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40 - History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Vol II by John Bagnell Bury · History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Vol II

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  Speaker 1: Chapter eighteen, Parts six and seven of A History of
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  Speaker 1: Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Volume two.
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  Speaker 1: This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in
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  Speaker 1: the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please
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  Speaker 1: visit LibriVox dot org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. A History
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  Speaker 1: of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great, Volume
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  Speaker 1: two by John bagnell Bury. Chapter eighteen, Part six, Section
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  Speaker 1: six The episode of Harpalace and the Greek Revolt. Meanwhile,
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  Speaker 1: an incidant had happened which might induce some of the
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  Speaker 1: patriots to hope that Alexander's empire rested on slippery foundations.
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  Speaker 1: Harpalace had arrived off the coast of Attica with five
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  Speaker 1: thousand talents, a body of mercenaries, and thirty ships. He
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  Speaker 1: had come to excite a revolt against his master. A
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  Speaker 1: gift of corn had formerly secured him the citizenshi ship
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  Speaker 1: of Athens, but the Athenians prudently refused to harbor him.
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  Speaker 1: Coming in this guise, he sailed away to Cape Tourneron
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  Speaker 1: always a refuge of adventurers, and leaving his men and
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  Speaker 1: ships there, returned to Athens with a sum of about
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  Speaker 1: seven hundred talents. He was now received since he did
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  Speaker 1: not come with an armed array, But after a while
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  Speaker 1: messages arrived both from Macedonia and from Philuxinus, Alexander's financial
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  Speaker 1: minister in Western Asia, demanding his surrender. It would have
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  Speaker 1: been an act of war to protect the runaway treasurer
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  Speaker 1: and his stolen moneys, but the Athenians, on the proposal
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  Speaker 1: of Demosthenes, adopted a clever device. They arrested her palace,
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  Speaker 1: seizing his treasure, and said that they would surrender him
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  Speaker 1: to officers expressly sent by Alexander, but declined to give
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  Speaker 1: him up to Philoxenus or Antipater. It was not long
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  Speaker 1: before her palace escaped. He returned to Tenneron, and was
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  Speaker 1: shortly afterwards murdered by one of his fellow adventurers. The
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  Speaker 1: stolen money was deposited in the Acropolis under the charge
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  Speaker 1: of specially appointed commissioners, of whom Demosthenes was one. It
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  Speaker 1: was known by report that the sun was about seven
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  Speaker 1: hundred talents, but Demosthenes and his fellows had strangely admitted
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  Speaker 1: to make any official entry or report of the amount.
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  Speaker 1: Suddenly it was discovered that only three hundred fifty talents
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  Speaker 1: were actually in the acropolis. Charges immediately circulated against the
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  Speaker 1: influential politicians that the other three hundred fifty talents had
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  Speaker 1: been received in bribes by them before the money was
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  Speaker 1: deposited in the citadel. Men of opposite sides were suspected
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  Speaker 1: de Meides, for example, as well as Demosthenes, But apart
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  Speaker 1: from the suspicion of bribery, manifest blame rested upon Demosthenes
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  Speaker 1: for having grossly neglected his duty. He was responsible for
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  Speaker 1: the custody of the treasure for which Athens was responsible
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  Speaker 1: to Alexander. He was bound to demand an investigation, and
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  Speaker 1: on his motion the people directed the Council of Ariopagus
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  Speaker 1: to an inquiry. Philuxenus furnished the account book of her palace,
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  Speaker 1: which had come into his hands. By this evidence, it
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  Speaker 1: was proved that seven hundred talents had been delivered for
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  Speaker 1: safe keeping in the acropolis. The entries seized. At this point.
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  Speaker 1: It was also shown that certain Athenians had previously been bribed,
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  Speaker 1: but Demosthenes was not among them. Other evidence was necessary
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  Speaker 1: to show how the missing half of the seven hundred
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  Speaker 1: talents had disappeared. We know not what this evidence was,
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  Speaker 1: but the Court of Ariopagus satisfied themselves that a number
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  Speaker 1: of leading statesmen had received considerable sums. Demosthenes appeared in
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  Speaker 1: their report as the recipient of twenty talents. The proofs
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  Speaker 1: against him were irrefutable, for he confessed to misdemeanor himself,
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  Speaker 1: and thought to excuse it by the paltry and transparent
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  Speaker 1: subterfuge that he had taken it to repay himself for
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  Speaker 1: twenty talents which he had advanced to the Theoric Fund.
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  Speaker 1: But why should he repay himself without any authorization out
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  Speaker 1: of Alexander's money for a debt owed him by the
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  Speaker 1: Athenian state. There can be little doubt that Demosthenes took
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  Speaker 1: the money not for personal gratifications, but for the good
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  Speaker 1: of his party. It was all the more necessary for
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  Speaker 1: his party to clear themselves from implication in such corrupt transactions.
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  Speaker 1: We therefore find Hyperodes coming forward as a public prosecutor
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  Speaker 1: of Demosthenes. We possess considerable portions of his speech, and
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  Speaker 1: we have in its complete form another speech written for
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  Speaker 1: one of the other prosecutors by a miserable hack named Innarchus.
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  Speaker 1: The charges against Demosthenes were two fold. He had taken money,
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  Speaker 1: and he had culpably omitted to report the amount of
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  Speaker 1: the deposit and the neglect of those who were set
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  Speaker 1: to guard it. For the second offense alone, he deserved
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  Speaker 1: a severe sentence. The judges were not excessively severe if
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  Speaker 1: we considered that his behavior had placed the city in
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  Speaker 1: a most embarrassing position towards Alexander. He was condemned to
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  Speaker 1: pay a fine of fifty talents. Unable to pay it,
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  Speaker 1: he was imprisoned, but presently affected his escape. It was
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  Speaker 1: a venial offense in the eyes of Greece for a
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  Speaker 1: statesman to take a bribe, provided he did not take
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  Speaker 1: it to injure his country, And in the view of
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  Speaker 1: public opinion, the moral character of Demosthenes was little damaged
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  Speaker 1: by this tortuous transaction. He was not on a level
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  Speaker 1: with men like Nichoas and Foggion, whom millions would not
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  Speaker 1: have tempted. But then nobody ever supposed that he was incorruptible.
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  Speaker 1: Yet there were two circumstances which aggravated the case. The
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  Speaker 1: money of which Demosthenes partook was stolen money, which Athens
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  Speaker 1: was about to sequest for Alexander, and he was himself
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  Speaker 1: a commissioner responsible for its safety. It was far from
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  Speaker 1: being an ordinary case of corruption. If Alexander had lived,
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  Speaker 1: the Athenians might have persuaded him to let them remain
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  Speaker 1: in occupation of Semos, for he was always disposed to
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  Speaker 1: be lenient to Athens. When the tidings of his death came,
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  Speaker 1: men almost refused to credit it. The archer Demadius forcibly said,
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  Speaker 1: if he were indeed dead, the whole world would have
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  Speaker 1: smelt of his corpse. The patriots had been building on
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  Speaker 1: the slender hopes of some disaster, and the greatest disaster
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  Speaker 1: of all had befallen. It had been recognized as madness
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  Speaker 1: to defy the power of Alexander, but it did not
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  Speaker 1: seem rash to strike for freedom in the unsettled condition
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  Speaker 1: of things. After his death, Athens revolted from Macedonia. She
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  Speaker 1: was joined by Aetolia and many states in northern Greece,
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  Speaker 1: and she secured the services of a band of eight
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  Speaker 1: thousand discharged mercenaries who had just returned from Alexander's army.
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  Speaker 1: One of their captains, the Athenian the Austhenes occupied them
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  Speaker 1: of Pillae, and near that pass. The United Greeks gained
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  Speaker 1: the slight advantage over Antipater, who had marched southward as
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  Speaker 1: soon as he could gather his troops together. The Thessalian
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  Speaker 1: cavalry had deserted him, and no state in northern Greece
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  Speaker 1: except Borisia remained true to Macedonia. The regent shut himself
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  Speaker 1: in the strong hill city of Lamia, which stands over
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  Speaker 1: against the pass of Thermopyleae under a spur of Othriis,
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  Speaker 1: and here he was besieged during the winter by Leosthenes.
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  Speaker 1: These successes had gained some adherence to the cause of
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  Speaker 1: the Peloponnesus, and if the Greeks had been stronger at sea,
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  Speaker 1: that cause might have triumphed at least for a while.
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  Speaker 1: But the strange thing was that, notwithstanding the improvements of
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  Speaker 1: recent years in her naval establishment, Athens seemed to have
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  Speaker 1: been able to set afloat no more than one hundred
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  Speaker 1: and seventy warships against two hundred and forty of Magadon.
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  Speaker 1: The brave general Leosthenes was hampered by a council of
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  Speaker 1: war in which the various allies were represented reminding us
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  Speaker 1: of the days of the Persian invasion. Yet if a
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  Speaker 1: fatal stone had not put an end to his life
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  Speaker 1: during the belligament, more would probably have been effected for
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  Speaker 1: the cause of the allies. In spring, the arrival of Leonatus,
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  Speaker 1: governor of Hellespontine Phrygia, at the head of an army
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  Speaker 1: raised the siege of Lamia. The Greeks marched into Thesaly
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  Speaker 1: to meet the new army before it united with Antipater.
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  Speaker 1: A battle was fought in which the Greeks had the
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  Speaker 1: upper hand and Leonatus was wounded to death. Antipater arrived
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  Speaker 1: the next day and joining forces with the defeated army,
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  Speaker 1: withdrew into Macedonia to await Craterus, who was approaching from
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  Speaker 1: the east. When Craterus arrived, they entered Thessely together and
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  Speaker 1: in an engagement at Cranon, in which the losses on
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  Speaker 1: both sides were light. The Macedonians had a slight advantage.
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  Speaker 1: This battle apparently decided the war, but the true cause
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  Speaker 1: which hindered the Greeks from continuing the struggle was not
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  Speaker 1: the insignificant defeat at Cranon, but the want of unity
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  Speaker 1: among themselves. The want of a leader whom they entirely trusted,
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  Speaker 1: they were forced to make terms singly, each state on
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  Speaker 1: its own behoof Hyparades pronounced a funeral oration distinguished by
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  Speaker 1: that lucidity of which he was a perfect master over
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  Speaker 1: those who had fallen in this hopeless war, and gave
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  Speaker 1: his due. It is not for us to say that
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  Speaker 1: he gave more than his due to Leosthenes, who succeeded
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  Speaker 1: in what he undertook, but not in escaping fate. There
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  Speaker 1: is a fine passage which distorts, indeed the historical perspective,
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  Speaker 1: but well displays the spirit of the patriots in the
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  Speaker 1: dark underworld. Suffer us to ask, who are they that
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  Speaker 1: will stretch forth the right hands to the captain of
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  Speaker 1: our dead? May we not deem that Leosanes will be
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  Speaker 1: granted with welcome and with wonder by those half gods
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  Speaker 1: who bore arms against troy Aye, and there I deem
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  Speaker 1: will be Militiades, and Themistocles and those others who made
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  Speaker 1: hellus free to the glory of their names. Athens submitted.
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  Speaker 1: When Antipater advanced into Boetia and prepared to invade Attica,
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  Speaker 1: she paid dearly for her attempt to win back her power.
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  Speaker 1: Antipater was not like Alexander. He was an able man,
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  Speaker 1: warmly devoted to the royal House of Macedon, but he
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  Speaker 1: did not share in Alexander's sympathies with the Green culture.
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  Speaker 1: He had no soft place in his heart for the
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  Speaker 1: memories and traditions of Athens. He saw only that unless
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  Speaker 1: strong and sterne measures were taken, Macedonia would not be
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  Speaker 1: safe against a repetition of the rising which he had suppressed.
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  Speaker 1: He therefore imposed three conditions which Bocchion and Demades were
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  Speaker 1: obliged to accept. That the democratic constitution should be modified
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  Speaker 1: by a property qualification, that a Macedonian garrison should be
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  Speaker 1: lodged in Municia, and that the agitators Demosthenes Hyparades and
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  Speaker 1: their friends should be surrendered. Demosthenes had exerted eloquence in
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  Speaker 1: gaining support for the cause of the allies in the Peloponesus,
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  Speaker 1: and his efforts had been rewarded by his recall to Athens.
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  Speaker 1: As soon as the city had submitted, he and the
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  Speaker 1: other orators fled Hyparades with two companions, sought refuge in
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  Speaker 1: the Temple of Iachus at Aegina, whence they were taken
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  Speaker 1: to Antipater and put to death. Demosthenes fled to the
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  Speaker 1: temple of Poseidon in the island of Coloria, when the
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  Speaker 1: messengers of Antipater appeared and summoned him. Forth he swallowed
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  Speaker 1: poison which he had concealed, according to one story, in
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  Speaker 1: a pen, and was thus delivered from falling into the
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  Speaker 1: hands of the executioner. The constitutional change, which was carried
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  Speaker 1: out at the direction of the Macedonian general, would have
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  Speaker 1: been judged by Aristotle and Improvement. The institutions were not changed,
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  Speaker 1: but the democracy was converted into a polity or limited democracy,
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  Speaker 1: such as Theremines had striven for. By a restriction of
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  Speaker 1: the franchise, all citizens whose property amounted to less than
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  Speaker 1: two thousand drachmai were deprived of their civic rights. It
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  Speaker 1: is said that this measure erased twelve thousand names from
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  Speaker 1: the Burgalists, and that nine thousand citizens remained. A large
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  Speaker 1: number of the poorer people, thus disfranchised, left Attica and
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  Speaker 1: settled in Thrace, where Antipater gave them land. Perhaps these
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  Speaker 1: settlers included some of the outdwellers of Seymos, who were
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  Speaker 1: now turned adrift, being obliged to quit the island and
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  Speaker 1: make way for the rightful possessors. Section seven Aristotle and Alexander.
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  Speaker 1: It was through an accident that Alexander was brought into
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  Speaker 1: contact with the one other man of his time whose
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  Speaker 1: genius was destined to move the world. Aristotle's father had
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  Speaker 1: been court physician of Amintus the second, and Aristotle was
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  Speaker 1: meant to follow his father's profession. At the age of seventeen,
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  Speaker 1: he went to Athens, where he was under the gardenship
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  Speaker 1: of a certain Proxenus, to whose son nicanaw the same
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  Speaker 1: Niconoor who made public Alexander's edict at Olympia. He afterwards
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  Speaker 1: betwethed his only daughter. At first, Aristotle studied in the
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  Speaker 1: school of Isocrates, but when Plato returned from Sicily, he
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  Speaker 1: came under the influence of that philosopher's idealism, and this
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  Speaker 1: decided him for the life of speculation, which he regards,
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  Speaker 1: and it is the deliberate judgment of his mature years
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  Speaker 1: as the only life that is purfectly happy. After Plato's death,
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  Speaker 1: he spent some years on the northeastern coast of the
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  Speaker 1: Aegean at Assos and Machellini, and then received of the
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  Speaker 1: call from Philip to undertake the education of the crown prince.
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  Speaker 1: As yet, he had won no eminent reputation for wisdom
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  Speaker 1: or learning, and Philip probably chose him because his father
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  Speaker 1: had been connected with the Macedonian court. The instruction which
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  Speaker 1: Aristotle imparted to Alexander was perhaps chiefly literary and philological.
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  Speaker 1: He came as a tutor, not as a philosopher. We
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  Speaker 1: know nothing of the mutual relations between the brilliant master
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  Speaker 1: and his brilliant pupil. They were men of different and
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  Speaker 1: hardly sympathetic tempers. We may suspect that Aristotle was fainer
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  Speaker 1: to curb than spur the ardent straining spirit of Alexander. Certainly,
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  Speaker 1: the episode led to no such maintenance of intimacy afterwards,
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  Speaker 1: as it might have led to if Plato had been
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  Speaker 1: the teacher. On his return to Athens, Aristotle founded his
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  Speaker 1: school of philosophy, and the lyceum soon took the place
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  Speaker 1: formerly occupied by the academy, which, ever since the discomfiting
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  Speaker 1: adventures in Sicily, had withdrawn itself more and more from
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  Speaker 1: the public attention. He taught for twelve or thirteen years
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  Speaker 1: and these were doubtless the time of his most effective
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  Speaker 1: philosophical activity, and died not long after the death of Alexander.
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  Speaker 1: Never were there more wonderful years than these in which
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  Speaker 1: the brains of Alexander and Aristotle were ceaselessly working. It
• 14:29
  Speaker 1: is not an overstatement to say that there is no
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  Speaker 1: one to whom Europe owes a greater debt for the
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  Speaker 1: higher education of her peoples than to Aristotle. The science
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  Speaker 1: of the laws of thought is still taught mainly as
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  Speaker 1: he first worked it out. There are no better introductions
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  Speaker 1: to ethical and political speculation than his fundamental treatises on
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  Speaker 1: Ethical and political science. Nor was it a small thing
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  Speaker 1: that his system controlled the acutest minds of the Middle Ages,
• 14:54
  Speaker 1: whose reasoning faculties, though cabined by the imminence of a
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  Speaker 1: norowly interpreted theology, were amazingly powerful and subtle. But Aristotle,
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  Speaker 1: supreme as he was in abstract reasoning, zealous as he
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  Speaker 1: was in collecting and appreciating concrete facts, was not without prejudices.
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  Speaker 1: As a boy in the narrow, self satisfied community of
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  Speaker 1: little remote Stagheira, he had imbibed the dislike which was
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  Speaker 1: openly or secretly felt towards Athens in all the Chalcidian regions,
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  Speaker 1: and though he established his abode at Athens, he never
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  Speaker 1: overcame this distrust. He always remained a citizen of Stagira
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  Speaker 1: and lived in Athens as a stranger. This initial prejudice
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  Speaker 1: prevented him from ever judging with perfect impartiality the Athenian institutions,
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  Speaker 1: which he took as the type of devocracy. He was
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  Speaker 1: also prejudiced against Macedonia. The Chalcideans looked upon their Macedonian
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  Speaker 1: neighbors as far below themselves in civilization, and Aristotle's experience
• 15:51
  Speaker 1: of the court of Pella, where he must have been
• 15:53
  Speaker 1: a spectator of the scandalous quarrels between Philip and Olympius,
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  Speaker 1: did not create a favorable impression. He was thus disposed
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  Speaker 1: to hold his sympathies entirely aloof from the enterprises of Alexander.
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  Speaker 1: But not only did he not sympathize, he disapproved, for
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  Speaker 1: he was wedded to the idea of the small Greek republic,
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  Speaker 1: he condemned the larger state. Moreover, he held firmly to
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  Speaker 1: the Hellenic conviction that Hellenis were superior by nature to
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  Speaker 1: peoples of other race, and he was thus opposed to
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  Speaker 1: the most original and enlightened feature of Alexander's policy, the
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  Speaker 1: ruling of Greeks and Barbarians on an equality. Owing to
• 16:32
  Speaker 1: this attitude of coldness and distrust towards the Macedonians, he
• 16:35
  Speaker 1: missed a great opportunity. Alexander's expedition threw open to science
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  Speaker 1: a new field of discovery in natural history, and we
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  Speaker 1: can imagine what endless pains the king would have given
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  Speaker 1: himself if Aristotle's urged him to collect extensive observations on
• 16:51
  Speaker 1: the animal and vegetable kingdoms in the various countries and
• 16:54
  Speaker 1: climates to which he passed. It is a strange sensation
• 16:58
  Speaker 1: to pass from the view of the state which Alexander
• 17:00
  Speaker 1: was fashioning, to the sketch of an ideal state which
• 17:03
  Speaker 1: was drawn by the most thoughtful of men at the
• 17:05
  Speaker 1: same time. Aristotle desires a little north country city situated
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  Speaker 1: in a compact, defensible territory, close to the sea and
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  Speaker 1: yet not on the coast, having a harbor with an
• 17:17
  Speaker 1: easy reach, but quite disconnected, so that the precincts of
• 17:21
  Speaker 1: the city may not be contaminated and its indwellers troubled
• 17:24
  Speaker 1: by the presence of a motley crowd of outlanders, chiapmen,
• 17:27
  Speaker 1: and mariners, such as Throng as Seaport's keys. He will
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  Speaker 1: not have his city a center of trade. It is
• 17:33
  Speaker 1: to import an export only for the purposes of its
• 17:36
  Speaker 1: own strict needs. It is to be a tiny city,
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  Speaker 1: the number of the burghers so limited that each one
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  Speaker 1: may be able to know all about each of the others.
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  Speaker 1: The burghers are to have equal rights. Their early manhood
• 17:48
  Speaker 1: is to be spent on military duties. When they come
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  Speaker 1: to middle life, they are to be eligible for political offices.
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  Speaker 1: In their old age, they are to act as priests
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  Speaker 1: subject to the citizen aristocracy, but in entirely excluded from
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  Speaker 1: the franchise. Are to be the artisans and merchants. Part
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  Speaker 1: of the land is to be public, the yield to
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  Speaker 1: be devoted to maintaining the worship of the gods and
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  Speaker 1: providing the public meals of the city. Part is to
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  Speaker 1: be the private property of the citizens, and the fields
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  Speaker 1: are to be tilled by slaves or laborers of non
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  Speaker 1: Hellenic race. Such was the little exclusive community which Aristotle designed.
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  Speaker 1: While his former pupil were settling in motions schemes for
• 18:27
  Speaker 1: worldwide commerce, shattering the barriers which sundered nations from nation building,
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  Speaker 1: an empire which should include millions, founding cities composed of
• 18:36
  Speaker 1: men of diverse races, Hearing his way through the mains
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  Speaker 1: of new political problems which were beyond Aristotle's horizon. The
• 18:43
  Speaker 1: republic of Aristotle's wish is not quickened like Plato's by
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  Speaker 1: striking original ideas. It is a commonplace Greek aristocracy, with
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  Speaker 1: its claws cut carefully, trimmed and pruned, refined by a
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  Speaker 1: punctilious education, without any expensive vitality, and like Sparta, leaving
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  Speaker 1: no room for the free development of the individual citizens.
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  Speaker 1: If the cities of Hellas had been molded and fashioned
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  Speaker 1: on the model of the city of the Philosopher's wish,
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  Speaker 1: they would hardly have done what they did for European civilization.
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  Speaker 1: We may wonder whether Aristotle divined before his death that
• 19:16
  Speaker 1: the Hellenic cities were not to have the last world
• 19:18
  Speaker 1: in the history of men. More probably, the untimely end
• 19:22
  Speaker 1: of Alexander reassured him that the old fashion of things
• 19:25
  Speaker 1: would soon go on again, as before the brilliant day
• 19:28
  Speaker 1: of the Greek city states had indeed drawn to a
• 19:30
  Speaker 1: close so suddenly that they could not be expected to
• 19:33
  Speaker 1: grasp the fact. And no people that has ever borne
• 19:36
  Speaker 1: the torch of civilization has been willing or even able
• 19:40
  Speaker 1: to recognize that the hour of relinquishing sovereignty has come.
• 19:45
  Speaker 1: The Greeks may well be excused if they were reluctant
• 19:48
  Speaker 1: to acquiesce in the vicissitude which forced them to sink
• 19:50
  Speaker 1: into a subordinate place. But it is thus that the
• 19:53
  Speaker 1: austere laws of history reward the meritorious. The republics of
• 19:58
  Speaker 1: Greece had performed an imperishable work. They had shown mankind
• 20:02
  Speaker 1: many things, and above all the most precious thing in
• 20:05
  Speaker 1: the world, fearless freedom of thought. End of Chapter eighteen,
• 20:11
  Speaker 1: Part seven, end of A History of Greece to the
• 20:15
  Speaker 1: Death of Alexander the Great, Volume two by John vagnell Bury.