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The Doctor Who Diagnosed Freedom as Madness: Drapetomania Unmasked · Healthcare Scandal Investigations

• 0:04
  Speaker 1: In 1851, a licensed physician stood before the Medical Association
• 0:09
  Speaker 1: of Louisiana and announced a new disease. Its sole symptom
• 0:13
  Speaker 1: was the desire to be free. The diagnosis had a name,
• 0:17
  Speaker 1: a cause, and a prescribed cure, and a major journal
• 0:20
  Speaker 1: published every word of it. The word was drapetomania. It
• 0:24
  Speaker 1: came from the Greek drapetes, meaning runaway slave, and mania,
• 0:29
  Speaker 1: meaning madness. Samuel A. Cartwright had built a medical argument
• 0:33
  Speaker 1: from the ground up. Enslaved people who attempted to flee
• 0:36
  Speaker 1: their captivity were not exercising will. They were sick, and
• 0:40
  Speaker 1: he had a treatment plan. What makes this document dangerous
• 0:43
  Speaker 1: to read even now is not its cruelty alone. It
• 0:47
  Speaker 1: is the precision, the clinical language, the footnotes that point
• 0:51
  Speaker 1: to scripture and anatomy in the same breath. Cartwright was
• 0:54
  Speaker 1: not a pamphleteer writing from the margins. was by the
• 0:57
  Speaker 1: account of the evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould, a prominent
• 1:02
  Speaker 1: southern physician, a man whose professional standing gave his words
• 1:05
  Speaker 1: the weight of evidence. The paper spread through the antebellum
• 1:09
  Speaker 1: south in Debeau's Review, one of the most widely circulated
• 1:13
  Speaker 1: commercial journals of its era, and it did not disappear
• 1:16
  Speaker 1: when slavery ended. In 1914, 63 years after Cartwright presented
• 1:22
  Speaker 1: his findings, a mainstream American medical dictionary still carried the entry.
• 1:27
  Speaker 1: The question this story forces open is not simply what
• 1:30
  Speaker 1: Cartwright believed. The question is what it means when science
• 1:34
  Speaker 1: dresses ideology in a white coat, and how long a
• 1:37
  Speaker 1: false diagnosis can survive after everyone has agreed it was wrong.
• 1:41
  Speaker 1: Samuel Cartwright did not arrive at Drapidomania as a fringe idea.
• 1:45
  Speaker 1: He arrived at it as a conclusion, the end point
• 1:47
  Speaker 1: of a worldview that had been built brick by brick
• 1:51
  Speaker 1: inside the institutions of the Antebellum South. By 1851, The
• 1:55
  Speaker 1: United States was six years away from the Dred Scott
• 1:58
  Speaker 1: decision and ten years away from the Civil War. The
• 2:02
  Speaker 1: national argument over slavery had moved far beyond politics. Defenders
• 2:07
  Speaker 1: of the Southern Order had begun reaching for something that
• 2:09
  Speaker 1: felt more permanent in law. The authority of science. If
• 2:13
  Speaker 1: bondage could be shown to be natural, biological, divinely sanctioned,
• 2:17
  Speaker 1: then no legislature could undo it. That was the project.
• 2:21
  Speaker 1: Cartwright was one of its most systematic architects. He wrote
• 2:24
  Speaker 1: that enslaved people were divinely intended as what he called,
• 2:28
  Speaker 1: submissive knee-benders. He invoked scripture alongside anatomy. He described the
• 2:33
  Speaker 1: physiology of African people in terms that no reputable science
• 2:36
  Speaker 1: would recognize, but that sounded, in the language of the day,
• 2:40
  Speaker 1: like medicine. And de Beau's review was the ideal vehicle.
• 2:43
  Speaker 1: The journal served the commercial and intellectual interests of the
• 2:46
  Speaker 1: southern planter class. It ran economic analyses, agricultural reports, defenses
• 2:52
  Speaker 1: of the slave trade as a civilizing institution. When Cartwright's
• 2:56
  Speaker 1: paper appeared under the title Diseases and Peculiarities of the
• 2:59
  Speaker 1: Negro Race, it landed in exactly the hands it was
• 3:02
  Speaker 1: meant to reach. Planters, overseers, physicians, legislators, men who made
• 3:07
  Speaker 1: decisions about other human beings every day. Here is the
• 3:11
  Speaker 1: detail that stops everything cold. Cartwright himself acknowledged in the
• 3:15
  Speaker 1: paper that the symptom of Drapetomania enslaved people attempting to escape,
• 3:20
  Speaker 1: was in his words well known to our planters and overseers.
• 3:24
  Speaker 1: He was not reporting a discovery. He was medicating a
• 3:27
  Speaker 1: fact that everyone already knew. People in bondage ran because
• 3:30
  Speaker 1: they wanted to be free. Cartwright's contribution was to reclassify
• 3:34
  Speaker 1: that want as pathology. The prescribed treatment followed the logic
• 3:38
  Speaker 1: of the diagnosis perfectly. Masters should provide adequate food warmth.
• 3:43
  Speaker 1: Cartwright specified fuel enough to keep a small fire burning
• 3:46
  Speaker 1: all night. Family units, clothing, and no excessive labor. These
• 3:51
  Speaker 1: were not humanitarian recommendations. They were framed explicitly as control measures,
• 3:56
  Speaker 1: the conditions under which the disease would not manifest. And
• 3:59
  Speaker 1: when those measures failed, Cartwright's clinical advice was direct. He
• 4:04
  Speaker 1: wrote of whipping the devil out of them. Those words
• 4:06
  Speaker 1: appear in the medical paper, not in a letter, not
• 4:09
  Speaker 1: in private correspondence, in the published, circulated, professionally endorsed document.
• 4:15
  Speaker 1: He also introduced a second diagnosis in the same paper.
• 4:19
  Speaker 1: Desasthesia aethiopica was the term he used to medicalize what
• 4:22
  Speaker 1: he characterized as the perceived laziness of enslaved people. Two diagnoses,
• 4:28
  Speaker 1: one paper, one consistent purpose, to convert the observable consequences
• 4:32
  Speaker 1: of captivity into symptoms of a condition that required management
• 4:36
  Speaker 1: rather than liberation. The man who wrote this was not
• 4:39
  Speaker 1: operating outside the mainstream of his professional world. That is
• 4:43
  Speaker 1: the part of his story that does not resolve easily.
• 4:46
  Speaker 1: Stephen Jay Gould, who examined Cartwright's work in detail, noted
• 4:50
  Speaker 1: that Cartwright represented an extreme within the range of scientific
• 4:53
  Speaker 1: argument of his era. But that range itself was the problem.
• 4:57
  Speaker 1: Cartwright sat at one end of a spectrum that nonetheless
• 5:00
  Speaker 1: existed inside respectable medicine. What was coming, the part that
• 5:04
  Speaker 1: neither Cartwright nor his readers anticipated, was a challenge, not
• 5:09
  Speaker 1: from institutions, not from medical associations, from a satirist in Buffalo,
• 5:14
  Speaker 1: and from a landscape architect traveling through the South with
• 5:16
  Speaker 1: a notebook. The challenge came in 1855. Four years after
• 5:21
  Speaker 1: Cartwright's paper circulated through the South, the editors of the
• 5:24
  Speaker 1: Buffalo Medical Journal published a response. It was not a
• 5:28
  Speaker 1: refutation in the clinical sense. It was something sharper. It
• 5:32
  Speaker 1: was mockery. The editors did not engage Cartwright's terminology on
• 5:35
  Speaker 1: its own terms. They did not contest his Greek etymology
• 5:39
  Speaker 1: or his recommended treatments. They simply held the logic up
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  Speaker 1: to the light and let readers see what it looked
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  Speaker 1: like from the outside. A licensed physician had classified the
• 5:49
  Speaker 1: desire to leave captivity as a symptom of mental illness.
• 5:52
  Speaker 1: The Buffalo editors found this worth laughing at. That laughter
• 5:55
  Speaker 1: was itself a kind of evidence, but the more devastating
• 5:58
  Speaker 1: challenge came from an unexpected direction entirely. Frederick Law Olmsted
• 6:03
  Speaker 1: was not a physician. He was a landscape architect and
• 6:06
  Speaker 1: journalist who spent considerable time traveling through the slaveholding states
• 6:09
  Speaker 1: in the mid-1850s, recording what he saw with a reporter's eye.
• 6:13
  Speaker 1: In 1856, he published A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States.
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  Speaker 1: Inside that book, Olmsted noted something that Cartwright's entire theoretical
• 6:22
  Speaker 1: framework had quietly required everyone to ignore. White indentured servants
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  Speaker 1: also ran. They fled their contracts. They abandoned their employers.
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  Speaker 1: They disappeared into the countryside under cover of night for
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  Speaker 1: reasons that had nothing to do with any diagnosed condition.
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  Speaker 1: Olmsted did not belabor the point. He simply observed it.
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  Speaker 1: and then added with the precision of a man who
• 6:43
  Speaker 1: understood how to land an argument, that if running away
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  Speaker 1: from unwanted bondage constituted a disease, the evidence suggested it
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  Speaker 1: was a disease of white European origin. The inversion was complete.
• 6:54
  Speaker 1: Cartwright had used the framework of medicine to render a
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  Speaker 1: universal human behavior, the impulse to escape confinement, into a
• 7:01
  Speaker 1: racial pathology. Olmsted used a single observed fact to collapse
• 7:06
  Speaker 1: that framework from the inside. The behavior was not peculiar.
• 7:09
  Speaker 1: The diagnosis was, what neither the Buffalo satirists nor Olmsted
• 7:14
  Speaker 1: could do, however, was reach the institutions. The Medical Association
• 7:18
  Speaker 1: of Louisiana did not retract the paper. DeBeaux's review did
• 7:22
  Speaker 1: not issue a correction. No professional body censured Cartwright. The
• 7:26
  Speaker 1: critiques existed in print, available to anyone who looked, and
• 7:30
  Speaker 1: the paper continued to circulate alongside them. That is the
• 7:33
  Speaker 1: image that sits at the center of this story. Not
• 7:36
  Speaker 1: a hidden document. Not a secret. A published argument. contested
• 7:40
  Speaker 1: in public by contemporaries who demonstrated its absurdity and still
• 7:44
  Speaker 1: carried forward by the same professional structures that had given
• 7:47
  Speaker 1: it authority in the first place. Here is where the
• 7:49
  Speaker 1: story bends in a direction that should not be possible.
• 7:52
  Speaker 1: Slavery ended. The Civil War concluded in 1865. The legal
• 7:58
  Speaker 1: architecture that had made drapetomania a clinically useful concept, the
• 8:02
  Speaker 1: architecture that required enslaved people to remain in place that
• 8:05
  Speaker 1: made departure a problem, requiring medical explanation, ceased to exist.
• 8:10
  Speaker 1: The condition had no remaining diagnostic purpose. The patient population,
• 8:15
  Speaker 1: in the language of the paper, was free. The word
• 8:17
  Speaker 1: survived anyway. In 1914, 63 years after Cartwright presented his
• 8:22
  Speaker 1: paper to the Medical Association of Louisiana, Stedman's Practical Medical Dictionary,
• 8:27
  Speaker 1: 3rd edition, still carried an entry for drepitomania. The word
• 8:31
  Speaker 1: had outlasted the institution it was built to serve. It
• 8:34
  Speaker 1: had outlasted the Confederacy, Reconstruction, and the first generation of emancipation.
• 8:39
  Speaker 1: It sat in a reference book used by practicing physicians,
• 8:43
  Speaker 1: available to any doctor who consulted that volume. The entry
• 8:47
  Speaker 1: had changed. By 1914, the racial content had been stripped away.
• 8:52
  Speaker 1: The definition read as vagabondage, dromomania, an uncontrollable or insane
• 8:56
  Speaker 1: impulsion to wander. No mention of slavery. No mention of
• 9:00
  Speaker 1: enslaved people. The word had been laundered. Its history had
• 9:04
  Speaker 1: been removed. and what remained looked like ordinary medical terminology,
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  Speaker 1: a neutral clinical label for a wandering compulsion. That is
• 9:12
  Speaker 1: the moment everything shifts. It is not that the word
• 9:15
  Speaker 1: survived in some dusty archive. It survived in a working dictionary.
• 9:20
  Speaker 1: And it survived in a form that erased its own origins.
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  Speaker 1: A reader consulting Stedman's in 1914 would have encountered a
• 9:26
  Speaker 1: term that appeared to describe a recognized psychological phenomenon with
• 9:30
  Speaker 1: a respectable Greek etymology. Nothing in the entry would have
• 9:34
  Speaker 1: told them that the word had been coined to pathologize
• 9:36
  Speaker 1: the act of escaping enslavement. Nothing would have flagged the
• 9:39
  Speaker 1: whipping the devil out of them that appeared in the
• 9:41
  Speaker 1: same clinical document as the original diagnosis. The content was gone.
• 9:46
  Speaker 1: The word remained. And with it, a kind of institutional
• 9:49
  Speaker 1: continuity that no formal retraction ever interrupted. There is a
• 9:53
  Speaker 1: question that this case leaves open, and it does not
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  Speaker 1: have a clean answer. Picture Cartwright in 1851. 1851, standing
• 10:01
  Speaker 1: before the Medical Association of Louisiana, presenting a paper with
• 10:04
  Speaker 1: a Greek name and a clinical structure, treatments, causes, symptoms
• 10:09
  Speaker 1: in proper order. He acknowledged in that paper that the
• 10:12
  Speaker 1: symptom was already well known to planters and overseers. He
• 10:15
  Speaker 1: was not discovering a new behavior. He was renaming one
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  Speaker 1: Walk that observation forward. If the behavior was already known,
• 10:24
  Speaker 1: already managed, already punished through methods the paper would later endorse,
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  Speaker 1: then what exactly was the diagnosis for? One possibility sits
• 10:32
  Speaker 1: close to the surface. Cartwright was providing professional cover for
• 10:35
  Speaker 1: a practice that already existed. The whip was already in use.
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  Speaker 1: The paper gave it a clinical rationale. medicine arrived after
• 10:43
  Speaker 1: the fact to endorse what violence had already established. But
• 10:46
  Speaker 1: another possibility cuts deeper, and it recontextualizes the entire paper.
• 10:50
  Speaker 1: Cartwright wrote that enslaved people were spellbound and could not
• 10:54
  Speaker 1: run away if properly governed. That word spellbound does not
• 10:58
  Speaker 1: appear in a document arguing for humane treatment. It appears
• 11:02
  Speaker 1: in a document arguing that the correct governance regime would
• 11:05
  Speaker 1: render the diagnosis unnecessary. The prescription was not treatment of
• 11:08
  Speaker 1: a sick individual. It was management of a population If
• 11:12
  Speaker 1: masters maintained the right conditions, the small fire burning all
• 11:16
  Speaker 1: night the family units intact, the clothing provided, the labor
• 11:20
  Speaker 1: not excessive, the disease would not manifest. This means the
• 11:23
  Speaker 1: diagnosis was not primarily directed at enslaved people. It was
• 11:28
  Speaker 1: directed at masters. It was a professional instruction manual, dressed
• 11:32
  Speaker 1: in medical language, telling the slave-holding class how to maintain
• 11:36
  Speaker 1: a system that was showing visible strain. 1851 was six
• 11:40
  Speaker 1: years before the Dred Scott decision, and ten years before
• 11:43
  Speaker 1: the war. The pressure on the southern economic and political
• 11:47
  Speaker 1: order was already building. Enslaved people were running. They were
• 11:51
  Speaker 1: running in numbers that alarmed planters and overseers enough that
• 11:54
  Speaker 1: the behavior required a name. Cartwright gave it a name
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  Speaker 1: that located the problem inside the bodies of the people fleeing,
• 12:01
  Speaker 1: rather than inside the institution that held them. That is
• 12:04
  Speaker 1: not a neutral act of classification. That is medicine used
• 12:07
  Speaker 1: as argument in a political dispute, the most consequential political
• 12:11
  Speaker 1: dispute of the century. And when the dispute resolved, the
• 12:15
  Speaker 1: argument lost its context but kept its vocabulary. The word
• 12:19
  Speaker 1: wandered into 1914, stripped of its past, still standing in
• 12:23
  Speaker 1: the reference books, still available to the next physician who
• 12:26
  Speaker 1: needed a term for a patient who would not stay
• 12:28
  Speaker 1: where they were put. The word survived. That is the
• 12:31
  Speaker 1: fact that refuses to settle quietly. The war ended in 1865.
• 12:35
  Speaker 1: The 13th Amendment abolished slavery. The institution that had produced
• 12:40
  Speaker 1: the diagnosis, the institution that had given the diagnosis its
• 12:44
  Speaker 1: only possible meaning, was gone. And still, 49 years later,
• 12:48
  Speaker 1: a physician reaching for Stedman's Practical Medical Dictionary in 1914
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  Speaker 1: could open it and find the word Drapatomania printed on
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  Speaker 1: the page. The entry had changed. The racial content had
• 12:59
  Speaker 1: been quietly removed. By 1914, the definition read something close
• 13:04
  Speaker 1: to vagabondage, dramanemia, an uncontrollable or insane impulsion to wander.
• 13:10
  Speaker 1: The accusation had been laundered. The word remained. And any
• 13:14
  Speaker 1: physician who encountered it in 1914 encountered it without context,
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  Speaker 1: without history, without the paper Cartwright had read to the
• 13:21
  Speaker 1: Medical Association of Louisiana 63 years before. They encountered a
• 13:26
  Speaker 1: clinical term for a patient— who would not stay where
• 13:28
  Speaker 1: they were placed. That is the mechanism worth understanding. Drapotomania
• 13:33
  Speaker 1: did not survive because physicians in 1914 were defending slavery.
• 13:38
  Speaker 1: It survived because institutional language has momentum of its own.
• 13:41
  Speaker 1: Words enter reference books. Reference books get updated cautiously, conservatively,
• 13:46
  Speaker 1: with attention to what is added and far less attention
• 13:49
  Speaker 1: to what should be removed. The racial argument was stripped.
• 13:53
  Speaker 1: The word stayed. and a word stripped of its original
• 13:56
  Speaker 1: argument is still available to carry a new one. Cartwright
• 13:59
  Speaker 1: was never disciplined. No professional body reviewed the paper and
• 14:03
  Speaker 1: issued a formal retraction. No institution that had circulated the
• 14:06
  Speaker 1: diagnosis through to Bow's review ever acknowledged what the diagnosis
• 14:10
  Speaker 1: had been. The Buffalo Medical Journal had mocked it in 1855.
• 14:14
  Speaker 1: Frederick Law Olmsted had dismantled its logic in 1856. The
• 14:19
  Speaker 1: satire and the critique existed in print, contemporaneously, for any
• 14:23
  Speaker 1: reader willing to find them. But satire does not retract
• 14:26
  Speaker 1: a term. Critique does not remove an entry from a
• 14:29
  Speaker 1: medical dictionary. Those are institutional acts, and the institutions decline
• 14:34
  Speaker 1: to perform them. Stephen Jay Gould, who examined Cartwright's work carefully,
• 14:39
  Speaker 1: described him as a prominent Southern physician whose arguments represented
• 14:42
  Speaker 1: an extreme within the range of scientific argument of his era.
• 14:46
  Speaker 1: That framing matters. It means Cartwright was not operating outside
• 14:50
  Speaker 1: his profession. He was operating at its edge, but still
• 14:53
  Speaker 1: within it. The profession did not draw a line that
• 14:56
  Speaker 1: excluded him. It drew no line at all. This is
• 14:59
  Speaker 1: what makes the case a recognized study in scientific racism
• 15:03
  Speaker 1: and the political abuse of medical authority, not simply a
• 15:06
  Speaker 1: historical curiosity. The curiosity is the diagnosis. The study is
• 15:10
  Speaker 1: in how it traveled. From a paper delivered in 1851
• 15:13
  Speaker 1: through the pages of a commercial journal that defended the
• 15:16
  Speaker 1: Southern Economic Order, into a medical dictionary that outlasted the
• 15:20
  Speaker 1: Confederacy by half a century. The mechanism is not unique
• 15:23
  Speaker 1: to this diagnosis. It is the mechanism by which authority
• 15:27
  Speaker 1: launders argument. A physician gives a behavior a name. The
• 15:30
  Speaker 1: name enters a professional text. The professional text lends the
• 15:34
  Speaker 1: name legitimacy it did not earn. The legitimacy separates the
• 15:38
  Speaker 1: name from the argument that generated it. Decades later, the
• 15:41
  Speaker 1: name stands alone. Available. Clinical soundings. and the argument it
• 15:46
  Speaker 1: once served is no longer visible in the word itself.
• 15:48
  Speaker 1: What is visible is only the word. Dysaesthesia aethiopica, the
• 15:53
  Speaker 1: second diagnosis from the same paper, followed the same path
• 15:57
  Speaker 1: out of view. Both terms were eventually gone from the
• 16:00
  Speaker 1: reference books. But the question the case leaves standing is
• 16:03
  Speaker 1: not about these specific words. It is about the process.
• 16:07
  Speaker 1: the process by which medicine confirms what power already believes,
• 16:11
  Speaker 1: the process by which an observed behavior, a human being
• 16:14
  Speaker 1: attempting to leave a place they have been forced to occupy,
• 16:17
  Speaker 1: gets reclassified as a symptom of the person, rather than
• 16:20
  Speaker 1: a consequence of the place. There are no named victims
• 16:23
  Speaker 1: in the documented record of Drapetomania. That absence is itself
• 16:27
  Speaker 1: a document. Cartwright wrote that the diagnostic symptom was well
• 16:31
  Speaker 1: known to planters and overseers. He did not write it
• 16:34
  Speaker 1: because it was rare. He wrote it because it was common.
• 16:37
  Speaker 1: People were running. They were running often enough that the
• 16:40
  Speaker 1: behavior required management, required a framework, required a name that
• 16:44
  Speaker 1: shifted the moral weight of it. The name he chose
• 16:47
  Speaker 1: located the problem in their bodies. The record he left
• 16:50
  Speaker 1: behind does not include a single one of their names.
• 16:53
  Speaker 1: What remains is the paper, the diagnosis, the journal, the
• 16:57
  Speaker 1: dictionary entry. 63 years later, and the question that sits
• 17:01
  Speaker 1: underneath all of it, the question that has no clean
• 17:04
  Speaker 1: resolution in any record, How many people, in the years
• 17:07
  Speaker 1: between 1851 and the war, had their attempts at freedom
• 17:11
  Speaker 1: described in medical terms rather than human ones? How many
• 17:14
  Speaker 1: times did the language of disease serve as the language
• 17:17
  Speaker 1: of control, dressed in the authority of a profession that
• 17:19
  Speaker 1: asked no questions about what it was confirming? The case
• 17:23
  Speaker 1: does not resolve the way most medical histories resolve. There
• 17:26
  Speaker 1: is no moment of institutional reckoning, no formal retraction, no
• 17:30
  Speaker 1: professional sanction What happened instead is that the institution that
• 17:34
  Speaker 1: gave drapetomania its meaning was destroyed by war, and the
• 17:38
  Speaker 1: word then quietly decayed inside the reference books until it
• 17:42
  Speaker 1: was finally gone, carrying no acknowledgement of what it had been.
• 17:46
  Speaker 1: That is the record. It is incompleteness is the point.
• 17:49
  Speaker 1: The people whose desire for freedom was classified as illness
• 17:53
  Speaker 1: left no case files. They left no case files. They
• 17:56
  Speaker 1: left no depositions. They left when they could, and when
• 18:00
  Speaker 1: they were caught, the record of that catching was often
• 18:02
  Speaker 1: kept in the language Cartwright had provided, clinical, authoritative emptied,
• 18:07
  Speaker 1: of the human fact that a person had tried to
• 18:09
  Speaker 1: be somewhere other than where they were being held. The
• 18:11
  Speaker 1: diagnosis that should not have existed was published in 1851.
• 18:14
  Speaker 1: It was mocked in print within four years. It was
• 18:18
  Speaker 1: never formally retracted. It stood in a medical dictionary until 1914,
• 18:23
  Speaker 1: and the people it was used to describe left behind
• 18:26
  Speaker 1: nothing the record preserved, except the behavior Cartwright named The
• 18:31
  Speaker 1: act of leaving the act of attempting to be free.
• 18:33
  Speaker 1: The act that a physician looked at and called a disease.
• 18:36
  Speaker 1: Some things are not complicated. Some things only appear complicated
• 18:40
  Speaker 1: because the vocabulary surrounding them is professional and the institutions
• 18:44
  Speaker 1: that produced them were legitimate. The desire for freedom is
• 18:47
  Speaker 1: not a symptom. It was never a symptom. Every person
• 18:50
  Speaker 1: who ran knew that. The record confirms it. And the
• 18:54
  Speaker 1: fact that this required saying at all that a medical
• 18:56
  Speaker 1: journal needed a satirical rebuttal, that a legal theorist needed
• 18:59
  Speaker 1: to point out the obvious, that the word survived into
• 19:03
  Speaker 1: 1914 before it finally disappeared. That fact is the measure
• 19:06
  Speaker 1: of how far an institution can travel from the truth
• 19:09
  Speaker 1: when it serves something other than the patient. This show
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