked the Department of National and National Intelligence
• 1:06:48
  Speaker 2: because he believes that all of these people I left,
• 1:06:50
  Speaker 2: he's who conspired against him. That they had their fingerprints
• 1:06:53
  Speaker 2: all over the lives about COVID, they had their fingerprints
• 1:06:56
  Speaker 2: all over Russia, collusion, all of it. So he's put
• 1:06:59
  Speaker 2: in Pulty because he wants his own guy in there,
• 1:07:02
  Speaker 2: because he's cleaning house, and in fact many people have
• 1:07:05
  Speaker 2: been fired. There's a very interesting story here. It's been
• 1:07:09
  Speaker 2: reported over the last few days. The conclusion here is
• 1:07:14
  Speaker 2: that Trump and Poulty laid a trap for Hillary Clinton.
• 1:07:20
  Speaker 2: Much of the intelligence community dates back to the Clinton
• 1:07:22
  Speaker 2: airon If anyoney has skeletons in their closet that they
• 1:07:25
  Speaker 2: don't want coming out, it's the Clintons, the Obamas too. Anyway,
• 1:07:31
  Speaker 2: when Poulty was put in there by Trump, he disclassified
• 1:07:37
  Speaker 2: like everything. There were massive orders to take documents that
• 1:07:41
  Speaker 2: were classified and declassify them. There was a time that
• 1:07:46
  Speaker 2: people on the left would cheer this because they were
• 1:07:48
  Speaker 2: the ones that didn't like the CIA, didn't liked secrets, say,
• 1:07:50
  Speaker 2: they didn't like all this craft that the government was hiding.
• 1:07:53
  Speaker 2: Trump told them to classify everything. Hillary Clinton publicly came
• 1:07:59
  Speaker 2: out and said, well, I think gets you to take
• 1:08:03
  Speaker 2: your good time about this to make sure you're not
• 1:08:05
  Speaker 2: classifying things that need to be classified. In other words,
• 1:08:09
  Speaker 2: wink wink, not even subtle, because Hillary has no ability
• 1:08:11
  Speaker 2: to be subtle. Take your good time doing it. Now,
• 1:08:19
  Speaker 2: here's the story that's been reported in some conservative circles.
• 1:08:23
  Speaker 2: Trump and Poulty knew that's what Hillary would do. So
• 1:08:28
  Speaker 2: now Poulty in there. It's taking a look at the
• 1:08:31
  Speaker 2: entire agency and seeing which divisions are slowest to be classify.
• 1:08:36
  Speaker 2: They now know who's slow walking it, meaning these are
• 1:08:39
  Speaker 2: the ones that aren't loyal, these are the ones that
• 1:08:41
  Speaker 2: are covering crap up. That's why he put Pulty in.
• 1:08:49
  Speaker 2: Pulty would play ball on this. The one of the
• 1:08:52
  Speaker 2: issues that I think actually unites one of the few,
• 1:08:56
  Speaker 2: say the radical left and the mega movement is neither
• 1:08:59
  Speaker 2: side particularly likes all this secrecy going on in government.
• 1:09:02
  Speaker 2: What they hell the government's been funding this, that or
• 1:09:03
  Speaker 2: the other thing. And Trump in particular because he realizes
• 1:09:09
  Speaker 2: that they were working at odds with him. Quick coverage
• 1:09:13
  Speaker 2: of this story. There are some senators from both parties
• 1:09:16
  Speaker 2: who are suggesting that we need to pass federal regulation
• 1:09:19
  Speaker 2: requiring that any image that is AI generated has to
• 1:09:23
  Speaker 2: be labeled as such. I'm not a support of regulation
• 1:09:26
  Speaker 2: and not a support of big government, but I support this.
• 1:09:29
  Speaker 2: In other words, if there's a photo in the newspaper
• 1:09:31
  Speaker 2: that's AI rather than a real photo, I think it
• 1:09:34
  Speaker 2: should have to say AI as it is. If something's copyrighted,
• 1:09:38
  Speaker 2: they have to put small types saying who it is.
• 1:09:43
  Speaker 2: I think anything that's visually out there, a video, a
• 1:09:49
  Speaker 2: still photo, anything that was created by AI should simply
• 1:09:55
  Speaker 2: be labeled as such, and all it would have to
• 1:09:58
  Speaker 2: be is this was created by A. Like I don't
• 1:10:02
  Speaker 2: know the content on YouTube, it seems to me now
• 1:10:04
  Speaker 2: is half AI. Almost all of these police videos where
• 1:10:07
  Speaker 2: they do dash cam cameras and someone it's ninety six
• 1:10:11
  Speaker 2: percent of the work is AI. Somebody somewhere has to
• 1:10:14
  Speaker 2: make the open Records request to get the videos, but
• 1:10:16
  Speaker 2: they turn it over to AI. The narrator is AI.
• 1:10:18
  Speaker 2: The editing is done by AI. It's extraordinary how much
• 1:10:22
  Speaker 2: AI can do in video production. In these infant stages
• 1:10:25
  Speaker 2: of AI, you used to have to have video editors
• 1:10:28
  Speaker 2: to chop all this stuff up, and now the AI
• 1:10:30
  Speaker 2: just does it on its own. I just think it
• 1:10:32
  Speaker 2: should be labeled as AI. And therefore the grain of
• 1:10:36
  Speaker 2: salt that you take anything with you can take with that,
• 1:10:41
  Speaker 2: what do you think, Jason, you're with me on this
• 1:10:43
  Speaker 2: or are you more of a libertarian. You're a big
• 1:10:45
  Speaker 2: libertarian guy. You know, you know you're not for this,
• 1:10:47
  Speaker 2: are you. I think that I'm not a big regulation guy,
• 1:10:51
  Speaker 2: but I think it's something's AI just put on there
• 1:10:55
  Speaker 2: that it's AI. Yeah, Jason said he almost got fooled
• 1:11:02
  Speaker 2: by a video doing showprep today. I'm the most cynical
• 1:11:04
  Speaker 2: person in the world. I've been sucked in once or twice,
• 1:11:07
  Speaker 2: but hardly ever. But my thing is, I'm so cynical.
• 1:11:10
  Speaker 2: There are all sorts of things that actually are legitimate
• 1:11:12
  Speaker 2: that I assume are not. It was like, you know,
• 1:11:15
  Speaker 2: remember Gadar when you could detect if somebody was gay
• 1:11:18
  Speaker 2: before I mean most people land in the closet anymore.
• 1:11:20
  Speaker 2: I claimed I had great gaydar, except I had way
• 1:11:23
  Speaker 2: more false hits. I was like, never surprised to find
• 1:11:26
  Speaker 2: out somebody was gay, but I was many times surprised
• 1:11:28
  Speaker 2: to find out that they were straight because I put
• 1:11:30
  Speaker 2: them over in the This is what happens when you're
• 1:11:33
  Speaker 2: extremely cynical, as I am. You just you get a
• 1:11:35
  Speaker 2: lot of false hits on this stuff, but you don't
• 1:11:37
  Speaker 2: like you rarely miss anything like Another one is I
• 1:11:43
  Speaker 2: can compare it to horse racing. I think I know
• 1:11:46
  Speaker 2: who all the cheaters are. That means to the point
• 1:11:49
  Speaker 2: that I'm never surprised when somebody's caught cheating, but I
• 1:11:53
  Speaker 2: probably think that some people who aren't cheating actually are cheating.
• 1:11:56
  Speaker 2: Same thing in sports as the steroids I felt. I've
• 1:11:59
  Speaker 2: always known I was wrong about Ryan Broun. I didn't
• 1:12:01
  Speaker 2: think he was, partly because he was one of the
• 1:12:03
  Speaker 2: few guys I can think of that was caught testing
• 1:12:06
  Speaker 2: positive for drugs, who didn't have the big head, who
• 1:12:08
  Speaker 2: didn't have the over muscles. He just looked to me
• 1:12:10
  Speaker 2: like the same guy that he'd always looked like. He
• 1:12:12
  Speaker 2: didn't have the body shape. Now, some of them were easy,
• 1:12:15
  Speaker 2: even though people were in denial. I mean, if you
• 1:12:17
  Speaker 2: couldn't figure out that, you Cubs fans, you comes and
• 1:12:20
  Speaker 2: tell me you didn't know Sammy Sosa was on steroids,
• 1:12:23
  Speaker 2: he was hitting, hitting those others. And you know, Maguire
• 1:12:27
  Speaker 2: actually admitted he said he was on Anderstein Diane Andro,
• 1:12:31
  Speaker 2: which has since been banned. It was legal then, but
• 1:12:33
  Speaker 2: he came right out and said that he was ad it. Gee,
• 1:12:36
  Speaker 2: everybody's hitting seventy home runs and nobody had ever done
• 1:12:38
  Speaker 2: it before. What do you think might be causing that?
• 1:12:42
  Speaker 2: Like I remember Flo Joe who ended up dying of
• 1:12:46
  Speaker 2: overuse of steroids. She's on steroids, and you know she was.
• 1:12:52
  Speaker 2: But there are people that I probably assume that are
• 1:12:55
  Speaker 2: I mean, the most obvious case in football, the Packer
• 1:12:59
  Speaker 2: fans can really to his Tony Mandrich, who was the
• 1:13:02
  Speaker 2: most dominant defense in lineman in college football and got
• 1:13:04
  Speaker 2: to the Packers that he was skinny as a run.
• 1:13:06
  Speaker 2: I mean he was like thirty five pounds once he
• 1:13:08
  Speaker 2: signed his contract, didn't want to test positive, and he came.
• 1:13:11
  Speaker 2: He ended up having ten your career in the NFL,
• 1:13:12
  Speaker 2: but he was never that good because he lost all
• 1:13:14
  Speaker 2: of his weight mass. The other obvious one, I mean,
• 1:13:17
  Speaker 2: Walter Payton was on steroids. Who knows how great he
• 1:13:20
  Speaker 2: would have been, because in that era, when steroids were
• 1:13:22
  Speaker 2: in their early they were not only taking him, they
• 1:13:24
  Speaker 2: were taking way more than you were supposed to. When
• 1:13:26
  Speaker 2: guys were dying. Walter Payton ended up johnice Lyle Alzado.
• 1:13:31
  Speaker 2: That whole era of the seventies and eighties was just
• 1:13:34
  Speaker 2: steroid crazy because nobody there was nothing was banned, Nobody
• 1:13:38
  Speaker 2: really knew what they were and people were using them
• 1:13:41
  Speaker 2: in inappropriate moments. I've covered enough of this topic. You're
• 1:13:45
  Speaker 2: listening to the Mark Belling Podcast. Okay, all right, that's
• 1:13:52
  Speaker 2: it for today's program again, three per week. Hope everybody
• 1:13:54
  Speaker 2: had a great America two fifty weekend. Next podcast we
• 1:13:57
  Speaker 2: released on Wednesday, Talk to Then.
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