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Construcción Plural - Programa 1123 · Construcción Plural - Radio Trend Topic

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Plural construction, the renowned journalistic program of political analysis and current in its twentieth
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season, with the leadership of Fernando Mauri and a team of prestigious analysts listen
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to it on radio three topic How much esteemed memorabilia and more very but very
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good afternoon that we are closing the week on Thursday in rural construction without rain
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finally tomorrow, that one likes the rain. It has caused too many disorders,
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income some deaths, complications in the lives of many in homes and others
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without good welcome, a little sun, as it has returned twenty degrees at
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this time in temperature, the maximum for tomorrow equals two thousand twenty one,
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the minimum drops much eleven degrees and, in fact, until Wednesday that comes
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at least marks the National Weather Service. The minimum will not exceed, not
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reach twenty. He' ll be between eleven going ascent until he' s
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nineteen. Wednesday the maxims and have been rising twenty- one to twenty-
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four, twenty- seven, twenty- seven, twenty- eight and twenty
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- nine less stair Wednesday then nineteen, nineteen and a half well and twenty.
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Which way the schedule goes. Well, on the subject of caste it
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' s now the judicial caste. With this unusual designation, perhaps an alleged
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currency of exchange or in the pelonism of a judge as the judge son adds
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a strip of justice with great power of forgiveness. They will blame this cold
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with a great deal of father to be very questioned. Well, that'
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s a blow in terms of unbelievability to my law, because even people who
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support it have told me that those three all this assignment. Well, that
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' s what it is. A second for you, Caputo, spoke also
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stability came to stay, said the Minister at a lunch with entrepreneur. The
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owner who showed up from the estate. He spoke to the Inter- American
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Production Trade Council at the Hilton and there he apologized. If you ask so
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much for the birthday. If there were lessons today, my law would gain
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comfortable in the first round. Look at all this politicized toto. How it
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bothers me in the politics that Patricia Bulrich acts on toto, Caputo and day
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and there we see it well. We' re going to close program for
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a little while with the July financial analysis audio Gambina. But now at the
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moment of getting going, live and we are going to cerbrate the international political
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consultant, Felipe Noguera, who kindly already awaits us. Philip is good afternoon,
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Fernando, Greetings. How you doing, you' re mutated. Hey,
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if you' re listening to me, you' re mutated there,
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now, there, there, there, there' s proon for two days.
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All right, very good goods. How you' re going to watch
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you take care of that health. Well, yeah, I' m in
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the process of improving theories I' m going, well. Thanks to this
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one to see how I characterized you. Let' s say these first hundred
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days already past and a little bit more originality to analyze. In that sense.
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Let' s say leadership, how many leadership, how many political achievements,
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beyond parliamentary breakdowns of President Javier Miley' s management, that without other
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eyes. First of all, I think it would be interesting to characterize both
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the management of my law and the management of Argentina as a political system.
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Let' s just say I don' t know what' s happening to
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us these hundred days. I remember many years ago talking with Carlos Floria,
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with Tito Floria, of the parents of political science in Argentinas. He was,
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like, defending history, looking at things with a little perspective. But
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the historian was not the sociologist, political historian. Yes, yes, yes,
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but apart from feeling political and grade, you also believe And then what
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he said was good. But why not. Journalism, why not, to
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understand a phenomenon. We looked at it the moment and he said that there
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are phenomena that are like explosions, that you have to wait for all the
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dust that ends the explosion a little before you can understand what happened. And
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I would add that if you go to a place where an explosion, when
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it just happened, you run the risk of a piece of roof falling on
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your head and tomorrow they' re going to find your body there and they
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' re going to tell this one you got the bomb. Let' s
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say if you try to understand something from within, why I bring this up,
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because sometimes there are phenomena that, when you look at them as they
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happen, are so strong and have so many components that it' s difficult.
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It is difficult to understand them or understand what they can mean most in
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the long term. A very concrete example we have today is the discussion about
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inflation. When you' re changing the inflation, you' re changing tubsidiums,
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controls, etcetera, and you' re just looking at what' s
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going on from month to month, you' re going to have a lot
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of statistical phenomena that it' s very difficult to really get caught, because
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the statistical phenomenon, the measurements express what' s going on, although at
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the end of the whole process they do express it, because one day I
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went up a price, another day under another, the storekeeper doesn' t
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lower a price and the supermarket does what it is. There' s a
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lot of noise. So, if you look at the different parts, I
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think it' s very important to have a vision at all of what'
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s happening. So, if I' m going to look for that vision
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at all, I' d tell you what the bigger vision is. I
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believe that there is a very clear first component, which is this desire for
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change of the population, the electorate, of the citizenry, whatever you want
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to call it, which expresses itself very clearly at the polls and expresses itself
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in the way people react to different things. Whether he wants to represent the
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opposition is the trade unionist speaking of the 24th of January, or he is
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the leader of the Belizean social organizations or whoever is asking them to give them
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plans or give them money for the canteens, etcetera. There' s a
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rejection because people want to, they want a change. If people feel that
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my law has been raised to salary or that a judge' s appointment is
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caste, etcetera. People out there don' t get it, too.
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Also because what he wants is a change, but what we have to see
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is to try to see the bigger picture of all of this, what is
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the change in general, and President Miley and what he proposes I think it
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represents that change and everything that he can do interpreted as a return to the
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past, as we were saying better with Alberto Fernández, with mass, etcetera.
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This is rejected as a great concept. Then it seems to me that
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President Miley and what he proposes looks forward. It says I want to change
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and I go in this direction and the opposition or alternative has not had an
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answer for that. It reminds me a lot of the elections of eighty-
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three, when Raúl Alfonsín proposed a change, a change let' s say
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to embrace democracy and seek democracy method that would work and Peronism at that time
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was still a thing of the past, factual or fascist, whatever you want
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to call it that he couldn' t get excited in that sense, and
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the first etapera was the strikes of Valdinia, let' s say no,
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the strikes of Ubaldini, but not only that, but sady as vice president
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of the Justice Party, because the President was still Isabel Perón, just as
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we now had as president until recently. I don' t know if he
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quit or what' s going on then. One of the first conclusions that
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one could say is that Peronism either renews or disappears, that is, the
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phenomenon that began in the eighty- three known gender really as Peronist renewal,
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which had a lot of engine in the eighty- five and which resurfaced in
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the eighty- seven with Peronism, returning to politics really winning elections in the
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provinces, the seven provinces are more important, without if I remember correctly,
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wins the governorates and most of which did not have that process at that time.
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You have to give them time, which is perhaps a hundred days.
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It is little, but clearly it has not begun. And one thing we
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saw in the first twenty or so years of democracy, from eighty- three
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to ninety- one, more or less was the politics of the i and
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not of the o, the politics of o, the politics of confrontation,
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the politics of the rift. This one that says you like this or this,
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and if you' re on this side, you have to dislike it.
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Another one or you want to return when this one won you want to
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return to yours from eighty- three to ninety and one worked in another way
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the politics of the is Si Alfonsín represented this democratic transformation, Peronism managed to
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return to power when it also absorbed that message, that content, which was
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in eighty- seven. Basically, and this is not new either, because
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radicalism, when it goes wrong in the elections of forty- six, when
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it finally begins to react that in that famous Convention of Abellanegra, not in
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case it was in forty- eight. Well, but here, but here,
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Philip, here, Philip. We are all, in theory, citizens
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against polarization, but the first to propose pontalization are the presidents. I say
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the Macrick was going to end it, because they end up being functional for
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their political arming construction. No more creates Alberto Fernández to Cristinante and Millay himself
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says peonism would have to put it instead of one, but the one who
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first puts one and plant enemy and transur to the homeland to what the generism
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proposes is Milay does not look. I just wanted to make a portrait of
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those two decades, from eighty- three to ninety- one, more or
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less, because I think that' s not necessarily there. Alfonsín told Peronism
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how good they are or something. There was a poor confrontation. All Alfonsín
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denounces the Military Trade Union Pact. The Military Trade Union Pact is the one
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that still holds the majority of Peronism in the Senate. The way in which
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deputies and senators were distributed, the electoral system, everything the military government did
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to favor Peronism, because they thought they would accept self- amnesty. I
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mean, there was a confrontation, but in terms of what worked in politics,
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it was this other one beat me, that is Peronism says the king
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ah you beat me. I' m not gonna say you beat me with
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something bad and I was better. I' m gonna try to understand why
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you beat me and I' m gonna see if I can take part in
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that. For my message, that was renewal. Then he wins and radicalism
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doesn' t understand that he loses in Alfonsín' s hyperi inflation because he
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didn' t give rise to the issue of economic policy. And then,
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when Menem' s sharingability starts to work, while the radicalism and other opposition
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parties that were emerging opposed that they could not give him Who beats Peronism,
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Who beats Dualde or even Menem de la Rúa' s reelection attempts? What
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does the Ruba do with the Alliance? The first thing that the Alliance does,
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when formed in eighty- seven, the Alliance was, as if you
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had, the Peronist renewal, the alliance between frepasu and radicalism was somehow the
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renewal of that opposition comes together leaders of the Alliance and the first thing they
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do is they name an economic referent that was josé itself, China, since
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the first thing you say we are going to leave convertibility, that is,
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you are doing well for convertibility. I don' t go on. So,
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what I mean is that you and I could give you other examples that
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I don' t want to abound in that don' t give me more,
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because we have little time. We' ve got less than ten minutes
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left. I want to talk to you about today. Not so much,
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the past gives him good, then I think today since you want to talk
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about today. The opposition lacks to understand why my law gained and how I
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will go. I' m not saying it' s a big problem,
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because it' s only been a hundred days until they get out of those,
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but they' re missing to say ok those things that people like.
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From milay we already know there' s a lot that I don' t
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like. They' ll say the opposition, but those things people like.
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Which of them I can incorporate into my position, into my speech, into
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my policies so that people also took into account me. For now they are
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not finding that either in the return to central or to the leaders of social
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organizations, etcetera. I believe that some of this is beginning to happen at
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these governors' meetings, because the governors, if you take the twenty-
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three governors, plus the head of government of the city, somehow, there
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are a few who are more modern, who are younger and who can represent
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a more modern policy, both within Peronism and outside Peronism. Obviously, there
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are others who don' t, there are others who are infants and others
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who are consolidated, but I think that' s what we need to start
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paying a lot of attention to. Well to see the great handicap of Millan
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is, indeed and precisely being the eighty- three to the booties the one
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of foll Oppositor, which is the one that also led to Milake as a
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social emergent before the defont of politics and so on and skillfully my law is
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enough the word change here. It looks like if I' m not with
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him, I' m not the change. The opposition can' t,
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I don' t say Peronism, but other actors can' t break this,
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as it really happens to me that I' m not representative, nor
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am I for the purposes of your reasoning. But I say change is not
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unique. Say, I want to change, but I don' t have
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to change to go. I want to change the summer nine, I don
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' t have to go alone to the place you want. My wife can
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also choose another one and come here. Change is not a single change.
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The opposition, however, does not work on that, on which it is
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not the only path of change. The opposition is working a little bit on
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this change. Not from my law, but then what do you want me
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to go back to what was before There people, that' s why,
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I mean, peonism has, has, that' s the vest of strength
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back. But I say governors, toy companies could ask if any of this
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is very incipient. They hardly tended, but to ask yes, we have
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to change. So many things had changed, but no. This is not
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the path of change in large part, it is not the path of change
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that we want. When one proposes an electoral campaign and then what we normally
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call the permanent campaign, that is, this other campaign, this other confrontation,
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what you have is that in an electoral campaign the competitors are even.
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People look at them good. The West once one came to the Government looks
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at them differently from the Government. We want results. The opposition know he
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' s not going to rule by now. So if he comes to talk
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to us like they' re campaigning, like they' re going to rule,
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or something makes us noise. And I think what the public in general
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wants to hear the most. Both the supporters, even of Peronism, and
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the undecided, all of Peronism, is not how they would rule instead of
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my laws is how they will change them. Guys didn' t get the
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message. You have to change. If they' re saying we have to
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have power again, we people. You can' t even hear that,
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because what you' re asking is gentlemen, you heard the message. We
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told you that not with that proposal, not while the Government demands that you
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do things and that you do certain things with certain results from you. What
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we want is for them to start telling us how they received variances. The
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menes let us enter a little more into the figure of Milan, not so
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much in the position that we already abound. I say because Miley doesn'
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t hear part of the message that the adjustment was done by the caste and
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not and they reflect it. Polls have been the hardest with my law that
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people actually conceive that adjustment is being paid for by society itself. There is
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confidence in my law, or there is only expectation and hope, which is
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much more skillful. Let' s say look. I believe and returning to
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my previous analysis, that from my law people expect result all this part of
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the speech that if they said yes caste and not caste. That' s
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kind of past thin, we' ve already picked you. Now lower inflation
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and then, if he concentrates on lowering inflation and succeeds, that' s
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going to be his biggest achievement. And if in the middle of inflation,
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he screwed up because there are caste people, because I don' t know
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what. Obviously, people won' t like it. But that' s
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not the parameter by which they' re measuring Miley. They' re asking
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for results and they understand that there' s a certain time, there'
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s a time frame, they' re giving him an arm the longest honeymoon
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would say some to achieve those results. What is the time frame, for
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example, I ask look at these accelerated times and so on, but that
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also by another much is understood that Miley are low polls, but not so
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much. Let' s wait for each other depending on such a tough fit.
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What do you need, how long that time lasts? There' s
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months Look, there' s obviously no other formula. No. I always
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say if you allow me to jump forward and then cut it into pieces.
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Today it must be understood that the mid- term elections of the two thousand
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and twenty- five, which are coming, are beginning to organize politics.
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One begins to say if I want to understand the Argentine politics today of who,
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who and what strength they have, how they push each other, and
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so on. It' s not very useful to look at the formation.
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Let' s say how the coalitions and parties were armed four or five months
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ago, when the elections were. It' s more interesting to start thinking
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about how they' re reconfiguring. Normally, in Argentina governments have a kind
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of crisis or change in the first quarter of the year, their first electoral
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year, that is, what would be more or less within a year in
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the government of alfonsintu or the southern plane, in the government less for compatibility,
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that is, you can see a lot of cases where after a year,
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when you say now elections come, there are a series of changes.
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I suspect you want to live a magnificent moment for forgiveness. There' s
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no no, not an artistic subject, to a rory. So, obviously,
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there' s a lot of people who don' t have that much
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time. Let' s say to wait, to wait for things, falls.
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Thus control of inflation, etcetera. The faster it happens, the faster
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it can start to recover everything. There are some people who think that by
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the middle of years there will already be a situation of stability such that changes
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can begin to take place. Others say it' s gonna take a year,
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et cetera. I think it' s interesting to put in some economic
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analysis and think about which sectors of the economy react faster and which are the
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slowest to react. One can say, for example, that the field reacts
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quickly, because it is all capital that is installed there. I do not
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know whether the energy sector, with all the investments that have been made,
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cows, dead, etc, can react quickly is always said that the construction
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industry, especially if they have now stopped public works, if they start to
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sort out public accounts so that there is some money left for public works.
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That too can react quickly to tourism. Although Argentina has become more expensive,
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Argentina always had a high- end tourism. Let' s say it then,
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too. I think there are a number of areas where the reaction can
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be faster and there are others that require investment, such as mining. Or
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is it that it is also going to take a long time then, but
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I, who has left me next to being able to bid us seems to
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me to look. When you menem 20 seconds. I have the convertibility at
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eight months was the elections and it began to have effects, where the phenomenon
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really started, men in two years after having been the echo. So I
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think that, in short, keep this more long- term vision attentive to
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whether or not the opposition is beginning to renew itself. And a phenomenon that
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is also absent which is the political organization of change that proposes Miley to propose.
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Thank you, Felipe, I embrace you. Thank you very much to
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pron Felipe. It was not the international political consultant. Here, in plural
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construction, we are going to pause after them quickly, because if you did
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not entertain us, we will listen to the audio analysis and the economic panorama.
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With Julio Gambina this summer go wherever you go to enjoy it in full
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with the best meat in the world, Argentine meat against the best Argentine meat
23:14
recipes. Orgr We remind you that you can find us on social networks,
23:22
on our website, where we extend our journalistic work. We find ourselves on
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Twitter under Nick Arroba, approaches on Instagram fer M two thousand twenty- two.
23:30
Ferm de Fermaury two thousand twenty- two and, as always where we
23:36
upload audios of the program analysis of specialist columnists. Our website handles approaches,
23:42
blogs com ar. We' re entering Miley' s 100- day government
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week. In general, it is said that the first one hundred days are
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the two days allowed to advance in the recognition of society or in contradiction with
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the expectations and hopes that society has towards the new Government. Well, that
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' s a part of what' s under discussion in Argentina today. How
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much the electoral consensus of the second round of November last year is maintained,
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How much is the political consensus to the policy of adjustment and regressive restructuring with
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this high level of inflation, from rising prices that clearly the decrease in popular
24:40
income does not allow to satisfy the demand for goods and services in order to
24:48
reproduce daily life in a dignified way, at least for the impoverished majority of
24:53
the population in Argentina. And this week it opens with a mobilization of five
25:00
hundred cuts throughout the country, organized by social movements that demand food for the
25:06
canteens, to recompose a social policy that is deteriorated by the measures taken since
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the beginning of the Mirey administration and a week in which the commemoration of the
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coup of the twenty- fourth of March of the seventy- sixth is prepared.
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Forty- eight years have passed since that time, and the Government of
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Javier Milley, especially its Vice President Victoria Villarroel, is calling for the pursuit
25:42
of the objectives of the military dictatorship and from the point of view of Argentina
25:48
' s economic reorientation, there is an empowerment of the original objectives of the
25:55
military dictatorship. Let' s say that if the Government missed in the early
26:02
1990s was a claim to the strategic project of the military dictatorship and the Alliance
26:08
Government maintained the essence of MENEM' s policy and therefore there is a historic
26:15
continuity with regard to the projects of the military dictatorship. Mauricio Macrie tried to
26:22
confirm that course and clearly, Javier Miley powers and exacerbates that trajectory started forty
26:30
- eight years ago, boosted in the 1990s with Menen de la rúa,
26:37
recently with Macrie and now attempts are being made to deepen it even further.
26:45
And of course, despite this, this situation recognized by all, we do
26:52
not reach a unified march, a unified document of the opponents of the Miley
27:00
Government, because there are different readings. There is an unshared diagnosis of what
27:08
was done in recent years and what should have been done, for example,
27:14
to repudiate the International Monetary Fund' s loan to Mauricio Macri or the various
27:23
debt renegotiation agreements from one thousand nine hundred and eighty- three to the present
27:30
day, especially according to the International Monetary Fund of two thousand twenty- two,
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recognizing the debt to the Monetary Fund Misery debt odious debt assumed by Mauricio
27:45
Macri. Nor are there agreements on what was or should be done to reverse
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the legacy of a productive and development model that culminates in these levels of income
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and wealth inequality in Argentina, of one half of the impoverished population, with
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even higher levels in childhood, with one third of the working population in an
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irregular and clear situation. That is why there is no agreement that there is
28:22
a single march, a single document or two documents in a single march,
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because there is a different diagnosis of what was done, what could be done
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and what should be done. Let' s say translate it. There is
28:37
no agreement on the strategy to overcome the current juncture. It is not enough
28:44
to oppose Javier Miley' s government unless the elements of criticism of what the
28:52
constitutional governments have done in the last forty years are needed. And so what
28:57
is discussed is a political alternative to the current adjustment to the regressive restructuring of
29:06
capitalism in Argentina. What is needed is a critical reading of how Argentine society
29:11
is organized economically, how the State works and at the service of whom and,
29:19
therefore, what forms of political, social and cultural organization are, not
29:23
only to confront current politics, but to build an alternative reality that meets the
29:30
needs and demands of the impoverished majority of the population in Argentina until the next.
29:41
We remind you that you can find us on social networks, on our
29:45
website, where we extend our journalistic work. We found ourselves on Twitter under
29:49
Nick Arroba, on Instagram. Fer M two thousand twenty- two. Ferm
29:56
de Fermaury two thousand twenty- two and, as always where I am,
30:00
one of the audios of the program Analysis of specialist columnists. Our website manages
30:04
tripw approaches, Blogspot com plural construction led by Fernando Maurik by Radio Trentopic