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The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli · Audiobooks & Scary Stories

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  Speaker 1: I hope you enjoy this reading, which comes from a
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  Speaker 1: work in the public domain, The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli.
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  Speaker 1: Chapter one, How many kinds of principalities there are? And
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  Speaker 1: by what means they are acquired? All states, all powers
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  Speaker 1: that have held and hold rule over men have been
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  Speaker 1: and are either republics or principalities. Principalities are either hereditary,
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  Speaker 1: in which the family has been long established, or they
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  Speaker 1: are new. The new are either entirely new, as was
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  Speaker 1: Milan to Francesco's Fortsa, or they are, as it were,
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  Speaker 1: members annexed to the hereditary state of the prince who
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  Speaker 1: has acquired them, as was the Kingdom of Naples to
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  Speaker 1: that of the King of Spain. Such dominions, thus acquired
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  Speaker 1: are either accustomed to live under a prince or to
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  Speaker 1: live in freedom, and are acquired either by the arms
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  Speaker 1: of the prince himself or of others, or else by
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  Speaker 1: fortune or by ability. Chapter two. Concerning hereditary principalities, I
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  Speaker 1: will leave out all discussion on republics inasmuch as in
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  Speaker 1: another place I have written of them at length, and
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  Speaker 1: will address myself only to principalities. In doing so, I
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  Speaker 1: will keep to the order indicated above, and discuss how
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  Speaker 1: such principalities are to be ruled and preserved. I say
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  Speaker 1: at once there are fewer difficulties in holding hereditary states
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  Speaker 1: and those long accustomed to the family of their prince,
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  Speaker 1: than new ones. For it is sufficient only not to
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  Speaker 1: transgress the customs of his ancestors, and to deal prudently
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  Speaker 1: with circumstances as they arise. For a prince of average
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  Speaker 1: powers to maintain himself in his state unless he be
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  Speaker 1: deprived of it by some extraordinary and excessive force, and
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  Speaker 1: if he should be so deprived of it, whenever anything
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  Speaker 1: sinister happens to the usurper, he will regain it. We
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  Speaker 1: have in Italy, for example, the Duke of Ferrara, who
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  Speaker 1: could not have withstood the attacks of the Venetians in
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  Speaker 1: eighty four, nor those of Pope Julius in ten unless
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  Speaker 1: he had been long established in his dominions. For the
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  Speaker 1: hereditary prince has less cause and less necessity to offend.
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  Speaker 1: Hence it happens that he will be more loved, And
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  Speaker 1: unless extraordinary vices cause him to be hated, it is
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  Speaker 1: reasonable to expect that his subjects will be naturally well
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  Speaker 1: disposed towards him, and in the antiquity and duration of
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  Speaker 1: his rule. The memories and motives that make for change
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  Speaker 1: or lost for one change always leaves the toothing for another.
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  Speaker 1: Chapter three concerning mixed principalities. But the difficulties occur in
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  Speaker 1: a new principality, and firstly, if it be not entirely new,
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  Speaker 1: but is as it were, a member of a state,
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  Speaker 1: which taken collectively, may be called composite. The changes arise
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  Speaker 1: chiefly from an inherent difficulty, which there is in all
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  Speaker 1: new principalities. For men change their rulers willingly, hoping to
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  Speaker 1: better themselves, and this hope induces them to take up
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  Speaker 1: arms against him who rules, wherein they are deceived, because
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  Speaker 1: they afterwards find by experience they have gone from bad
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  Speaker 1: to worse. This follows also on another natural and common necessity,
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  Speaker 1: which always causes a new prince to burden those who
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  Speaker 1: have submitted to him with his soldiery and with infinite
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  Speaker 1: other hardships which he must put upon his new acquisition.
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  Speaker 1: In this way, you have enemies in all those whom
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  Speaker 1: you have injured in seizing that principality, and you are
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  Speaker 1: not able to keep those friends who put you there
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  Speaker 1: because of your not being able to satisfy them in
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  Speaker 1: the way they expected, and you cannot take strong measures
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  Speaker 1: against them feeling bound to them. For although one may
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  Speaker 1: be very strong in armed forces, yet in entering a province,
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  Speaker 1: one has always need of the good will of the natives.
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  Speaker 1: For these reasons, Lewis, the twelfth King of France, quickly
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  Speaker 1: occupied Milan and as quickly lost it. And to turn
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  Speaker 1: him out the first time, it only needed Lodovico's own forces,
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  Speaker 1: because those who had opened the gates to him, finding
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  Speaker 1: themselves deceived in their hopes of future benefit, would not
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  Speaker 1: endure the ill treatment of the new prince. It is
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  Speaker 1: very true that after acquiring rebellious provinces a second time,
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  Speaker 1: they are not so lightly lost afterwards, because the prince,
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  Speaker 1: with little reluctance, takes the opportunity of the rebellion to
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  Speaker 1: punish the delinquents, to clear out the suspects, and to
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  Speaker 1: strengthen himself in the weakest places. Thus to cause France
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  Speaker 1: to lose Milan the first time. It was enough for
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  Speaker 1: the Duke Clodavico to raise insurrections on the borders, but
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  Speaker 1: to cause him to lose it a second time it
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  Speaker 1: was necessary to bring the whole world against him, and
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  Speaker 1: that his armies should be defeated and driven out of Italy,
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  Speaker 1: which followed from the causes above mentioned. Duke Loodavico was
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  Speaker 1: Lodovico Moro, a son of Francesco's Forza, who married Beatrice
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  Speaker 1: dest He ruled over Milan from fourteen ninety four to
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  Speaker 1: fifteen hundred and died in fifteen ten. Nevertheless, Milan was
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  Speaker 1: taken from France both the first and the second time.
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  Speaker 1: The general reasons for the first have been discussed. It
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  Speaker 1: remains to name those for the second, and to see
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  Speaker 1: what resources he had and what any one in his
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  Speaker 1: situation would have had for maintaining himself more securely in
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  Speaker 1: his acquisition than did the King of France. Now I
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  Speaker 1: say that those dominions, which, when acquired, are added to
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  Speaker 1: an ancient state by him who acquires them, are are
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  Speaker 1: either of the same country in language, or they are not.
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  Speaker 1: When they are, it is easier to hold them, especially
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  Speaker 1: when they have not been accustomed to self government, and
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  Speaker 1: to hold them securely. It is enough to have destroyed
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  Speaker 1: the family of the prince who was ruling them, Because
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  Speaker 1: the two peoples preserving in other things, the old conditions,
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  Speaker 1: and not being unlike in customs, will live quietly together,
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  Speaker 1: as one has seen in Brittany, Burgundy, Gascony and Normandy,
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  Speaker 1: which have been bound to France for so long a time.
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  Speaker 1: And although there may be some difference in language, nevertheless
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  Speaker 1: the customs are alike, and the people will easily be
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  Speaker 1: able to get on amongst themselves. He who has annexed them,
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  Speaker 1: if he wishes to hold them, has only to bear
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  Speaker 1: in mind two considerations, the one that the family of
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  Speaker 1: their former lord is extinguished, the other that neither their
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  Speaker 1: laws nor their taxes are altered, so that in a
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  Speaker 1: very short time they will become entirely one body with
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  Speaker 1: the old principality. But when states are acquired in a
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  Speaker 1: country differing in language, customs or laws, there are difficulties,
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  Speaker 1: and good fortune and great energy are needed to hold them.
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  Speaker 1: And one of the greatest and most real helps would
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  Speaker 1: be that he who has acquired them should go and
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  Speaker 1: reside there. This would make his position more secure and durable,
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  Speaker 1: as it has made that of the Turk in Greece, who,
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  Speaker 1: notwithstanding all the other measures taken by him for holding
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  Speaker 1: that state, if he had not settled there would not
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  Speaker 1: have been able to keep it. Because if one is
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  Speaker 1: on the spot, disorders are seen as they spring up,
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  Speaker 1: and one can quickly remedy them. But if one is
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  Speaker 1: not at hand, they are heard of only when they
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  Speaker 1: are great, and then one can no longer remedy them.
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  Speaker 1: Besides this, the country is not pillaged by your officials.
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  Speaker 1: The subjects are satisfied by prompt recourse to the prince. Thus,
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  Speaker 1: wishing to be good, they have more cause to love him,
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  Speaker 1: and wishing to be otherwise to fear him. He who
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  Speaker 1: would attack that state from the outside must have the
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  Speaker 1: utmost caution. As long as the prince resides there, it
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  Speaker 1: can only be wrested from him with the greatest difficulty.
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  Speaker 1: The other, in better course, is to send colonies to
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  Speaker 1: one or two places, which may be as keys to
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  Speaker 1: that state, For it is necessary either to do this
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  Speaker 1: or else to keep their a great number of cavalry
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  Speaker 1: and infantry. A prince does not spend much on colonies,
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  Speaker 1: for with little or no expense, he can send them
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  Speaker 1: out and keep them there. And he offends a minority
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  Speaker 1: only of the citizens from whom he takes lands and houses,
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  Speaker 1: to give them to the new inhabitants, and those whom
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  Speaker 1: he offends, remaining poor and scattered, are never able to
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  Speaker 1: injure him, whilst the rest, being uninjured, are easily kept quiet,
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  Speaker 1: and at the same time are anxious not to err
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  Speaker 1: for fear it should happen to them, as it has
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  Speaker 1: to those who have been despoiled. In conclusion, I say
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  Speaker 1: that these colonies are not costly, they are more faithful,
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  Speaker 1: They injure less, and the injured, as has been said,
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  Speaker 1: being poor and scattered, cannot hurt. Upon this one has
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  Speaker 1: to remark that men ought either to be well treated
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  Speaker 1: or crushed, because they can avenge themselves of lighter injuries,
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  Speaker 1: of more serious ones they cannot. Therefore, the injury that
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  Speaker 1: is to be done to a man ought to be
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  Speaker 1: of such a kind that one does not stand in
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  Speaker 1: fear of revenge. But in maintaining armed men there in
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  Speaker 1: place of colonies, one spends much more, having to consume
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  Speaker 1: on the garrison all the income from the state, so
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  Speaker 1: that the acquisition turns into a loss, and many more
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  Speaker 1: are exasperated because the whole state is injured. Through the
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  Speaker 1: shifting of the garrison up and down, all become acquainted
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  Speaker 1: with hardship and all become hostile. And they are enemies who,
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  Speaker 1: whilst beaten on their own ground, are yet able to
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  Speaker 1: do hurt. For every reason, therefore, such guards are as
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  Speaker 1: useless as a colony is useful. Again, the prince, who
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  Speaker 1: holds a country differing in the above respects ought to
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  Speaker 1: make himself the head and defender of his less powerful neighbors,
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  Speaker 1: and to weaken the more powerful amongst them, taking care
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  Speaker 1: that no foreigner as powerful as himself, shall, by any accident,
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  Speaker 1: get a footing there For it will always happen that
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  Speaker 1: such a one will be introduced by those who are discontented,
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  Speaker 1: either through excess of ambition or through fear. As one
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  Speaker 1: has seen already, the Romans were brought into Greece by
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  Speaker 1: the Eetolians, and in every other country where they obtained
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  Speaker 1: a footing, they were brought in by the inhabitants. And
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  Speaker 1: the usual course of affairs is that as soon as
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  Speaker 1: a powerful foreigner enters a country, all the subject states
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  Speaker 1: are drawn to him, moved by the hatred which they
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  Speaker 1: feel against the ruling power, so that in respect to
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  Speaker 1: those subject states, he is not to take any trouble
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  Speaker 1: to gain them over to himself. For the whole of
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  Speaker 1: them quickly rally to the state which he has acquired. There,
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  Speaker 1: he has only to take care that they do not
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  Speaker 1: get hold of too much power and too much authority.
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  Speaker 1: And then, with his own forces and with their good will,
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  Speaker 1: he can easily keep down the more powerful of them,
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  Speaker 1: so as to remain entirely master in the country. And
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  Speaker 1: he who does not properly manage this business will soon
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  Speaker 1: lose what he has acquired, and whilst he does hold it,
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  Speaker 1: he will have endless difficulties and troubles. The Romans, in
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  Speaker 1: the countries which they annexed observed closely these measures. They
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  Speaker 1: sent colonies and maintained friendly relations with two the minor powers,
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  Speaker 1: without increasing their strength. They kept down the greater and
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  Speaker 1: did not allow any strong foreign powers to gain authority.
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  Speaker 1: Greece appears to be sufficient for an example. The Achaeans
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  Speaker 1: and Aetolians were kept friendly by them. The Kingdom of
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  Speaker 1: Macedonia was humbled, Antiochus was driven out. Yet the merits
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  Speaker 1: of the Achaeans and Aetolians never secured for them permission
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  Speaker 1: to increase their power. Nor did the persuasions of Philip
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  Speaker 1: ever induce the Romans to be his friends without first
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  Speaker 1: humbling him, Nor did the influence of Antiochus make them
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  Speaker 1: agree that he should retain any lordship over the country.
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  Speaker 1: Because the Romans did in these instances what all prudent
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  Speaker 1: princes ought to do, who have to regard not only
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  Speaker 1: present troubles, but also future ones, for which they must
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  Speaker 1: prepare with every energy, Because when foreseen, it is easy
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  Speaker 1: to remedy them. But if you wait until they approach,
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  Speaker 1: the medicine is no longer in time, because the malady
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  Speaker 1: has become incurable. For it happens in this as the
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  Speaker 1: physicians say, it happens in hectic fear, that in the
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  Speaker 1: beginning of the malady it is easy to cure but
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  Speaker 1: difficult to detect. But in the course of time, not
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  Speaker 1: having been either detected or treated in the beginning, it
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  Speaker 1: becomes easy to detect but difficult to cure. Thus it
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  Speaker 1: happens in affairs of state. For when the evils that
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  Speaker 1: arise have been foreseen, which it is only given to
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  Speaker 1: a wise man to see, they can be quickly redressed.
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  Speaker 1: But when, through not having been foreseen, they have been
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  Speaker 1: permitted to grow in a way that every one can
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  Speaker 1: see them, there is no longer a remedy Therefore the Romans,
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  Speaker 1: foreseeing troubles, dealt with them at once, and even to
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  Speaker 1: avoid a war, would not let them come to a head,
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  Speaker 1: for they knew that war is not to be avoided,
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  Speaker 1: but is only to be put off to the advantage
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  Speaker 1: of others. Moreover, they wished to fight with Philip and
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  Speaker 1: Antiochus in Greece, so as not to have to do
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  Speaker 1: it in Italy. They could have avoided both, but this
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  Speaker 1: they did not wish, nor did that ever please them.
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  Speaker 1: Which is forever in the mouths of the wise ones
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  Speaker 1: of our time. Let us enjoy the benefits of the time,
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  Speaker 1: but rather the benefits of their own valor and prudence,
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  Speaker 1: For time drives everything before it and is able to
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  Speaker 1: bring with it good as well as evil, and evil
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  Speaker 1: as well as good. Two see remark in the introduction
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  Speaker 1: on the word intra tenor. But let us turn to
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  Speaker 1: France and inquire whether she has done any of the
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  Speaker 1: things mentioned. I will speak of Lewis Free, and not
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  Speaker 1: of Charles, for as the one whose conduct is the
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  Speaker 1: better to be observed, he having held possession of Italy
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  Speaker 1: for the longest period, and you will see that he
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  Speaker 1: has done the opposite to those things. Which ought to
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  Speaker 1: be done to retain a state composed of diverse elements.
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  Speaker 1: Three Lewis twelve, King of France, the Father of the People,
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  Speaker 1: born fourteen sixty two died fifteen fifteen. For Charles eight,
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  Speaker 1: King of France born fourteen seventy died fourteen ninety eight.
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  Speaker 1: King Lewis was brought into Italy by the ambition of
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  Speaker 1: the Venetians, who desired to obtain half the state of
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  Speaker 1: Lombardy by his intervention. I will not blame the course
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  Speaker 1: taken by the King, because, wishing to get a foothold
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  Speaker 1: in Italy, and having no friends there, seeing rather that
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  Speaker 1: every door was shut to him owing to the conduct
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  Speaker 1: of Charles, he was forced to accept those friendships which
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  Speaker 1: he could get, and he would have succeeded very quickly
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  Speaker 1: in his design, if in other matters he had not
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  Speaker 1: made some mistakes. The King, however, having acquired Lombardy, regained
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  Speaker 1: at once the authority which Charles had lost. Genoa yielded.
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  Speaker 1: The Florentines became his friends, the Marquess of Mantua, the
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  Speaker 1: Duke of Ferrara, the Bentivogli, my Lady of Forli, the
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  Speaker 1: lords of Fianza, of Paisarro of Rhymany of Camerino, of Piambino,
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  Speaker 1: the Lucchese, the Pisans, the Sienese, everybody made advances to
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  Speaker 1: him to become his friend. Then could the Venetians realize
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  Speaker 1: the rashness of the course taken by them, which, in
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  Speaker 1: order that they might secure two towns in Lombardy, had
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  Speaker 1: made the king master of two thirds of Italy. Let
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  Speaker 1: any one now consider with what little difficulty the King
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  Speaker 1: could have maintained his position in Italy had he observed
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  Speaker 1: the rules above, laid down, and kept all his friends
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  Speaker 1: secure and protected. For although they were numerous, they were
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  Speaker 1: both weak and timid, some afraid of the Church, some
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  Speaker 1: of the Venetians, and thus they would always have been
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  Speaker 1: forced to stand in with him, and by their means
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  Speaker 1: he could easily have made himself secure against those who
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  Speaker 1: remained powerful. But he was no sooner in Milan than
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  Speaker 1: he did the contrary by assisting Pope Alexander to occupy
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  Speaker 1: the Romagna. It never occurred to him that by this
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  Speaker 1: action he was weakening himself, depriving himself of friends and
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  Speaker 1: of those who had thrown themselves into his lap, whilst
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  Speaker 1: he aggrandized the Church, by adding much temporal power to
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  Speaker 1: the spiritual, thus giving it greater authority. And having committed
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  Speaker 1: this prime error, he was obliged to follow it up,
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  Speaker 1: so much so that to put an end to the
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  Speaker 1: ambition of Alexander, and to prevent his becoming the Master
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  Speaker 1: of Tuscany, he was himself forced to come into Italy. And,
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  Speaker 1: as if it were not enough to have aggrandized the
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  Speaker 1: church and deprived himself of friends, he wishing to have
• 15:00
  Speaker 1: the Kingdom of Naples divided it with the King of Spain,
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  Speaker 1: And where he was the prime arbiter in Italy, he
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  Speaker 1: takes an associate, so that the ambitious of that country
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  Speaker 1: and the malcontents of his own should have somewhere to shelter.
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  Speaker 1: And whereas he could have left in the Kingdom his
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  Speaker 1: own pensioner as king, he drove him out to put
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  Speaker 1: one there who was able to drive him Lewis out.
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  Speaker 1: In turn. The wish to acquire is in truth very
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  Speaker 1: natural and common, and men always do so when they can,
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  Speaker 1: and for this they will be praised, not blamed. But
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  Speaker 1: when they cannot do so, yet wish to do so
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  Speaker 1: by any means, then there is folly in blame. Therefore,
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  Speaker 1: If France could have attacked Naples with her own forces,
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  Speaker 1: she ought to have done so. If she could not,
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  Speaker 1: then she ought not to have divided it. And if
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  Speaker 1: the partition which she made with the Venetians in Lombardy
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  Speaker 1: was justified by the excuse that by it she got
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  Speaker 1: a foothold in Italy, this other partition merited blame, for
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  Speaker 1: it had not the excuse of that necessity. Therefore Louis
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  Speaker 1: made these five errors. He destroyed the minor powers, he
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  Speaker 1: increased the strength of one of the greater powers in Italy.
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  Speaker 1: He brought in a foreign power. He did not settle
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  Speaker 1: in the country. He did not send colonies, which errors,
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  Speaker 1: had he lived, were not enough to injure him had
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  Speaker 1: he not made a sixth by taking away their dominions
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  Speaker 1: from the Venetians, because had he not aggrandized the Church
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  Speaker 1: nor brought Spain into Italy, it would have been very
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  Speaker 1: reasonable and necessary to humble them. But having first taken
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  Speaker 1: these steps, he ought never to have consented to their ruin,
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  Speaker 1: for they, being powerful, would always have kept off others
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  Speaker 1: from designs on Lombardy to which the Venetians would never
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  Speaker 1: have consented, except to become masters themselves. There also because
• 16:38
  Speaker 1: the others would not wish to take Lombardy from France
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  Speaker 1: in order to give it to the Venetians, and to
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  Speaker 1: run counter to both, they would not have had the courage.
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  Speaker 1: And if any one should say King Louis yielded the
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  Speaker 1: Romagna to Alexander and the kingdom to Spain to avoid war,
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  Speaker 1: I answer, for the reasons given above, that a blunder
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  Speaker 1: ought never to be perpetrated to avoid war, because it
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  Speaker 1: is not to be avoided, but is only deferred to
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  Speaker 1: your disadvantage. And if another should allege the pledge which
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  Speaker 1: the king had given to the Pope that he would
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  Speaker 1: assist him in the enterprise in exchange for the dissolution
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  Speaker 1: of his marriage, five and for the cap to Ruan.
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  Speaker 1: Six to that I reply what I shall write later
• 17:15
  Speaker 1: on concerning the faith of princes and how it ought
• 17:18
  Speaker 1: to be kept. Five. Louis twelve divorced his wife Jean,
• 17:23
  Speaker 1: daughter of Louis eleven and married in fourteen ninety nine,
• 17:26
  Speaker 1: and of Brittany, widow of Charles eight, in order to
• 17:29
  Speaker 1: retain the Duchy of Brittany for the crown. Six The
• 17:33
  Speaker 1: Archbishop of Ruan he was George d'Amboise created a cardinal
• 17:38
  Speaker 1: by Alexander six born fourteen sixty died fifteen ten. Thus
• 17:44
  Speaker 1: King Louis lost Lombardy by not having followed any of
• 17:47
  Speaker 1: the conditions observed by those who have taken possession of
• 17:50
  Speaker 1: countries and wished to retain them. Nor is there any
• 17:53
  Speaker 1: miracle in this, but much that is reasonable and quite natural.
• 17:58
  Speaker 1: And on these matters I spoke an ounce with Ruan
• 18:01
  Speaker 1: when Valentino as Chesare Borgias, the son of Pope Alexander,
• 18:05
  Speaker 1: was usually called, occupied the Romagna. And on Cardinal Ruan
• 18:09
  Speaker 1: observing to me that the Italians did not understand war,
• 18:12
  Speaker 1: I replied to him that the French did not understand
• 18:14
  Speaker 1: state craft, meaning that otherwise they would not have allowed
• 18:18
  Speaker 1: the Church to reach such greatness. And in fact, it
• 18:22
  Speaker 1: has been seen that the greatness of the Church and
• 18:24
  Speaker 1: of Spain in Italy has been caused by France, and
• 18:27
  Speaker 1: her ruin may be attributed to them. From this a
• 18:30
  Speaker 1: general rule is drawn, which never or rarely fails, that
• 18:33
  Speaker 1: he who is the cause of another becoming powerful is ruined,
• 18:36
  Speaker 1: because that predominancy has been brought about either by astuteness
• 18:40
  Speaker 1: or else by force, And both are distrusted by him
• 18:42
  Speaker 1: who has been raised to power? Chapter four. Why the
• 18:47
  Speaker 1: Kingdom of Darius conquered by Alexander did not rebel against
• 18:51
  Speaker 1: the successors of Alexander at his death. Considering the difficulties
• 18:54
  Speaker 1: which men have had to hold to a newly acquired state,
• 18:57
  Speaker 1: some might wonder, how, seeing that Alexander the Goat Great
• 19:00
  Speaker 1: became the master of Asia in a few years and
• 19:03
  Speaker 1: died whilst it was scarcely settled, whence it might appear
• 19:07
  Speaker 1: reasonable that the whole empire would have rebelled. Nevertheless, his
• 19:10
  Speaker 1: successors maintained themselves and had to meet no other difficulty
• 19:13
  Speaker 1: than that which arose among themselves from their own ambitions.
• 19:17
  Speaker 1: I answer that the principalities of which one has record
• 19:20
  Speaker 1: are found to be governed in two different ways, either
• 19:23
  Speaker 1: by a prince with a body of servants who assist
• 19:26
  Speaker 1: him to govern the kingdom as ministers by his favor
• 19:28
  Speaker 1: and permission, or by a prince and barons who hold
• 19:31
  Speaker 1: that dignity by antiquity of blood and not by the
• 19:34
  Speaker 1: grace of the prince. Such barons have states and their
• 19:37
  Speaker 1: own subjects who recognize them as lords and hold them
• 19:40
  Speaker 1: in natural affection. Those states that are governed by a
• 19:44
  Speaker 1: prince and his servants hold their prince in more consideration,
• 19:47
  Speaker 1: because in all the country there is no one who
• 19:49
  Speaker 1: is recognized as superior to him, And if they yield
• 19:53
  Speaker 1: obedience to another, they do it as to a minister
• 19:55
  Speaker 1: and official, and they do not bear him any particular affection.
• 20:00
  Speaker 1: Examples of these two governments in our time are the
• 20:02
  Speaker 1: Turk and the King of France. The entire monarchy of
• 20:06
  Speaker 1: the Turk is governed by one lord. The others are
• 20:08
  Speaker 1: his servants, and dividing his kingdom into sanjaks, he sends
• 20:12
  Speaker 1: their different administrators, and shifts and changes them as he chooses.
• 20:17
  Speaker 1: But the King of France is placed in the midst
• 20:19
  Speaker 1: of an ancient body of lords, acknowledged by their own
• 20:22
  Speaker 1: subjects and beloved by them. They have their own prerogatives.
• 20:26
  Speaker 1: Nor can the king take these away except at his peril. Therefore,
• 20:30
  Speaker 1: he who considers both of these states will recognize great
• 20:33
  Speaker 1: difficulties in seizing the state of the Turk, but once
• 20:36
  Speaker 1: it is conquered, great ease in holding it. The causes
• 20:40
  Speaker 1: of the difficulties in seizing the Kingdom of the Turk
• 20:43
  Speaker 1: are that the usurper cannot be called in by the
• 20:45
  Speaker 1: princes of the kingdom, nor can he hope to be
• 20:47
  Speaker 1: assisted in his designs by the revolt of those whom
• 20:49
  Speaker 1: the lord has around him. This arises from the reasons
• 20:53
  Speaker 1: given above, for his ministers, being all slaves and bondmen,
• 20:57
  Speaker 1: can only be corrupted with great difficulty, and one can
• 21:00
  Speaker 1: expect little advantage from them when they have been corrupted,
• 21:03
  Speaker 1: as they cannot carry the people with them. For the
• 21:06
  Speaker 1: reasons assigned, Hence, he who attacks the Turk must bear
• 21:10
  Speaker 1: in mind that he will find him united, and he
• 21:12
  Speaker 1: will have to rely more on his own strength than
• 21:14
  Speaker 1: on the revolt of others. But if once the Turk
• 21:17
  Speaker 1: has been conquered and routed in the field in such
• 21:19
  Speaker 1: a way that he cannot replace his armies, there is
• 21:22
  Speaker 1: nothing to fear but the family of this prince, and
• 21:26
  Speaker 1: this being exterminated, there remains no one to fear, the others,
• 21:30
  Speaker 1: having no credit with the people, And as the conqueror
• 21:32
  Speaker 1: did not rely on them before his victory, so he
• 21:35
  Speaker 1: ought not to fear them after it. The contrary happens
• 21:38
  Speaker 1: in kingdoms governed like that of France, because one can
• 21:41
  Speaker 1: easily enter there by gaining over some baron of the kingdom,
• 21:44
  Speaker 1: For one always finds malcontents, and such as desire a change.
• 21:49
  Speaker 1: Such men, for the reasons given, can open the way
• 21:52
  Speaker 1: into the state and render the victory easy. But if
• 21:55
  Speaker 1: you wish to hold it afterwards, you meet with infinite difficulties,
• 21:58
  Speaker 1: both from those who have assisted you and from those
• 22:00
  Speaker 1: you have crushed. Nor is it enough for you to
• 22:03
  Speaker 1: have exterminated the family of the prince, because the lords
• 22:07
  Speaker 1: that remain make themselves the heads of fresh movements against you,
• 22:10
  Speaker 1: And as you are unable either to satisfy or exterminate them,
• 22:13
  Speaker 1: that state is lost. Whenever time brings the opportunity. Now,
• 22:18
  Speaker 1: if you will consider what was the nature of the
• 22:20
  Speaker 1: government of Darius, you will find it similar to the
• 22:22
  Speaker 1: kingdom of the Turk. And therefore it was only necessary
• 22:25
  Speaker 1: for Alexander first to overthrow him in the field, and
• 22:28
  Speaker 1: then to take the country from him, after which victory
• 22:32
  Speaker 1: Darius being killed. The state remained secure to Alexander for
• 22:36
  Speaker 1: the above reasons, and if his successors had been united,
• 22:40
  Speaker 1: they would have enjoyed it securely and at their ease,
• 22:42
  Speaker 1: For there were no tumults raised in the kingdom except
• 22:45
  Speaker 1: those they provoked themselves. But it is impossible to hold
• 22:49
  Speaker 1: with such tranquility states constituted like that of France. Hence
• 22:53
  Speaker 1: arose those frequent rebellions against the Romans in Spain, France,
• 22:57
  Speaker 1: and Greece, owing to the many principalities theirs were in
• 23:00
  Speaker 1: these states, of which, as long as the memory of
• 23:03
  Speaker 1: them endured, the Romans always held an insecure possession. But
• 23:07
  Speaker 1: with the power and long continuance of the Empire, the
• 23:10
  Speaker 1: memory of them passed away, and the Romans then became
• 23:13
  Speaker 1: secure possessors. And when fighting afterwards amongst themselves, each one
• 23:18
  Speaker 1: was able to attach to himself his own parts of
• 23:20
  Speaker 1: the country according to the authority he had assumed there,
• 23:23
  Speaker 1: and the family of the former lord being exterminated, none
• 23:26
  Speaker 1: other than the Romans were acknowledged. When these things are remembered,
• 23:30
  Speaker 1: no one will marvel at the ease with which Alexander
• 23:33
  Speaker 1: held the Empire of Asia, or at the difficulties which
• 23:35
  Speaker 1: others have had to keep an acquisition such as Peeris
• 23:38
  Speaker 1: and many more. This is not occasioned by the little
• 23:41
  Speaker 1: or abundance of ability in the conqueror, but by the
• 23:44
  Speaker 1: want of uniformity in the subject state. Chapter five concerning
• 23:49
  Speaker 1: the way to govern cities or principalities which lived under
• 23:51
  Speaker 1: their own laws before they were annexed. Whenever, those states
• 23:54
  Speaker 1: which have been acquired, as stated, have been accustomed to
• 23:56
  Speaker 1: live under their own laws and in freedom. There are
• 23:59
  Speaker 1: three courses for those who wished to hold them. The
• 24:01
  Speaker 1: first is to ruin them. The next is to reside
• 24:05
  Speaker 1: there in person. The third is to permit them to
• 24:07
  Speaker 1: live under their own laws, drawing a tribute and establishing
• 24:11
  Speaker 1: within it an oligarchy, which will keep it friendly to you,
• 24:14
  Speaker 1: because such a government, being created by the Prince, knows
• 24:18
  Speaker 1: that it cannot stand without his friendship and interest, and
• 24:21
  Speaker 1: does its utmost to support him. And therefore he who
• 24:23
  Speaker 1: would keep a city accustomed to freedom will hold it
• 24:26
  Speaker 1: more easily by the means of its own citizens than
• 24:28
  Speaker 1: in any other way. There are, for example, the Spartans
• 24:33
  Speaker 1: and the Romans. The Spartans held Athens and Thebes, establishing
• 24:37
  Speaker 1: their an oligarchy. Nevertheless they lost them. The Romans, in
• 24:42
  Speaker 1: order to hold Capua Carthage and Namanta, dismantled them and
• 24:46
  Speaker 1: did not lose them. They wished to hold Greece as
• 24:50
  Speaker 1: the Spartans held it, making it free in permitting its laws,
• 24:53
  Speaker 1: and did not succeed so to hold that they were
• 24:56
  Speaker 1: compelled to dismantle many cities in the country, for in truth,
• 24:59
  Speaker 1: there is no safe way to retain them otherwise than
• 25:02
  Speaker 1: by ruining them. And he who becomes master of a
• 25:05
  Speaker 1: city accustomed to freedom and does not destroy it may
• 25:08
  Speaker 1: expect to be destroyed by it. For in rebellion it
• 25:11
  Speaker 1: is always the watchword of liberty and its ancient privileges,
• 25:14
  Speaker 1: as a rallying point, which neither time nor benefits will
• 25:17
  Speaker 1: ever cause it to forget. And whatever you may do
• 25:20
  Speaker 1: or provide against, they never forget that name or their privileges,
• 25:23
  Speaker 1: unless they are disunited or dispersed. But at every chance
• 25:26
  Speaker 1: they immediately rally to them. As Pisa after the hundred
• 25:29
  Speaker 1: years she had been held in bondage by the Florentines.
• 25:33
  Speaker 1: But when cities or countries are accustomed to live under
• 25:36
  Speaker 1: a prince and his family is exterminated, they, being on
• 25:39
  Speaker 1: the one hand accustomed to obey, and on the other hand,
• 25:42
  Speaker 1: not having the old prince, cannot agree in making one
• 25:45
  Speaker 1: from amongst themselves, and they do not know how to
• 25:47
  Speaker 1: govern themselves. For this reason they are very slow to
• 25:51
  Speaker 1: take up arms, and a prince can gain them to
• 25:54
  Speaker 1: himself and secure them much more easily. But in republics
• 25:58
  Speaker 1: there is more vitality, greater hatere and more desire for vengeance,
• 26:02
  Speaker 1: which will never permit them to allow the memory of
• 26:04
  Speaker 1: their former liberty to rest, So that the safest way
• 26:07
  Speaker 1: is to destroy them or to reside there. Chapter six
• 26:12
  Speaker 1: concerning new principalities which are acquired by one's own arms
• 26:15
  Speaker 1: and ability. Let no one be surprised if, in speaking
• 26:18
  Speaker 1: of entirely new principalities, as I shall do, I adduce
• 26:22
  Speaker 1: the highest examples, both of prince and of state. Because men,
• 26:25
  Speaker 1: walking almost always in paths beaten by others, and following
• 26:29
  Speaker 1: by imitation their deeds, are yet unable to keep entirely
• 26:33
  Speaker 1: to the ways of others, or attain to the power
• 26:35
  Speaker 1: of those they imitate. A wise man ought always to
• 26:39
  Speaker 1: follow the paths beaten by great men, and to imitate
• 26:42
  Speaker 1: those who have been supreme, so that if his ability
• 26:44
  Speaker 1: does not equal theirs, at least it will savor of it.
• 26:48
  Speaker 1: Let him act like the clever archers, who, designing to
• 26:51
  Speaker 1: hit the mark which yet appears too far distant, and
• 26:54
  Speaker 1: knowing the limits to which the strength of their bow attains,
• 26:57
  Speaker 1: take aim much higher than the mark, not to reach
• 26:59
  Speaker 1: by their strength or arrow to so great a height,
• 27:02
  Speaker 1: but to be able, with the aid of so high
• 27:03
  Speaker 1: an aim, to hit the mark they wish to reach.
• 27:07
  Speaker 1: I say therefore, that in entirely new principalities, where there
• 27:11
  Speaker 1: is a new prince, more or less difficulty is found
• 27:13
  Speaker 1: in keeping them, accordingly as there is more or less
• 27:16
  Speaker 1: ability in him who has acquired the state. Now, as
• 27:20
  Speaker 1: the fact of becoming a prince from a private station
• 27:22
  Speaker 1: presupposes either ability or fortune, it is clear that one
• 27:26
  Speaker 1: or other of these things will mitigate in some degree
• 27:28
  Speaker 1: many difficulties. Nevertheless, he who has relied least on fortune
• 27:33
  Speaker 1: is established the strongest. Further, it facilitates matters when the prince,
• 27:38
  Speaker 1: having no other state, is compelled to reside there in person,
• 27:42
  Speaker 1: but to come to those who, by their own ability
• 27:45
  Speaker 1: and not through fortune, have risen to be princes. I
• 27:48
  Speaker 1: say that Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and such like are
• 27:53
  Speaker 1: the most excellent examples. And although one may not discuss Moses,
• 27:57
  Speaker 1: he having been a mere executor of the will of
• 27:59
  Speaker 1: God God, yet he ought to be admired, if only
• 28:02
  Speaker 1: for that favor which made him worthy to speak with God.
• 28:06
  Speaker 1: But in considering Cyrus and others who have acquired or
• 28:08
  Speaker 1: founded kingdoms, all will be found admirable, And if their
• 28:12
  Speaker 1: particular deeds and conduct shall be considered, they will not
• 28:15
  Speaker 1: be found inferior to those of Moses, although he had
• 28:18
  Speaker 1: so great a preceptor, and in examining their actions and lives,
• 28:22
  Speaker 1: one cannot see that they owed anything to fortune beyond opportunity,
• 28:26
  Speaker 1: which brought them the material to mold into the form
• 28:28
  Speaker 1: which seemed best to them. Without that opportunity, their powers
• 28:32
  Speaker 1: of mind would have been extinguished, and without those powers
• 28:35
  Speaker 1: the opportunity would have come in vain. It was necessary,
• 28:39
  Speaker 1: therefore to Moses that he should find the people of
• 28:42
  Speaker 1: Israel in Egypt enslaved and oppressed by the Egyptians, in
• 28:45
  Speaker 1: order that they should be disposed to follow him so
• 28:48
  Speaker 1: as to be delivered out of bondage. It was necessary
• 28:51
  Speaker 1: that Romulus should not remain in Alba, and that he
• 28:54
  Speaker 1: should be abandoned at his birth, in order that he
• 28:56
  Speaker 1: should become king of Rome and founder of the Fatherland.
• 29:00
  Speaker 1: It was necessary that Cyrus should find the Persians discontented
• 29:03
  Speaker 1: with the government of the Medes, and the Meeds, soft
• 29:05
  Speaker 1: and effeminate, through their long peace. Theseus could not have
• 29:09
  Speaker 1: shown his ability had he not found the Athenians dispersed.
• 29:13
  Speaker 1: These opportunities therefore made those men fortunate, and their high
• 29:17
  Speaker 1: ability enabled them to recognize the opportunity whereby their country
• 29:21
  Speaker 1: was ennobled and made famous those who by valorous ways
• 29:25
  Speaker 1: become princes. Like these men acquire a principality with difficulty,
• 29:30
  Speaker 1: but they keep it with ease. The difficulties they have
• 29:33
  Speaker 1: in acquiring it rise in part from the new rules
• 29:35
  Speaker 1: and methods which they are forced to introduce to establish
• 29:38
  Speaker 1: their government and its security. And it ought to be
• 29:41
  Speaker 1: remembered that there is nothing more difficult to take in hand,
• 29:44
  Speaker 1: more perilous to conduct, or more uncertain in its success,
• 29:48
  Speaker 1: than to take the lead in the introduction of a
• 29:50
  Speaker 1: new order of things. Because the innovator has for enemies
• 29:53
  Speaker 1: all those who have done well under the old conditions,
• 29:57
  Speaker 1: and lukewarm defenders in those who may do well under
• 29:59
  Speaker 1: their new This coolness arises partly from fear of the
• 30:03
  Speaker 1: opponents who have the laws on their side, and partly
• 30:06
  Speaker 1: from the incredulity of men who do not readily believe
• 30:09
  Speaker 1: in new things until they have had a long experience
• 30:12
  Speaker 1: of them. Thus it happens that whenever those who are
• 30:15
  Speaker 1: hostile have the opportunity to attack, they do it like partisans,
• 30:18
  Speaker 1: whilst the others defend lukewarmly, in such wise that the
• 30:22
  Speaker 1: Prince is endangered along with them. It is necessary, therefore,
• 30:26
  Speaker 1: if we desire to discuss this matter thoroughly, to inquire
• 30:29
  Speaker 1: whether these innovators can rely on themselves or have to
• 30:32
  Speaker 1: depend on others, that is to say, whether to consummate
• 30:35
  Speaker 1: their enterprise, have they to use prayers or can they
• 30:38
  Speaker 1: use force. In the first instance, they always succeed badly
• 30:43
  Speaker 1: and never compass anything. But when they can rely on
• 30:45
  Speaker 1: themselves and use force, then they are rarely endangered. Hence
• 30:50
  Speaker 1: it is that all armed prophets have conquered and the
• 30:52
  Speaker 1: unarmed ones have been destroyed. Besides the reasons mentioned, the
• 30:57
  Speaker 1: nature of the people is variable, and whilst it is
• 30:59
  Speaker 1: easy to persuade them, it is difficult to fix them
• 31:02
  Speaker 1: in that persuasion, and thus it is necessary to take
• 31:06
  Speaker 1: such measures that, when they believe no longer, it may
• 31:09
  Speaker 1: be possible to make them believe by force. If Moses, Cyrus,
• 31:14
  Speaker 1: Theseus and Romulus had been unarmed, they could not have
• 31:17
  Speaker 1: enforced their constitutions for long as happened in our time
• 31:20
  Speaker 1: to Fra Girolamo Savonarola, who was ruined with his new
• 31:23
  Speaker 1: order of things. Immediately the multitude believed in him no longer,
• 31:28
  Speaker 1: and he had no means of keeping steadfast those who believed,
• 31:31
  Speaker 1: or of making the unbelievers to believe. Therefore, such as
• 31:35
  Speaker 1: these have great difficulties in consummating their enterprise, for all
• 31:38
  Speaker 1: their dangers are in the ascent. Yet with ability they
• 31:41
  Speaker 1: will overcome them. But when these are overcome, and those
• 31:45
  Speaker 1: who envied them their success are exterminated, they will begin
• 31:48
  Speaker 1: to be respected, and they will continue afterwards, powerful, secure, honored,
• 31:53
  Speaker 1: and happy. To these great examples, I wish to add
• 31:56
  Speaker 1: a lesser one. Still it bears some resemblance to them,
• 31:59
  Speaker 1: and I will vi to suffice me. For all of
• 32:01
  Speaker 1: a like kind. It is Hiro the Syricusin one this
• 32:05
  Speaker 1: man rose from a private station to be prince of Syracuse.
• 32:09
  Speaker 1: Nor did he either owe anything to fortune but opportunity,
• 32:12
  Speaker 1: for the Syracusans, being oppressed, chose him for their captain.
• 32:16
  Speaker 1: Afterwards he was rewarded by being made their prince. He
• 32:20
  Speaker 1: was of so great ability even as a private citizen,
• 32:23
  Speaker 1: that one who writes of him says he wanted nothing
• 32:25
  Speaker 1: but a kingdom. To be a king. This man abolished
• 32:29
  Speaker 1: the old soldiery, organized the new, gave up old alliances,
• 32:33
  Speaker 1: made new ones. And as he had his own soldiers
• 32:35
  Speaker 1: and allies on such foundations, he was able to build
• 32:38
  Speaker 1: any edifice. Thus, whilst he had endured much trouble in acquiring,
• 32:43
  Speaker 1: he had but little in keeping. One Hiero two born
• 32:47
  Speaker 1: about three hundred seven b C. Died two hundred and
• 32:50
  Speaker 1: sixteen b c. Chapter seven, concerning new principalities which are
• 32:55
  Speaker 1: acquired either by the arms of others or by good fortune.
• 32:58
  Speaker 1: Those who solely by good fortune become princes from being
• 33:00
  Speaker 1: private citizens have little trouble in rising, but much in
• 33:03
  Speaker 1: keeping a top. They have not any difficulties on the
• 33:06
  Speaker 1: way up, because they fly, but they have many when
• 33:09
  Speaker 1: they reach the summit. Such are those to whom some
• 33:12
  Speaker 1: state is given, either for money or by the favor
• 33:15
  Speaker 1: of him who bestows it, as happened to many in
• 33:17
  Speaker 1: Greece in the cities of Ionia and of the Hellespond,
• 33:20
  Speaker 1: where princes were made by Darius in order that they
• 33:23
  Speaker 1: might hold the cities both for his security and his glory,
• 33:26
  Speaker 1: as also were those emperors who, by the corruption of
• 33:30
  Speaker 1: the soldiers from being citizens, came to empire. Such stands
• 33:34
  Speaker 1: simply elevated upon the good will and the fortune of
• 33:37
  Speaker 1: him who has elevated them, two most inconstant and unstable things.
• 33:42
  Speaker 1: Neither have they the knowledge requisite for the position, because
• 33:45
  Speaker 1: unless they are men of great worth and ability, it
• 33:48
  Speaker 1: is not reasonable to expect that they should know how
• 33:50
  Speaker 1: to command, having always lived in a private condition. Besides,
• 33:54
  Speaker 1: they cannot hold it because they have not forces which
• 33:57
  Speaker 1: they can keep. Friendly and faithful state that rise unexpectedly, then,
• 34:02
  Speaker 1: like all other things in nature, which are born and
• 34:04
  Speaker 1: grow rapidly, cannot leave their foundations and correspondencies one fixed
• 34:09
  Speaker 1: in such a way that the first storm will not
• 34:11
  Speaker 1: overthrow them. Unless, as is said, those who unexpectedly become
• 34:16
  Speaker 1: princes are men of so much ability that they know
• 34:18
  Speaker 1: they have to be prepared at once to hold that
• 34:20
  Speaker 1: which fortune has thrown into their laps, and that those
• 34:23
  Speaker 1: foundations which others have laid before they became princes they
• 34:27
  Speaker 1: must lay afterwards. One low ratici e. Correspondence their roots
• 34:32
  Speaker 1: i e. Foundations and correspondencies or relations with other states.
• 34:37
  Speaker 1: A common meaning of correspondence and correspondency in the sixteenth
• 34:41
  Speaker 1: and seventeenth centuries. Concerning these two methods of rising to
• 34:46
  Speaker 1: be a prince by ability or fortune, I wish to
• 34:48
  Speaker 1: reduce two examples within our own recollection, and these are
• 34:51
  Speaker 1: Francesco's Fortza two and chaser a Borgaw. Francesco, by proper
• 34:57
  Speaker 1: means and with great ability, from being a private person,
• 35:00
  Speaker 1: rose to be Duke of Milan, and that which he
• 35:03
  Speaker 1: had acquired with a thousand anxieties, he kept with little trouble.
• 35:07
  Speaker 1: On the other hand, chaesare Borgia, called by the people.
• 35:10
  Speaker 1: Duke Valentino acquired his state during the ascendancy of his father,
• 35:14
  Speaker 1: and on its decline he lost it, notwithstanding that he
• 35:18
  Speaker 1: had taken every measure and done all that ought to
• 35:20
  Speaker 1: be done by a wise and able man to fix
• 35:22
  Speaker 1: firmly his roots in the states which the arms and
• 35:24
  Speaker 1: fortunes of others had bestowed on him. Two. Francesco Sforza
• 35:29
  Speaker 1: born fourteen o one died fourteen sixty six. He married
• 35:34
  Speaker 1: Bianca Maria Visconti, a natural daughter of Filippo Visconti, the
• 35:38
  Speaker 1: Duke of Milan, on whose death he procured his own
• 35:41
  Speaker 1: elevation to the duchy. Machiavelli was the accredited agent of
• 35:45
  Speaker 1: the Florentine Republic to Chaesare Borgia fourteen seventy eight to
• 35:49
  Speaker 1: fifteen o seven during the transactions which led up to
• 35:52
  Speaker 1: the assassinations of the Orsini and Vitelli at Senegalia, and
• 35:55
  Speaker 1: along with his letters to his chiefs in Florence, he
• 35:58
  Speaker 1: has left an account written ten years before the Prince
• 36:02
  Speaker 1: of the proceedings of the Duke in his discretion, Del
• 36:04
  Speaker 1: Modo tenudo dal Duke of Valentino, Nello amassare, videlozzo vitelle,
• 36:09
  Speaker 1: et cetera, a translation of which is appended to the
• 36:12
  Speaker 1: present work. Because, as is stated above, he who has
• 36:16
  Speaker 1: not first laid his foundations may be able with great
• 36:19
  Speaker 1: ability to lay them afterwards, but they will be laid
• 36:21
  Speaker 1: with trouble to the architect, in danger to the building.
• 36:25
  Speaker 1: If therefore all the steps taken by the Duke be considered,
• 36:29
  Speaker 1: it will be seen that he laid solid foundations for
• 36:31
  Speaker 1: his future power. And I do not consider it superfluous
• 36:34
  Speaker 1: to discuss them, because I do not know what better
• 36:37
  Speaker 1: precepts to give a new prince than the example of
• 36:39
  Speaker 1: his actions and if his dispositions were of no avail,
• 36:42
  Speaker 1: that was not his fault, but the extraordinary and extreme
• 36:46
  Speaker 1: malignity of fortune. Alexander the sixth, in wishing to aggrandize
• 36:51
  Speaker 1: the Duke his son, had many immediate and prospective difficulties. Firstly,
• 36:57
  Speaker 1: he did not see his way to make him master
• 36:59
  Speaker 1: of any state that was not a state of the Church.
• 37:01
  Speaker 1: And if he was willing to rob the Church, he
• 37:03
  Speaker 1: knew that the Duke of Milan and the Venetians would
• 37:05
  Speaker 1: not consent, because Faenza and Rhymedy were already under the
• 37:09
  Speaker 1: protection of the Venetians. Besides this, he saw the arms
• 37:13
  Speaker 1: of Italy, especially those by which he might have been assisted,
• 37:16
  Speaker 1: in hands that would fear the aggrandizemen of the Pope,
• 37:19
  Speaker 1: namely the Orsini and the Colonisi in their following. It
• 37:23
  Speaker 1: behold him, therefore, to upset this state of affairs and
• 37:27
  Speaker 1: embroil the powers so as to make himself securely master
• 37:30
  Speaker 1: of part of their states. This was easy for him
• 37:33
  Speaker 1: to do, because he found the Venetians, moved by other reasons,
• 37:37
  Speaker 1: inclined to bring back the French into Italy. He would
• 37:40
  Speaker 1: not only not oppose this, but he would render it
• 37:43
  Speaker 1: more easy by dissolving the former marriage of King Louis. Therefore,
• 37:47
  Speaker 1: the King came into Italy with the assistance of the
• 37:49
  Speaker 1: Venetians and the consent of Alexander. He was no sooner
• 37:53
  Speaker 1: in Milan than the Pope had soldiers from him for
• 37:56
  Speaker 1: the attempt on the Romagna, which yielded to him on
• 37:58
  Speaker 1: the reputation of the King. The Duke, therefore, having acquired
• 38:03
  Speaker 1: the Romagna and beaten the Coolonesi, while wishing to hold
• 38:06
  Speaker 1: that and to advance further, was hindered by two things.
• 38:09
  Speaker 1: The one his forces did not appear loyal to him,
• 38:12
  Speaker 1: the other the good will of France. That is to say,
• 38:15
  Speaker 1: he feared that the forces of the Orsini which he
• 38:18
  Speaker 1: was using, would not stand to him, that not only
• 38:21
  Speaker 1: might they hinder him from winning more, but might themselves
• 38:24
  Speaker 1: seize what he had won, and that the King might
• 38:26
  Speaker 1: also do the same. Of the Orsini. He had a
• 38:30
  Speaker 1: warning when, after taking Fianza and attacking Bologna, he saw
• 38:33
  Speaker 1: them go very unwillingly to that attack. And as to
• 38:37
  Speaker 1: the King, he learned his mind when he himself, after
• 38:40
  Speaker 1: taking the Duchy of Urbino, attacked Tuscany, and the King
• 38:44
  Speaker 1: made him desist from that undertaking, hence the Duke decided
• 38:47
  Speaker 1: to depend no more upon the arms and the luck
• 38:49
  Speaker 1: of others. For the first thing, he weakened the Orsinian
• 38:53
  Speaker 1: Coolonesi parties in Rome by gaining to himself all their
• 38:56
  Speaker 1: adherents who were gentlemen, making them his gentlemen, giving them
• 38:59
  Speaker 1: good pay, and according to their rank, honoring them with
• 39:03
  Speaker 1: office and command, in such a way that in a
• 39:05
  Speaker 1: few months all attachment to the factions was destroyed and
• 39:08
  Speaker 1: turned entirely to the Duke. After this he awaited an
• 39:12
  Speaker 1: opportunity to crush the Orsini, having scattered the adherents of
• 39:15
  Speaker 1: the Kolana house. This came to him soon, and he
• 39:19
  Speaker 1: used it well, for the Orsini, perceiving at length that
• 39:22
  Speaker 1: the aggrandizement of the Duke and the Church was ruined
• 39:24
  Speaker 1: to them, called the meeting of the Maggion in Peruja.
• 39:28
  Speaker 1: From this sprung the rebellion at Urbino and the tumults
• 39:30
  Speaker 1: in the Romagna, with endless dangers to the Duke, all
• 39:33
  Speaker 1: of which he overcame with the help of the French,
• 39:37
  Speaker 1: having restored his authority not to leave it at risk
• 39:39
  Speaker 1: by trusting either to the French or other outside forces.
• 39:43
  Speaker 1: He had recourse to his wiles, and he knew so
• 39:45
  Speaker 1: well how to conceal his mind that, by the mediation
• 39:48
  Speaker 1: of Senor Pagolo, whom the Duke did not fail to
• 39:51
  Speaker 1: secure with all kinds of attention, giving him money, a
• 39:54
  Speaker 1: peril and horses, the Orsini were reconciled, so that their
• 39:58
  Speaker 1: simplicity brought them into his power. At Senegalia three, having
• 40:02
  Speaker 1: exterminated the leaders and turned their partisans into his friends,
• 40:06
  Speaker 1: the Duke laid sufficiently good foundations to his power. Having
• 40:09
  Speaker 1: all the Romagna and the Duchy of Urbino, and the
• 40:13
  Speaker 1: people now beginning to appreciate their prosperity, he gained them
• 40:16
  Speaker 1: all over to himself. And as this point is worthy
• 40:20
  Speaker 1: of notice and to be imitated by others, I am
• 40:23
  Speaker 1: not willing to leave it out. Three Synegalia, December thirty first,
• 40:28
  Speaker 1: fifteen o two. When the Duke occupied the Romagna, he
• 40:32
  Speaker 1: found it under the rule of weak masters, who rather
• 40:35
  Speaker 1: plundered their subjects than ruled them, and gave them more
• 40:38
  Speaker 1: cause for disunion than for union, so that the country
• 40:40
  Speaker 1: was full of robbery, quarrels and every kind of violence,
• 40:44
  Speaker 1: And so wishing to bring back peace and obedience to authority,
• 40:48
  Speaker 1: he considered it necessary to give it a good governor.
• 40:52
  Speaker 1: Thereupon he promoted Messer Ramiro Diorco for a swift and
• 40:56
  Speaker 1: cruel man, to whom he gave the fullest power. This man,
• 41:00
  Speaker 1: in a short time, restored peace and unity with the
• 41:03
  Speaker 1: greatest success. Afterwards, the Duke considered that it was not
• 41:07
  Speaker 1: advisable to confer such excessive authority, for he had no
• 41:10
  Speaker 1: doubt but that he would become odious. So he set
• 41:13
  Speaker 1: up a court of judgment in the country under a
• 41:15
  Speaker 1: most excellent president, wherein all cities had their advocates. And
• 41:20
  Speaker 1: because he knew that the past severity had caused some
• 41:22
  Speaker 1: hatred against himself, so to clear himself in the minds
• 41:26
  Speaker 1: of the people and gain them entirely to himself, he
• 41:29
  Speaker 1: desired to show that if any cruelty had been practiced,
• 41:32
  Speaker 1: it had not originated with him, but in the natural
• 41:34
  Speaker 1: sternness of the minister. Under this pretense, he took Ramiro
• 41:39
  Speaker 1: and one morning caused him to be executed and left
• 41:41
  Speaker 1: on the piazza at Cesena, with the block and a
• 41:43
  Speaker 1: bloody knife at his side. The barbarity of this spectacle
• 41:47
  Speaker 1: caused the people to be at once satisfied and dismayed
• 41:51
  Speaker 1: for Ramiro di'orco Ramiro de Lorqua, But let us return
• 41:57
  Speaker 1: whence we started. I say that the Duke, finding himself
• 42:01
  Speaker 1: now sufficiently powerful and partly secured from immediate dangers by
• 42:05
  Speaker 1: having armed himself in his own way, and having in
• 42:07
  Speaker 1: a great measure crushed those forces in his vicinity that
• 42:10
  Speaker 1: could injure him if he wished to proceed with his conquest,
• 42:13
  Speaker 1: had next to consider France. For he knew that the king,
• 42:17
  Speaker 1: who too late was aware of his mistake, would not
• 42:19
  Speaker 1: support him, and from this time he began to seek
• 42:23
  Speaker 1: new alliances and to temporize with France in the expedition
• 42:26
  Speaker 1: which she was making towards the Kingdom of Naples against
• 42:29
  Speaker 1: the Spaniards who were besieging Gaeta. It was his intention
• 42:32
  Speaker 1: to secure himself against them, and this he would have
• 42:35
  Speaker 1: quickly accomplished had Alexander lived. Such was his line of
• 42:39
  Speaker 1: action as to present affairs. But as to the future
• 42:43
  Speaker 1: he had to fear in the first place, that a
• 42:45
  Speaker 1: new successor to the Church might not be friendly to him,
• 42:48
  Speaker 1: and might seek to take from him that which Alexander
• 42:50
  Speaker 1: had given him. So he decided to act in four ways,
• 42:54
  Speaker 1: Firstly by exterminating the families of those lords whom he
• 42:57
  Speaker 1: had despoiled, so as to take away that prix from
• 43:00
  Speaker 1: the pope. Secondly, by winning to himself all the gentlemen
• 43:04
  Speaker 1: of Rome, so as to be able to curb the
• 43:06
  Speaker 1: Pope with their aid, as has been observed. Thirdly, by
• 43:10
  Speaker 1: converting the college more to himself. Fourthly, by acquiring so
• 43:15
  Speaker 1: much power before the Pope should die, that he could,
• 43:17
  Speaker 1: by his own measures resist the first shock of these
• 43:21
  Speaker 1: four things. At the death of Alexander, he had accomplished three,
• 43:26
  Speaker 1: for he had killed as many of the dispossessed lords
• 43:28
  Speaker 1: as he could lay hands on, and few had escaped.
• 43:31
  Speaker 1: He had won over the Roman gentleman, and he had
• 43:34
  Speaker 1: the most numerous party in the College. And as to
• 43:37
  Speaker 1: any fresh acquisition, he intended to become master of Tuscany,
• 43:41
  Speaker 1: for he already possessed Perugia and Piambino, and Pisa was
• 43:44
  Speaker 1: under his protection, And as he had no longer to
• 43:48
  Speaker 1: study France, for the French were already driven out of
• 43:51
  Speaker 1: the Kingdom of Naples by the Spaniards, and in this
• 43:53
  Speaker 1: way both were compelled to buy his good will, he
• 43:56
  Speaker 1: pounced down upon Pisa After this, Lucca and Sienna yielded
• 44:00
  Speaker 1: at once, partly through hatred and partly through fear of
• 44:03
  Speaker 1: the Florentines, and the Florentines would have had no remedy
• 44:06
  Speaker 1: had he continued to prosper as he was prospering the
• 44:09
  Speaker 1: year that Alexander died, For he had acquired so much
• 44:12
  Speaker 1: power and reputation that he would have stood by himself
• 44:16
  Speaker 1: and no longer have depended on the luck and the
• 44:18
  Speaker 1: forces of others, but solely on his own power and ability.
• 44:22
  Speaker 1: But Alexander died five years after he had first drawn
• 44:26
  Speaker 1: the sword. He left the Duke with the state of
• 44:29
  Speaker 1: Romania alone, consolidated, with the rest in the air between
• 44:32
  Speaker 1: two most powerful hostile armies, and sick unto death. Yet
• 44:37
  Speaker 1: there were in the Duke such boldness and ability, and
• 44:39
  Speaker 1: he knew so well how men are to be won
• 44:41
  Speaker 1: or lost, and so firm were the foundations which in
• 44:44
  Speaker 1: so short a time he had laid, that if he
• 44:46
  Speaker 1: had not had those armies on his back, or if
• 44:49
  Speaker 1: he had been in good health, he would have overcome
• 44:51
  Speaker 1: all difficulties. And it is seen that his foundations were good,
• 44:55
  Speaker 1: for the Romania awaited him for more than a month
• 44:59
  Speaker 1: in Rome, although but half alive, he remained secure, and
• 45:03
  Speaker 1: whilst the Balioni, the Vitelli and the Orsini might come
• 45:06
  Speaker 1: to Rome, they could not effect anything against him. If
• 45:10
  Speaker 1: he could not have made popehim whom he wished, at
• 45:12
  Speaker 1: least the one whom he did not wish would not
• 45:14
  Speaker 1: have been elected. But if he had been in sound
• 45:17
  Speaker 1: health at the death of Alexander five, everything would have
• 45:20
  Speaker 1: been different to him. On the day that Julius the
• 45:24
  Speaker 1: second six was elected, he told me that he had
• 45:27
  Speaker 1: thought of everything that might occur at the death of
• 45:29
  Speaker 1: his father, and had provided a remedy for all, except
• 45:32
  Speaker 1: that he had never anticipated that when the death did happen,
• 45:35
  Speaker 1: he himself would be on the point to die. Five.
• 45:39
  Speaker 1: Alexander six died of fever August eighteenth, fifteen O three.
• 45:45
  Speaker 1: Six Julius two was Giuliano della Rovere, Cardinal of San
• 45:49
  Speaker 1: Pietro at Vincula born fourteen forty three died fifteen thirteen.
• 45:54
  Speaker 1: When all the actions of the Duke are recalled, I
• 45:57
  Speaker 1: do not know how to blame him, but rather it
• 45:59
  Speaker 1: appears to be as I have said, that I ought
• 46:02
  Speaker 1: to offer him for imitation to all those who by
• 46:04
  Speaker 1: the fortune or the arms of others are raised to government,
• 46:08
  Speaker 1: because he, having a lofty spirit and far reaching aims,
• 46:12
  Speaker 1: could not have regulated his conduct otherwise, and only the
• 46:16
  Speaker 1: shortness of the life of Alexander and his own sickness
• 46:18
  Speaker 1: frustrated his designs. Therefore, he who considers it necessary to
• 46:23
  Speaker 1: secure himself in his new principality, to win friends, to
• 46:27
  Speaker 1: overcome either by force or fraud, to make himself beloved
• 46:30
  Speaker 1: and feared by the people, to be followed and revered
• 46:33
  Speaker 1: by the soldiers, to exterminate those who have power or
• 46:36
  Speaker 1: reason to hurt him, to change the old order of
• 46:39
  Speaker 1: things for new, to be severe and gracious, magnanimous and liberal,
• 46:44
  Speaker 1: to destroy a disloyal soldiery, and to create new. To
• 46:47
  Speaker 1: maintain friendship with kings and princes in such a way
• 46:50
  Speaker 1: that they must help him with zeal and offend with caution.
• 46:53
  Speaker 1: Cannot find a more lively example than the actions of
• 46:55
  Speaker 1: this man. Only can he be blamed for the election
• 46:59
  Speaker 1: of Julius the Second, in whom he made a bad choice, because,
• 47:03
  Speaker 1: as is said, not being able to elect a pope
• 47:05
  Speaker 1: to his own mind, he could have hindered any other
• 47:08
  Speaker 1: from being elected pope, and he ought never to have
• 47:11
  Speaker 1: consented to the election of any cardinal whom he had
• 47:14
  Speaker 1: injured or who had caused to fear him, if they
• 47:16
  Speaker 1: became pontiffs. For men injure, either from fear or hatred.
• 47:21
  Speaker 1: Those whom he had injured, amongst others were San Pietro
• 47:25
  Speaker 1: ad Vincula, Colana, San Giorgio and Ascanio. Seven. The rest
• 47:31
  Speaker 1: in becoming pope had to fear him Ruan, and the
• 47:34
  Speaker 1: Spaniards accepted the latter from their relationship and obligations, the
• 47:38
  Speaker 1: former from his influence the Kingdom of France having relations
• 47:42
  Speaker 1: with him. Therefore, above everything, the Duke ought to have
• 47:46
  Speaker 1: created a Spaniard pope, and failing him, he ought to
• 47:49
  Speaker 1: have consented to Ruan, and not San Pietro at Vincula.
• 47:53
  Speaker 1: He who believes that new benefits will cause great personages
• 47:57
  Speaker 1: to forget old injuries is deceived. Therefore, the Duke aired
• 48:01
  Speaker 1: in his choice, and it was the cause of his
• 48:03
  Speaker 1: ultimate ruin seven. San Giorgio is Raphaelo Riario, Ascanio is
• 48:10
  Speaker 1: Ascanio sportsal. Chapter eight, concerning those who have obtained a
• 48:15
  Speaker 1: principality by wickedness. Although a prince may rise from a
• 48:18
  Speaker 1: private station in two ways, neither of which can be
• 48:21
  Speaker 1: entirely attributed to fortune or genius. Yet it is manifest
• 48:24
  Speaker 1: to me that I must not be silent on them,
• 48:27
  Speaker 1: although one could be more copiously treated. When I discuss republics.
• 48:32
  Speaker 1: These methods are when either by some wicked or nefarious ways,
• 48:35
  Speaker 1: one ascends to the principality, or when, by the favor
• 48:38
  Speaker 1: of his fellow citizens, a private person becomes the prince
• 48:41
  Speaker 1: of his country. And speaking of the first method, it
• 48:45
  Speaker 1: will be illustrated by two examples, one ancient, the other modern.
• 48:49
  Speaker 1: And without entering further into the subject, I consider these
• 48:52
  Speaker 1: two examples will suffice those who may be compelled to
• 48:55
  Speaker 1: follow them. Agathocles, the Sicilian one, became king of Syracuse
• 49:01
  Speaker 1: not only from a private but from a low and
• 49:03
  Speaker 1: abject position. This man, the son of a potter, through
• 49:07
  Speaker 1: all the changes in his fortunes, always led an infamous life. Nevertheless,
• 49:12
  Speaker 1: he accompanied his infamies with so much ability of mind
• 49:15
  Speaker 1: and body, that, having devoted himself to the military profession,
• 49:19
  Speaker 1: he rose through its ranks to be Praetor of Syracuse,
• 49:22
  Speaker 1: being established in that position, and having deliberately resolved to
• 49:26
  Speaker 1: make himself prince and to seize by violence without obligation
• 49:30
  Speaker 1: to others that which had been conceded to him by assent.
• 49:33
  Speaker 1: He came to an understanding for this purpose with Amulcer,
• 49:36
  Speaker 1: the Carthaginian, who with his army was fighting in Sicily.
• 49:40
  Speaker 1: One morning he assembled the people and the senate of Syracuse,
• 49:44
  Speaker 1: as if he had to discuss with them things relating
• 49:46
  Speaker 1: to the republic, and at a given signal, the soldiers
• 49:49
  Speaker 1: killed all the senators and the richest of the people.
• 49:51
  Speaker 1: These dead, he seized and held the prince dam of
• 49:54
  Speaker 1: that city without any civil commotion. And although he was
• 49:58
  Speaker 1: twice routed by the Carthaginians and ultimately besieged, yet not
• 50:02
  Speaker 1: only was he able to defend his city, but leaving
• 50:04
  Speaker 1: part of his men for its defense with the others,
• 50:07
  Speaker 1: he attacked Africa and in a short time raised the
• 50:09
  Speaker 1: siege of Syracuse. The Carthaginians, reduced to extreme necessity, were
• 50:15
  Speaker 1: compelled to come to terms with Agathocles, and, leaving Sicily
• 50:19
  Speaker 1: to him, had to be content with the possession of Africa.
• 50:23
  Speaker 1: One Agathocles the Sicilian born three hundred sixty one b C.
• 50:27
  Speaker 1: Died two hundred eighty nine b C. Therefore, He who
• 50:31
  Speaker 1: considers the actions and the genius of this man will
• 50:34
  Speaker 1: see nothing or little which can be attributed to fortune.
• 50:37
  Speaker 1: Inasmuch as he attained pre eminence, as is shown above,
• 50:41
  Speaker 1: not by the favor of any one, but step by
• 50:43
  Speaker 1: step in the military profession, which steps were gained with
• 50:46
  Speaker 1: a thousand troubles and perils, and were afterwards boldly held
• 50:51
  Speaker 1: by him with many hazardous dangers. Yet it cannot be
• 50:54
  Speaker 1: called talent to slay fellow citizens, to deceive friends, to
• 50:58
  Speaker 1: be without faith, without percy, without religion. Such methods may
• 51:02
  Speaker 1: gain empire, but not glory. Still, if the courage of
• 51:07
  Speaker 1: Agathocles in entering into and extricating himself from dangers be
• 51:10
  Speaker 1: considered together with his greatness of mind in enduring and
• 51:13
  Speaker 1: overcoming hardships, it cannot be seen why he should be
• 51:16
  Speaker 1: esteemed less than the most notable captain. Nevertheless, his barbarous
• 51:21
  Speaker 1: cruelty and inhumanity with infinite wickedness, do not permit him
• 51:24
  Speaker 1: to be celebrated among the most excellent men. What he
• 51:28
  Speaker 1: achieved cannot be attributed either to fortune or genius. In
• 51:32
  Speaker 1: our times, during the rule of Alexander the sixth, Oliverado
• 51:36
  Speaker 1: de Fermo. Having been left an orphan many years before,
• 51:39
  Speaker 1: was brought up by his maternal uncle Giovanni Fogliani, and
• 51:43
  Speaker 1: in the early days of his youth sent to fight
• 51:45
  Speaker 1: under Pagolo Vitelli, that being trained under his discipline, he
• 51:50
  Speaker 1: might attain some high position in the military profession. After
• 51:54
  Speaker 1: Pagolo died, he fought under his brother Vitelozzo, and in
• 51:57
  Speaker 1: a very short time, being endowed with wit and a
• 52:00
  Speaker 1: vigorous body and mind, he became the first man in
• 52:03
  Speaker 1: his profession. But it appearing a paltry thing to serve
• 52:07
  Speaker 1: under others, he resolved, with the aid of some citizens
• 52:10
  Speaker 1: of Fermo, to whom the slavery of their country was
• 52:13
  Speaker 1: dearer than its liberty, and with the help of the Viteleski,
• 52:16
  Speaker 1: to seize Fermo. So he wrote to Giovanni Fogliani that,
• 52:20
  Speaker 1: having been away from home for many years, he wished
• 52:23
  Speaker 1: to visit him in his city, and in some measure
• 52:25
  Speaker 1: to look upon his patrimony. And although he had not
• 52:28
  Speaker 1: labored to acquire anything except honor, yet, in order that
• 52:31
  Speaker 1: the citizens should see he had not spent his time
• 52:33
  Speaker 1: in vain, he desired to come honorably, so would be
• 52:37
  Speaker 1: accompanied by one hundred horsemen, his friends and retainers, and
• 52:41
  Speaker 1: he entreated Giovanni to arrange that he should be received
• 52:44
  Speaker 1: honorably by the Fermians, all of which would be not
• 52:47
  Speaker 1: only to his honor, but also to that of Giovanni himself,
• 52:50
  Speaker 1: who had brought him up. Giovanni therefore did not fail
• 52:54
  Speaker 1: in any attentions due to his nephew, and he caused
• 52:57
  Speaker 1: him to be honorably received by the Fermians, and he
• 53:00
  Speaker 1: lodged him in his own house, where, having passed some days,
• 53:04
  Speaker 1: and having arranged what was necessary for his wicked designs,
• 53:08
  Speaker 1: Oliverado gave a solemn banquet, to which he invited Giovanni,
• 53:11
  Speaker 1: Fogliani and the chiefs of Fermo. When the Vaians and
• 53:15
  Speaker 1: all the other entertainments that are usual in such banquets
• 53:18
  Speaker 1: were finished, Oliverado artfully began certain grave discourses, speaking of
• 53:22
  Speaker 1: the greatness of Pope Alexander and his son Chaseray and
• 53:26
  Speaker 1: of their enterprises, to which discourse Giovanni and others answered.
• 53:30
  Speaker 1: But he rose at once, saying that such matters ought
• 53:33
  Speaker 1: to be discussed in a more private place, and he
• 53:36
  Speaker 1: betook himself to a chamber, whither Giovanni and the rest
• 53:39
  Speaker 1: of the citizens went in after him. No sooner were
• 53:42
  Speaker 1: they seated than soldiers issued from secret places and slaughtered
• 53:45
  Speaker 1: Giovanni and the rest. After these murders, Oliverado mounted on horseback,
• 53:51
  Speaker 1: rode up and down the town, and besieged the chief
• 53:53
  Speaker 1: magistrate in the palace, so that in fear the people
• 53:56
  Speaker 1: were forced to obey him and to form a government
• 53:59
  Speaker 1: of which he made him self the prince. He killed
• 54:02
  Speaker 1: all the malcontents who were able to injure him, and
• 54:04
  Speaker 1: strengthen himself with new civil and military ordinances, in such
• 54:08
  Speaker 1: a way that in the year during which he held
• 54:10
  Speaker 1: the principality, not only was he secure in the city
• 54:13
  Speaker 1: of Fermo, but he had become formidable to all his neighbors,
• 54:17
  Speaker 1: and his destruction would have been as difficult as that
• 54:19
  Speaker 1: of Agathocles if he had not allowed himself to be
• 54:22
  Speaker 1: overreached by Chesay Borgia, who took him with the Orsini
• 54:25
  Speaker 1: and Vitelli at Senegalia. As was stated above, thus, one
• 54:30
  Speaker 1: year after he had committed this parricide, he was strangled,
• 54:33
  Speaker 1: together with Vitelazzo, whom he had made his leader. In
• 54:36
  Speaker 1: valor and wickedness. Some may wonder how it can happen
• 54:40
  Speaker 1: that Agathocles and his like, after infinite treacheries and cruelties,
• 54:44
  Speaker 1: should live for long secure in his country, and defend
• 54:47
  Speaker 1: himself from external enemies, and never be conspired against by
• 54:51
  Speaker 1: his own citizens. Seeing that many others, by means of cruelty,
• 54:56
  Speaker 1: have never been able, even in peaceful times, to hold
• 54:58
  Speaker 1: the state still less in the doubtful times of war.
• 55:02
  Speaker 1: I believe that this follows from severities two being badly
• 55:06
  Speaker 1: or properly used. Those may be called properly used if
• 55:10
  Speaker 1: of evil. It is possible to speak well that are
• 55:12
  Speaker 1: applied at one blow and are necessary to one security,
• 55:15
  Speaker 1: and that are not persisted in afterwards, unless they can
• 55:18
  Speaker 1: be turned to the advantage of the subjects. The badly
• 55:22
  Speaker 1: employed are those which, notwithstanding they may be few in
• 55:25
  Speaker 1: the commencement, multiply with time rather than decrease. Those who
• 55:29
  Speaker 1: practice the first system are able, by aid of God
• 55:32
  Speaker 1: or man, to mitigate in some degree their rule, as
• 55:35
  Speaker 1: the Gathocles did. It is impossible for those who follow
• 55:39
  Speaker 1: the other to maintain themselves. Two. Mister Byrd suggests that
• 55:44
  Speaker 1: this word probably comes near the modern equivalent of Machiavelli's
• 55:47
  Speaker 1: thought when he speaks of crude delta than the more
• 55:49
  Speaker 1: obvious cruelties. Hence it is to be remarked that in
• 55:54
  Speaker 1: seizing a state, the usurper ought to examine closely into
• 55:57
  Speaker 1: all those injuries which it is necessary for him to inflict,
• 56:00
  Speaker 1: and to do them all at one stroke, so as
• 56:02
  Speaker 1: not to have to repeat them daily. And thus by
• 56:04
  Speaker 1: not unsettling men, he will be able to reassure them
• 56:07
  Speaker 1: and win them to himself by benefits. He who does otherwise,
• 56:11
  Speaker 1: either from timidity or evil advice, is always compelled to
• 56:15
  Speaker 1: keep the knife in his hand. Neither can he rely
• 56:17
  Speaker 1: on his subjects, nor can they attach themselves to him,
• 56:20
  Speaker 1: owing to their continued and repeated wrongs. For injuries ought
• 56:24
  Speaker 1: to be done all at one time, so that, being
• 56:27
  Speaker 1: tasted less, they offend less. Benefits ought to be given
• 56:31
  Speaker 1: little by little, so that the flavor of them may
• 56:33
  Speaker 1: last longer. And above all things, a prince ought to
• 56:37
  Speaker 1: live amongst his people in such a way that no
• 56:39
  Speaker 1: unexpected circumstances, whether of good or evil, shall make him change.
• 56:43
  Speaker 1: Because if the necessity for this comes in troubled times,
• 56:46
  Speaker 1: you are too late for harsh measures and mild ones
• 56:49
  Speaker 1: will not help you, for they will be considered as
• 56:52
  Speaker 1: forced from you, and no one will be under any
• 56:55
  Speaker 1: obligation to you for them. Chapter nine concerning a sin principality,
• 57:01
  Speaker 1: but coming to the other point, where a leading citizen
• 57:03
  Speaker 1: becomes the prince of his country, not by wickedness or
• 57:06
  Speaker 1: any intolerable violence, but by the favor of his fellow citizens.
• 57:10
  Speaker 1: This may be called a civil principality. Nor is genius
• 57:14
  Speaker 1: or fortune altogether necessary to attain to it, but rather
• 57:17
  Speaker 1: a happy shrewdness. I say, then, that such a principality
• 57:22
  Speaker 1: is obtained either by the favor of the people or
• 57:24
  Speaker 1: by the favor of the nobles, because in all cities
• 57:27
  Speaker 1: these two distinct parties are found. And from this it
• 57:30
  Speaker 1: arises that the people do not wish to be ruled
• 57:33
  Speaker 1: nor oppressed by the nobles, and the nobles wish to
• 57:35
  Speaker 1: rule and oppress the people. And from these two opposite
• 57:38
  Speaker 1: desires there arises in cities one of three results, either
• 57:41
  Speaker 1: a principality, self government, or anarchy. A principality is created
• 57:47
  Speaker 1: either by the people or by the nobles, accordingly as
• 57:50
  Speaker 1: one or other of them has the opportunity for the nobles,
• 57:53
  Speaker 1: seeing they cannot withstand, the people, begin to cry up
• 57:56
  Speaker 1: the reputation of one of themselves, and they make him
• 57:58
  Speaker 1: a prince, so that under his shadow they can give
• 58:01
  Speaker 1: vent to their ambitions. The people, finding they cannot resist
• 58:05
  Speaker 1: the nobles, also cry up the reputation of one of
• 58:08
  Speaker 1: themselves and make him a prince, so as to be
• 58:10
  Speaker 1: defended by his authority. He who obtains sovereignty by the
• 58:14
  Speaker 1: assistance of the nobles maintains himself with more difficulty than
• 58:18
  Speaker 1: he who comes to it by the aid of the people.
• 58:20
  Speaker 1: Because the former finds himself with many around him who
• 58:23
  Speaker 1: consider themselves as equals, and because of this he can
• 58:26
  Speaker 1: neither rule nor manage them to his liking. But he
• 58:29
  Speaker 1: who reaches sovereignty by popular favor finds himself alone and
• 58:33
  Speaker 1: has none around him, or few who are not prepared
• 58:36
  Speaker 1: to obey him. Besides this, one cannot, by fair dealing
• 58:40
  Speaker 1: and without injury to others, satisfy the nobles, but you
• 58:44
  Speaker 1: can satisfy the people, for their object is more righteous
• 58:47
  Speaker 1: than that of the nobles, the latter wishing to oppress,
• 58:50
  Speaker 1: while the former only desire not to be oppressed. It
• 58:54
  Speaker 1: is to be added also that a prince can never
• 58:56
  Speaker 1: secure himself against a hostile people because of there being
• 58:59
  Speaker 1: too many, whilst from the nobles he can secure himself
• 59:02
  Speaker 1: as they are few in number. The worst that a
• 59:05
  Speaker 1: prince may expect from a hostile people is to be
• 59:07
  Speaker 1: abandoned by them. But from hostile nobles he is not
• 59:10
  Speaker 1: only to fear abandonment, but also that they will rise
• 59:13
  Speaker 1: against him, for they, being in these affairs more far
• 59:16
  Speaker 1: seeing and astute, always come forward in time to save
• 59:19
  Speaker 1: themselves and to obtain favors from him whom they expect
• 59:23
  Speaker 1: to prevail. Further, the prince is compelled to live always
• 59:27
  Speaker 1: with the same people, but he can do well without
• 59:29
  Speaker 1: the same nobles, being able to make and unmake them daily,
• 59:33
  Speaker 1: and to give or take away authority when it pleases him. Therefore,
• 59:37
  Speaker 1: to make this point clearer, I say that the nobles
• 59:40
  Speaker 1: ought to be looked at mainly in two ways. That
• 59:42
  Speaker 1: is to say, they either shape their course in such
• 59:45
  Speaker 1: a way as binds them entirely to your fortune, or
• 59:47
  Speaker 1: they do not. Those who so bind themselves and are
• 59:51
  Speaker 1: not rapacious ought to be honored and loved. Those who
• 59:54
  Speaker 1: do not bind themselves may be dealt with in two ways.
• 59:57
  Speaker 1: They may fail to do this through pucill and ima
• 1:00:00
  Speaker 1: and a natural want of courage, in which case you
• 1:00:02
  Speaker 1: ought to make use of them, especially of those who
• 1:00:05
  Speaker 1: are of good counsel. And thus, whilst in prosperity you
• 1:00:09
  Speaker 1: honor them, in adversity you do not have to fear them.
• 1:00:12
  Speaker 1: But when for their own ambitious ends they shun binding themselves,
• 1:00:16
  Speaker 1: it is a token that they are giving more thought
• 1:00:18
  Speaker 1: to themselves than to you. And a prince ought to
• 1:00:20
  Speaker 1: guard against such and to fear them as if they
• 1:00:23
  Speaker 1: were open enemies, because in adversity they always help to
• 1:00:27
  Speaker 1: ruin him. Therefore, one who becomes a prince through the
• 1:00:30
  Speaker 1: favor of the people ought to keep them friendly, and
• 1:00:33
  Speaker 1: this he can easily do, seeing they only ask not
• 1:00:35
  Speaker 1: to be oppressed by him. But one who in opposition
• 1:00:39
  Speaker 1: to the people becomes a prince by the favor of
• 1:00:42
  Speaker 1: the nobles ought above everything to seek to win the
• 1:00:45
  Speaker 1: people over to himself, and this he may easily do
• 1:00:48
  Speaker 1: if he takes them under his protection. Because men, when
• 1:00:52
  Speaker 1: they receive good from him of whom they were expecting evil,
• 1:00:54
  Speaker 1: are bound more closely to their benefactor. Thus the people
• 1:00:58
  Speaker 1: quickly become more devoted to him, than if he had
• 1:01:00
  Speaker 1: been raised to the principality by their favors. And the
• 1:01:03
  Speaker 1: prince can win their affections in many ways. But as
• 1:01:06
  Speaker 1: these very according to the circumstances, one cannot give fixed rules,
• 1:01:10
  Speaker 1: so I omit them. But I repeat, it is necessary
• 1:01:13
  Speaker 1: for a prince to have the people friendly, otherwise he
• 1:01:16
  Speaker 1: has no security in adversity. Nabis, one prince of the Spartans,
• 1:01:22
  Speaker 1: sustained the attack of all Greece and of a victorious
• 1:01:25
  Speaker 1: Roman army, and against them he defended his country and
• 1:01:27
  Speaker 1: his government. And for the overcoming of this peril, it
• 1:01:30
  Speaker 1: was only necessary for him to make himself secure against
• 1:01:33
  Speaker 1: a few. But this would not have been sufficient had
• 1:01:35
  Speaker 1: the people been hostile. And do not let any one
• 1:01:39
  Speaker 1: impugne this statement with the trite proverb that he who
• 1:01:41
  Speaker 1: builds on the people builds on the mud. For this
• 1:01:44
  Speaker 1: is true when a private citizen makes a foundation there
• 1:01:47
  Speaker 1: and persuades himself that the people will free him when
• 1:01:50
  Speaker 1: he is oppressed by his enemies or by the magistrates,
• 1:01:53
  Speaker 1: wherein he would find himself very often deceived, as happened
• 1:01:57
  Speaker 1: to the Grachai in Rome and to Messer Giorgio Scali
• 1:02:00
  Speaker 1: two in Florence, but granted a prince who has established
• 1:02:04
  Speaker 1: himself as above, who can command, and is a man
• 1:02:07
  Speaker 1: of courage, undismayed in adversity, who does not fail in
• 1:02:11
  Speaker 1: other qualifications, and who by his resolution and energy, keeps
• 1:02:15
  Speaker 1: the whole people encouraged. Such a one will never find
• 1:02:18
  Speaker 1: himself deceived in them, and it will be shown that
• 1:02:21
  Speaker 1: he has laid his foundations well. One Nabbies, tyrant of Sparta,
• 1:02:26
  Speaker 1: conquered by the Romans under Flamininus in one hundred ninety
• 1:02:30
  Speaker 1: five b c. Killed one hundred ninety two b C.
• 1:02:33
  Speaker 1: Two Messer Giorgio Scali. This event is to be found
• 1:02:37
  Speaker 1: in Machiavelli's Florentine History Book three. These principalities are liable
• 1:02:43
  Speaker 1: to danger when they are passing from the civil to
• 1:02:45
  Speaker 1: the absolute order of government. For such princes either rule
• 1:02:48
  Speaker 1: personally or through magistrates. In the latter case, their government
• 1:02:53
  Speaker 1: is weaker and more insecure, because it rests entirely on
• 1:02:56
  Speaker 1: the goodwill of those citizens who are raised to the magistracy,
• 1:02:59
  Speaker 1: and who, especially in troubled times, can destroy the government
• 1:03:03
  Speaker 1: with great ease, either by intrigue or open defiance. And
• 1:03:07
  Speaker 1: the prince has not the chance amid tumults to exercise
• 1:03:10
  Speaker 1: absolute authority, because the citizens and subjects accustomed to receive
• 1:03:14
  Speaker 1: orders from magistrates are not of a mind to obey
• 1:03:17
  Speaker 1: him amid these confusions, and there will always be, in
• 1:03:20
  Speaker 1: doubtful times a scarcity of men whom he can trust.
• 1:03:23
  Speaker 1: For such a prince cannot rely upon what he observes
• 1:03:26
  Speaker 1: in quiet times when citizens have need of the state,
• 1:03:29
  Speaker 1: because then every one agrees with him, they all promise,
• 1:03:32
  Speaker 1: and when death is far distant, they all wish to
• 1:03:35
  Speaker 1: die for him. But in troubled times, when the state
• 1:03:38
  Speaker 1: has need of its citizens, then he finds but few.
• 1:03:42
  Speaker 1: And so much the more is this experiment dangerous inasmuch
• 1:03:45
  Speaker 1: as it can only be tried once. Therefore, a wise
• 1:03:48
  Speaker 1: prince ought to adopt such a course that his citizens
• 1:03:51
  Speaker 1: will always, in every sort and kind of circumstance, have
• 1:03:54
  Speaker 1: need of the state and of him, and then he
• 1:03:55
  Speaker 1: will always find them faithful. Chapter ten, concerning the way
• 1:04:01
  Speaker 1: in which the strength of all principalities ought to be measured,
• 1:04:03
  Speaker 1: it is necessary to consider another point in examining the
• 1:04:06
  Speaker 1: character of these principalities, that is, whether a prince has
• 1:04:10
  Speaker 1: such power that, in case of need he can support
• 1:04:13
  Speaker 1: himself with his own resources, or whether he has always
• 1:04:16
  Speaker 1: need of the assistance of others. And to make this
• 1:04:19
  Speaker 1: quite clear, I say that I consider those who are
• 1:04:22
  Speaker 1: able to support themselves by their own resources, who can,
• 1:04:25
  Speaker 1: either by abundance of men or money, raise a sufficient
• 1:04:28
  Speaker 1: army to join battle against any one who comes to
• 1:04:30
  Speaker 1: attack them. And I consider those always to have need
• 1:04:34
  Speaker 1: of others, who cannot show themselves against the enemy in
• 1:04:36
  Speaker 1: the field, but are forced to defend themselves by sheltering
• 1:04:39
  Speaker 1: behind walls. The first case has been discussed, but we
• 1:04:43
  Speaker 1: will speak of it again should it recur. In the
• 1:04:46
  Speaker 1: second case, one can say nothing except to encourage such
• 1:04:49
  Speaker 1: princes to provision and fortify their towns, and not on
• 1:04:53
  Speaker 1: any account to defend the country. And whoever shall fortify
• 1:04:57
  Speaker 1: his town well and shall have managed the other concerns
• 1:04:59
  Speaker 1: of his subjects in the way stated above, and to
• 1:05:02
  Speaker 1: be often repeated, will never be attacked without great caution.
• 1:05:05
  Speaker 1: For men are always adverse to enterprises where difficulties can
• 1:05:09
  Speaker 1: be seen, and it will be seen not to be
• 1:05:11
  Speaker 1: an easy thing to attack one who has his town
• 1:05:14
  Speaker 1: well fortified and is not hated by his people. The
• 1:05:18
  Speaker 1: cities of Germany are absolutely free. They own but little
• 1:05:21
  Speaker 1: country around them, and they yield obedience to the Emperor
• 1:05:24
  Speaker 1: when it suits them. Nor do they fear this or
• 1:05:26
  Speaker 1: any other power they may have near them, because they
• 1:05:29
  Speaker 1: are fortified in such a way that every one thinks
• 1:05:31
  Speaker 1: the taking of them by assault would be tedious and difficult,
• 1:05:35
  Speaker 1: seeing they have proper ditches and walls, They have sufficient artillery,
• 1:05:39
  Speaker 1: and they always keep in public depots enough for one
• 1:05:42
  Speaker 1: year's eating, drinking and firing, and beyond this, to keep
• 1:05:46
  Speaker 1: the people quiet and without loss to the state, They
• 1:05:49
  Speaker 1: always have the means of giving work to the community
• 1:05:51
  Speaker 1: in those labors that are the life and strength of
• 1:05:53
  Speaker 1: the city, and on the pursuit of which the people
• 1:05:56
  Speaker 1: are supported. They also hold military exercises and repute, and
• 1:06:00
  Speaker 1: moreover have many ordinances to uphold them. Therefore, a prince
• 1:06:04
  Speaker 1: who has a strong city and had not made himself odious,
• 1:06:08
  Speaker 1: will not be attacked, or if any one should attack,
• 1:06:10
  Speaker 1: he will only be driven off with disgrace again. Because
• 1:06:13
  Speaker 1: that the affairs of this world are so changeable, it
• 1:06:16
  Speaker 1: is almost impossible to keep an army a whole year
• 1:06:18
  Speaker 1: in the field without being interfered with. And whoever should reply,
• 1:06:23
  Speaker 1: If the people have property outside the city and see
• 1:06:26
  Speaker 1: it burnt, they will not remain patient, and the long
• 1:06:29
  Speaker 1: siege and self interest will make them forget their prince.
• 1:06:32
  Speaker 1: To this I answer that a powerful and courageous prince
• 1:06:35
  Speaker 1: will overcome all such difficulties by giving at one time
• 1:06:38
  Speaker 1: hope to his subjects that the evil will not be
• 1:06:40
  Speaker 1: for long, at another time fear of the cruelty of
• 1:06:43
  Speaker 1: the enemy, than preserving himself adroitly from those subjects who
• 1:06:46
  Speaker 1: seem to him to be too bold. Further, the enemy
• 1:06:50
  Speaker 1: would naturally, on his arrival at once burn and ruin
• 1:06:52
  Speaker 1: the country at the time when the spirits of the
• 1:06:54
  Speaker 1: people are still hot and ready for the defense, and
• 1:06:57
  Speaker 1: therefore so much the less ought the prince to hesitate,
• 1:07:01
  Speaker 1: Because after a time, when spirits have cooled, the damage
• 1:07:04
  Speaker 1: is already done, the ills are incurred, and there is
• 1:07:08
  Speaker 1: no longer any remedy, and therefore they are so much
• 1:07:11
  Speaker 1: the more ready to unite with their prince, he appearing
• 1:07:13
  Speaker 1: to be under obligations to them, now that their houses
• 1:07:16
  Speaker 1: have been burnt and their possessions ruined in his defense.
• 1:07:20
  Speaker 1: For it is the nature of men to be bound
• 1:07:21
  Speaker 1: by the benefits they confer as much as by those
• 1:07:24
  Speaker 1: they receive. Therefore, if everything is well considered, it will
• 1:07:28
  Speaker 1: not be difficult for a wise prince to keep the
• 1:07:31
  Speaker 1: minds of his citizens steadfast from first to last, when
• 1:07:34
  Speaker 1: he does not fail to support and defend them. Chapter eleven,
• 1:07:39
  Speaker 1: concerning ecclesiastical principalities. It only remains now to speak of
• 1:07:42
  Speaker 1: ecclesiastical principalities, touching which all difficulties are prior to getting possession,
• 1:07:47
  Speaker 1: because they are acquired either by capacity or good fortune,
• 1:07:51
  Speaker 1: and they can be held without either, for they are
• 1:07:53
  Speaker 1: sustained by the ancient ordinances of religion, which are so
• 1:07:57
  Speaker 1: all powerful and of such a character, that the prince
• 1:08:00
  Speaker 1: may be held no matter how their princes behave and live.
• 1:08:04
  Speaker 1: These princes alone have states and do not defend them,
• 1:08:07
  Speaker 1: and they have subjects and do not rule them. And
• 1:08:09
  Speaker 1: the states, although unguarded, are not taken from them, and
• 1:08:13
  Speaker 1: the subjects, although not ruled, do not care. And they
• 1:08:16
  Speaker 1: have neither the desire nor the ability to alienate themselves.
• 1:08:20
  Speaker 1: Such principalities only are secure and happy, but being upheld
• 1:08:25
  Speaker 1: by powers to which the human mind cannot reach. I
• 1:08:28
  Speaker 1: shall speak no more of them, because being exalted and
• 1:08:31
  Speaker 1: maintained by God, it would be the act of a
• 1:08:34
  Speaker 1: presumptuous and rash man to discuss them. Nevertheless, if any
• 1:08:38
  Speaker 1: one should ask of me, how comes it that the
• 1:08:40
  Speaker 1: Church has attained such greatness in temporal power? Seeing that
• 1:08:44
  Speaker 1: from Alexander backwards the Italian potentates, not only those who
• 1:08:47
  Speaker 1: have been called potentates, but every baron and lord, though
• 1:08:51
  Speaker 1: the smallest, have valued the temporal power very slightly. Yet
• 1:08:55
  Speaker 1: now a king of France trembles before it, and it
• 1:08:58
  Speaker 1: has been able to drive him from Italy and to
• 1:09:00
  Speaker 1: ruin the Venetians. Although this may be very manifest, it
• 1:09:03
  Speaker 1: does not appear to me superfluous to recall it in
• 1:09:06
  Speaker 1: some measure to memory. Before Charles, King of France, passed
• 1:09:10
  Speaker 1: into Italy one, this country was under the dominion of
• 1:09:14
  Speaker 1: the Pope, the Venetians, the King of Naples, the Duke
• 1:09:17
  Speaker 1: of Milan, and the Florentines. These potentates had two principal anxieties,
• 1:09:23
  Speaker 1: the one that no foreigner should enter Italy under arms,
• 1:09:26
  Speaker 1: the other that none of themselves should seize more territory.
• 1:09:30
  Speaker 1: Those about whom there was the most anxiety were the
• 1:09:33
  Speaker 1: Pope and the Venetians, to restrain the Venetians. The union
• 1:09:37
  Speaker 1: of all the others was necessary, as it was for
• 1:09:39
  Speaker 1: the defense of Ferrara and to keep down the pope.
• 1:09:42
  Speaker 1: They made use of the barons of Rome, who, being
• 1:09:44
  Speaker 1: divided into two factions Orsini Incolonesi, had always a pretext
• 1:09:49
  Speaker 1: for disorder, and standing with arms in their hands under
• 1:09:53
  Speaker 1: the eyes of the pontiff kept the pontificate weak and powerless.
• 1:09:57
  Speaker 1: And although there might arise sometimes a care ageous pope
• 1:10:00
  Speaker 1: such as Sixtus, yet neither fortune nor wisdom could rid
• 1:10:04
  Speaker 1: him of these annoyances. And the short life of a
• 1:10:07
  Speaker 1: pope is also a cause of weakness, for in the
• 1:10:10
  Speaker 1: ten years, which is the average life of a pope,
• 1:10:12
  Speaker 1: he can with difficulty lower one of the factions. And
• 1:10:15
  Speaker 1: if so to speak, one people should almost destroy the Colonisi,
• 1:10:19
  Speaker 1: another would arise hostile to the Orsini, who would support
• 1:10:22
  Speaker 1: their opponents, and yet would not have time to ruin
• 1:10:26
  Speaker 1: the Orsini. This was the reason why the temporal powers
• 1:10:30
  Speaker 1: of the pope were little esteemed in Italy. One Charles
• 1:10:34
  Speaker 1: eight invaded Italy in fourteen ninety four. Alexander the sixth
• 1:10:38
  Speaker 1: arose afterwards, who of all the pontiffs that have ever
• 1:10:41
  Speaker 1: been showed how a pope with both money and arms
• 1:10:43
  Speaker 1: was able to prevail. And through the instrumentality of the
• 1:10:46
  Speaker 1: Duke Valentino, and by reason of the entry of the French,
• 1:10:50
  Speaker 1: he brought about all those things which I have discussed
• 1:10:52
  Speaker 1: above in the actions of the Duke. And although his
• 1:10:55
  Speaker 1: intention was not to aggrandize the Church but the Duke,
• 1:10:58
  Speaker 1: nevertheless what he did contributed to the greatness of the Church, which,
• 1:11:02
  Speaker 1: after his death and the ruin of the Duke, became
• 1:11:05
  Speaker 1: the heir to all his labors. Pope Julius came afterwards
• 1:11:09
  Speaker 1: and found the Church strong, possessing all the Romagna, the
• 1:11:12
  Speaker 1: barons of Rome reduced to impotence, and through the chastisements
• 1:11:16
  Speaker 1: of Alexander the factions wiped out. He also found the
• 1:11:20
  Speaker 1: way open to accumulate money in a manner such as
• 1:11:22
  Speaker 1: had never been practiced before Alexander's time. Such things Julius
• 1:11:27
  Speaker 1: not only followed, but improved upon, and he intended to
• 1:11:30
  Speaker 1: gain Bologna, to ruin the Venetians, and to drive the
• 1:11:34
  Speaker 1: French out of Italy. All of these enterprises prospered with him,
• 1:11:38
  Speaker 1: and so much the more to his credit. Inasmuch as
• 1:11:40
  Speaker 1: he did everything to strengthen the church, and not any
• 1:11:43
  Speaker 1: private person. He kept also the Orsinian COLONIESI factions within
• 1:11:48
  Speaker 1: the bounds in which he found them, and although there
• 1:11:50
  Speaker 1: was among them some mind to make disturbance, nevertheless he
• 1:11:53
  Speaker 1: held two things firm, the one the greatness of the Church,
• 1:11:57
  Speaker 1: with which he terrified them, and the other not all
• 1:12:00
  Speaker 1: allowing them to have their own cardinals, who caused the
• 1:12:03
  Speaker 1: disorders among them. For whenever these factions have their cardinals,
• 1:12:07
  Speaker 1: they do not remain quiet for long. Because cardinals foster
• 1:12:11
  Speaker 1: the factions in Rome and out of it, and the
• 1:12:13
  Speaker 1: barons are compelled to support them, and thus from the
• 1:12:15
  Speaker 1: ambitions of prelates arise disorders and tumults among the barons.
• 1:12:20
  Speaker 1: For these reasons, his holiness Pope Leo too found the
• 1:12:23
  Speaker 1: pontificate most powerful, and it is to be hoped that
• 1:12:26
  Speaker 1: if others made it great in arms, he will make
• 1:12:29
  Speaker 1: it still greater and more venerated by his goodness and
• 1:12:32
  Speaker 1: infinite other virtues. Two Pope Leo X was the Cardinal DETHMETICI,
• 1:12:38
  Speaker 1: Chapter twelve, How many kinds of soldiery there are? And
• 1:12:42
  Speaker 1: concerning mercenaries, Having discoursed particularly on the characteristics of such principalities,
• 1:12:47
  Speaker 1: as in the beginning, I propose to discuss, and having
• 1:12:50
  Speaker 1: considered in some degree the causes of their being good
• 1:12:52
  Speaker 1: or bad, and having shown the methods by which many
• 1:12:55
  Speaker 1: have sought to acquire them and to hold them, it
• 1:12:58
  Speaker 1: now remains for me to discus thus generally the means
• 1:13:01
  Speaker 1: of offense and defense which belong to each of them.
• 1:13:04
  Speaker 1: We have seen above how necessary it is for a
• 1:13:06
  Speaker 1: prince to have his foundations well laid, Otherwise it follows
• 1:13:10
  Speaker 1: of necessity he will go to ruin. The chief foundations
• 1:13:14
  Speaker 1: of all states, new as well as old or composite,
• 1:13:17
  Speaker 1: are good laws and good arms. And as there cannot
• 1:13:19
  Speaker 1: be good laws where the state is not well armed,
• 1:13:22
  Speaker 1: it follows that where they are well armed, they have
• 1:13:24
  Speaker 1: good laws. I shall leave the laws out of the discussion,
• 1:13:27
  Speaker 1: and shall speak of the arms. I say therefore, that
• 1:13:32
  Speaker 1: the arms with which a prince defends his state are
• 1:13:34
  Speaker 1: either his own, or they are mercenaries, auxiliaries, or mixed.
• 1:13:39
  Speaker 1: Mercenaries and auxiliaries are useless and dangerous. And if one
• 1:13:43
  Speaker 1: holds his state based on these arms, he will stand
• 1:13:45
  Speaker 1: neither firm nor safe, for they are disunited, ambitious, and
• 1:13:49
  Speaker 1: without discipline, unfaithful, valiant before friends, cowardly before enemies. They
• 1:13:55
  Speaker 1: have neither the fear of God nor fidelity to men,
• 1:13:58
  Speaker 1: And destruction is deferred only so long as the attack
• 1:14:01
  Speaker 1: is for in peace one is robbed by them, and
• 1:14:04
  Speaker 1: in war by the enemy. The fact is they have
• 1:14:07
  Speaker 1: no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than
• 1:14:10
  Speaker 1: a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make
• 1:14:13
  Speaker 1: them willing to die for you. They are ready enough
• 1:14:16
  Speaker 1: to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war,
• 1:14:18
  Speaker 1: but if war comes, they take themselves off or run
• 1:14:21
  Speaker 1: from the foe, which I should have little trouble to prove,
• 1:14:24
  Speaker 1: for the ruin of Italy has been caused by nothing
• 1:14:26
  Speaker 1: else than by resting all her hopes for many years
• 1:14:28
  Speaker 1: on mercenaries. And although they formerly made some display an
• 1:14:33
  Speaker 1: appeared valiant amongst themselves, yet when the foreigners came, they
• 1:14:36
  Speaker 1: showed what they were. Thus it was that Charles, King
• 1:14:40
  Speaker 1: of France, was allowed to seize Italy with chalk in hand,
• 1:14:43
  Speaker 1: wink with a frown one. And he who told us
• 1:14:45
  Speaker 1: that our sins were the cause of it told the truth.
• 1:14:47
  Speaker 1: But they were not the sins he imagined, but those
• 1:14:50
  Speaker 1: which I have related and as they were the sins
• 1:14:53
  Speaker 1: of princes. It is the princes who have also suffered
• 1:14:56
  Speaker 1: the penalty. One with chalk in hand, called Jesso. This
• 1:15:00
  Speaker 1: is one of the bones mos of Alexander six and
• 1:15:03
  Speaker 1: refers to the ease with which Charles eight seized Italy,
• 1:15:06
  Speaker 1: implying that it was only necessary for him to send
• 1:15:08
  Speaker 1: his quartermasters to chalk up the billets for his soldiers
• 1:15:11
  Speaker 1: to conquer the country. C f. The History of Henry
• 1:15:16
  Speaker 1: seven by Lord Bacon. King Charles had conquered the realm
• 1:15:19
  Speaker 1: of Naples and lost it again in a kind of
• 1:15:22
  Speaker 1: a felicity of a dream. He passed the whole length
• 1:15:26
  Speaker 1: of Italy without resistance, so that it was true what
• 1:15:28
  Speaker 1: Pope Alexander was wont to say that the Frenchmen came
• 1:15:31
  Speaker 1: into Italy with chalk in their hands to mark up
• 1:15:34
  Speaker 1: their lodgings, rather than with swords to fight. I wish
• 1:15:37
  Speaker 1: to demonstrate further the infelicity of these arms. The mercenary
• 1:15:41
  Speaker 1: captains are either capable men or they are not. If
• 1:15:44
  Speaker 1: they are, you cannot trust them, because they always aspire
• 1:15:47
  Speaker 1: to their own greatness, either by oppressing you, who are
• 1:15:50
  Speaker 1: their master, or others. Contrary to your intentions. But if
• 1:15:53
  Speaker 1: the captain is not skillful, you are ruined in a
• 1:15:56
  Speaker 1: usual way. And if it be urged that whoever is
• 1:15:59
  Speaker 1: armed and will act in the same way, whether mercenary
• 1:16:02
  Speaker 1: or not, I reply that when arms have to be
• 1:16:04
  Speaker 1: resorted to, either by a prince or a republic, then
• 1:16:07
  Speaker 1: the prince ought to go in person and perform the
• 1:16:09
  Speaker 1: duty of a captain. The republic has to send its citizens,
• 1:16:13
  Speaker 1: And when one is sent who does not turn out satisfactorily,
• 1:16:17
  Speaker 1: it ought to recall him, and when one is worthy,
• 1:16:19
  Speaker 1: to hold him by the laws so that he does
• 1:16:21
  Speaker 1: not leave the command. And experience has shown princes and
• 1:16:25
  Speaker 1: republics single handed making the greatest progress, and mercenaries doing
• 1:16:30
  Speaker 1: nothing except damage. And it is more difficult to bring
• 1:16:33
  Speaker 1: a republic armed with its own arms under the sway
• 1:16:37
  Speaker 1: of one of its citizens than it is to bring
• 1:16:39
  Speaker 1: one armed with foreign arms. Rome and Sparta stood for
• 1:16:43
  Speaker 1: many ages armed and free. The Switzers are completely armed
• 1:16:47
  Speaker 1: and quite free of ancient mercenaries. For example, there are
• 1:16:52
  Speaker 1: the Carthaginians, who were oppressed by their mercenary soldiers after
• 1:16:55
  Speaker 1: the First War with the Romans. Although the Carthaginians had
• 1:16:58
  Speaker 1: their own citizens for camps captains. After the death of
• 1:17:02
  Speaker 1: a Paminandus, Philip of Macedon was made captain of their
• 1:17:05
  Speaker 1: soldiers by the Thebans, and after victory he took away
• 1:17:08
  Speaker 1: their liberty. Duke Filippo being dead, the Milanese enlisted Francesco's
• 1:17:13
  Speaker 1: fortsa against the Venetians, and he, having overcome the enemy
• 1:17:17
  Speaker 1: at Caravajo, too, allied himself with them to crush the
• 1:17:21
  Speaker 1: Milanese his masters his father Sforza, having been engaged by
• 1:17:26
  Speaker 1: Queen Johanna three of Naples, left her unprotected, so that
• 1:17:31
  Speaker 1: she was forced to throw herself into the arms of
• 1:17:33
  Speaker 1: the King of Aragon in order to save her kingdom.
• 1:17:37
  Speaker 1: And if the Venetians and Florentines formerly extended their dominions
• 1:17:40
  Speaker 1: by these arms, and yet their captains did not make
• 1:17:43
  Speaker 1: themselves princes, but have defended them, I reply that the
• 1:17:46
  Speaker 1: Florentines in this case have been favored by chance for
• 1:17:49
  Speaker 1: the able captains of whom they might have stood in fear.
• 1:17:52
  Speaker 1: Some have not conquered, some have been opposed, and others
• 1:17:57
  Speaker 1: have turned their ambitions elsewhere. One who did not conquer
• 1:18:00
  Speaker 1: was Giovanni Acudo. For and since he did not conquer.
• 1:18:04
  Speaker 1: His fidelity cannot be proved, but every one will acknowledge
• 1:18:07
  Speaker 1: that had he conquered, the Florentines would have stood at
• 1:18:10
  Speaker 1: his discretion. Sporza had the Brekzsky always against him, so
• 1:18:15
  Speaker 1: they watched each other. Francesco turned his ambition to Lombardy
• 1:18:19
  Speaker 1: Brachio against the Church and the Kingdom of Naples. But
• 1:18:23
  Speaker 1: let us come to that which happened a short while ago.
• 1:18:26
  Speaker 1: The Florentines appointed as their captain Pagolo Vitelli, a most
• 1:18:30
  Speaker 1: prudent man, who from a private position had risen to
• 1:18:33
  Speaker 1: the greatest renown. If this man had taken Pisa, nobody
• 1:18:37
  Speaker 1: can deny that it would have been proper for the
• 1:18:39
  Speaker 1: Florentines to keep in with him, For if he became
• 1:18:42
  Speaker 1: the soldier of their enemies, they had no means of resisting,
• 1:18:45
  Speaker 1: and if they held to him, they must obey him.
• 1:18:48
  Speaker 1: The Venetians, if their achievements are considered, will be seen
• 1:18:51
  Speaker 1: to have acted safely and gloriously, so long as they
• 1:18:54
  Speaker 1: sent to war their own men. When with armed gentlemen
• 1:18:56
  Speaker 1: and plebeians, they did valiantly. This was before they turned
• 1:19:00
  Speaker 1: to enterprises on land. But when they began to fight
• 1:19:03
  Speaker 1: on land. They forsook this virtue and followed the custom
• 1:19:06
  Speaker 1: of Italy, and in the beginning of their expansion on land,
• 1:19:10
  Speaker 1: through not having much territory and because of their great reputation,
• 1:19:14
  Speaker 1: they had not much to fear from their captains. But
• 1:19:16
  Speaker 1: when they expanded as under Carmignola five, they had a
• 1:19:20
  Speaker 1: taste of this mistake, for having found him a most
• 1:19:23
  Speaker 1: valiant man, they beat the Duke of Milan under his leadership,
• 1:19:28
  Speaker 1: and on the other hand, knowing how lukewarm he was
• 1:19:31
  Speaker 1: in the war, they feared they would no longer conquer
• 1:19:33
  Speaker 1: under him, And for this reason they were not willing,
• 1:19:36
  Speaker 1: nor were they able to let him go, and so
• 1:19:39
  Speaker 1: not to lose again at which they had acquired, they
• 1:19:41
  Speaker 1: were compelled, in order to secure themselves to murder him.
• 1:19:46
  Speaker 1: They had afterwards for their captains Bartolomeo de Bergamo, Roberto
• 1:19:50
  Speaker 1: de San Savorino, the Count of Pioliano six, and the like,
• 1:19:54
  Speaker 1: under whom they had to dread loss and not gain,
• 1:19:57
  Speaker 1: as happened afterwards at Vila seven, wherein in one battle
• 1:20:00
  Speaker 1: they lost that which in eight hundred years they had
• 1:20:02
  Speaker 1: acquired with so much trouble, Because from such arms conquests
• 1:20:07
  Speaker 1: come but slowly, long delayed and inconsiderable, but the loss
• 1:20:11
  Speaker 1: is sudden. In portents two Battle of Caravago, September fifteenth,
• 1:20:16
  Speaker 1: fourteen forty eight. Three Johanna two of Naples, the widow
• 1:20:21
  Speaker 1: of Ladislao, King of Naples, for Giovanniacudo, an English knight
• 1:20:28
  Speaker 1: whose name was Sir John Hawkwood. He fought in the
• 1:20:31
  Speaker 1: English Wars in France and was knighted by Edward three.
• 1:20:35
  Speaker 1: Afterwards he collected a body of troops and went into Italy.
• 1:20:39
  Speaker 1: These became the famous White Company. He took part in
• 1:20:42
  Speaker 1: many wars and died in Florence in thirteen ninety four.
• 1:20:46
  Speaker 1: He was born about thirteen twenty at Cybel Henningham, a
• 1:20:49
  Speaker 1: village in Essex. He married Domnia, a daughter of Bernabo Visconti.
• 1:20:55
  Speaker 1: Five Carmignuola Francesco Basson born at Carmagnola about thirteen ninety
• 1:21:02
  Speaker 1: executed at Venice May fifth, fourteen thirty two. Six. Bartolomeo
• 1:21:08
  Speaker 1: Collioni of Bergamo died fourteen fifty seven. Roberto of San
• 1:21:13
  Speaker 1: Savorino died fighting for Venice against Sigismund, Duke of Austria
• 1:21:18
  Speaker 1: in fourteen eighty seven. Primo Capitano in Itolia Machiavelli, Count
• 1:21:25
  Speaker 1: of Pioliano Micolo Orsini born fourteen forty two died fifteen
• 1:21:30
  Speaker 1: ten seven Battle of Vila in fifteen o nine. And
• 1:21:35
  Speaker 1: as with these examples, I have reached Italy, which has
• 1:21:38
  Speaker 1: been ruled for many years by mercenaries. I wish to
• 1:21:41
  Speaker 1: discuss them more seriously, in order that, having seen their
• 1:21:44
  Speaker 1: rise and progress, one may be better prepared to counteract them.
• 1:21:49
  Speaker 1: You must understand that the Empire has recently come to
• 1:21:51
  Speaker 1: be repudiated in Italy, that the Pope has acquired more
• 1:21:54
  Speaker 1: temporal power, and that Italy has been divided up into
• 1:21:57
  Speaker 1: more states, for the reason that many of the great
• 1:22:00
  Speaker 1: cities took up arms against their nobles, who formerly favored
• 1:22:03
  Speaker 1: by the Emperor were oppressing them, whilst the Church was
• 1:22:07
  Speaker 1: favoring them, so as to gain authority in temporal power.
• 1:22:10
  Speaker 1: In many others, their citizens became princes. From this it
• 1:22:14
  Speaker 1: came to pass that Italy fell partly into the hands
• 1:22:17
  Speaker 1: of the Church and of republics, and the Church, consisting
• 1:22:20
  Speaker 1: of priests, and the republic of citizens, unaccustomed to arms,
• 1:22:23
  Speaker 1: both commenced to enlist foreigners. The first who gave renown
• 1:22:27
  Speaker 1: to this soldiery was Alberigo de Conio eight, the Romagnian
• 1:22:32
  Speaker 1: from the school of this man sprang among others Braccho
• 1:22:36
  Speaker 1: and Sforza, who in their time were the arbiters of Italy.
• 1:22:40
  Speaker 1: After these came all the other captains who till now
• 1:22:42
  Speaker 1: have directed the arms of Italy. And the end of
• 1:22:44
  Speaker 1: all their valor has been that she has been overrun
• 1:22:47
  Speaker 1: by Charles, robbed by Lewis, ravaged by Ferdinand, and insulted
• 1:22:51
  Speaker 1: by the Switzers. The principle that has guided them has
• 1:22:55
  Speaker 1: been first to lower the credit of infantry so that
• 1:22:58
  Speaker 1: they might increase their own. They did this because, subsisting
• 1:23:02
  Speaker 1: on their pay and without territory, they were unable to
• 1:23:05
  Speaker 1: support many soldiers, and a few infantry did not give
• 1:23:08
  Speaker 1: them any authority. So they were led to employ cavalry
• 1:23:11
  Speaker 1: with a moderate force, of which they were maintained and honored,
• 1:23:14
  Speaker 1: and affairs were brought to such a past that in
• 1:23:17
  Speaker 1: an army of twenty thousand soldiers there were not to
• 1:23:20
  Speaker 1: be found two thousand foot soldiers. They had. Besides this,
• 1:23:25
  Speaker 1: used every art to lessen fatigue and danger to themselves
• 1:23:28
  Speaker 1: and their soldiers, not killing in the fray but taking
• 1:23:31
  Speaker 1: prisoners and liberating without ransom. They did not attack towns
• 1:23:35
  Speaker 1: at night, nor did the garrisons of the towns attack
• 1:23:38
  Speaker 1: encampments at night. They did not surround a camp either
• 1:23:41
  Speaker 1: with stockade or ditch, nor did they campaign in the winter.
• 1:23:45
  Speaker 1: All these things were permitted by their military rules, and
• 1:23:48
  Speaker 1: devised by them to avoid, as I have said, both
• 1:23:51
  Speaker 1: fatigue and dangers. Thus they have brought Italy to slavery
• 1:23:54
  Speaker 1: and contempt. Eight Alberigo di Conio Alberico de bar Barbiano,
• 1:24:00
  Speaker 1: Count of Cunio in Romagna. He was the leader of
• 1:24:04
  Speaker 1: the famous Company of St. George, composed entirely of Italian soldiers.
• 1:24:09
  Speaker 1: He died in fourteen o nine, Chapter thirteen concerning auxiliaries,
• 1:24:16
  Speaker 1: mixed soldiery and one's own auxiliaries, which are the other
• 1:24:19
  Speaker 1: useless arm are employed when a prince is called in
• 1:24:22
  Speaker 1: with his forces to aid and defend, as was done
• 1:24:25
  Speaker 1: by Pope Julius in the most recent times, for he,
• 1:24:28
  Speaker 1: having in the enterprise against Ferrara, had poor proof of
• 1:24:31
  Speaker 1: his mercenaries, turned to auxiliaries and stipulated with Ferdinand, King
• 1:24:37
  Speaker 1: of Spain, one for his assistance with men in arms.
• 1:24:41
  Speaker 1: These arms may be useful and good in themselves, but
• 1:24:44
  Speaker 1: for him who calls them, and they are always disadvantageous,
• 1:24:47
  Speaker 1: for losing one is undone, and winning one is their
• 1:24:51
  Speaker 1: captive one. Ferdinand v F two of Aragon and Sicily
• 1:24:56
  Speaker 1: F three of Naples, surnamed the Catholic born fourteen fifty
• 1:25:01
  Speaker 1: two died fifteen sixteen. And although ancient histories may be
• 1:25:06
  Speaker 1: full of examples, I do not wish to leave this
• 1:25:08
  Speaker 1: recent one of Pope Julius the Second, the peril of
• 1:25:11
  Speaker 1: which cannot fail to be perceived. For he, wishing to
• 1:25:14
  Speaker 1: get Ferrara, threw himself entirely into the hands of the foreigner.
• 1:25:19
  Speaker 1: But his good fortune brought about a third event, so
• 1:25:22
  Speaker 1: that he did not reap the fruit of his rash choice.
• 1:25:25
  Speaker 1: Because having his auxiliaries routed at Ravenna, and the Switzers
• 1:25:29
  Speaker 1: having risen and driven out the conquerors, against all expectation
• 1:25:32
  Speaker 1: both his and others, it so came to pass that
• 1:25:36
  Speaker 1: he did not become prisoner to his enemies they having fled,
• 1:25:40
  Speaker 1: nor to his auxiliaries. He having conquered by other arms
• 1:25:43
  Speaker 1: than theirs, the Florentines, being entirely without arms, sent ten
• 1:25:48
  Speaker 1: thousand Frenchmen to take Pisa, whereby they ran more danger
• 1:25:52
  Speaker 1: than at any other time of their troubles. The Emperor
• 1:25:55
  Speaker 1: of Constantinople two, to oppose his neighbors, sent ten thousand
• 1:25:59
  Speaker 1: Turks into Greece. On the war being finished, were not
• 1:26:03
  Speaker 1: willing to quit. This was the beginning of the servitude
• 1:26:05
  Speaker 1: of Greece to the infidels. Two. Jonas Cantacuzenus born thirteen
• 1:26:11
  Speaker 1: hundred died thirteen eighty three. Therefore, let him who has
• 1:26:15
  Speaker 1: no desire to conquer make use of these arms, for
• 1:26:18
  Speaker 1: they are much more hazardous than mercenaries, because with them
• 1:26:21
  Speaker 1: the ruin is ready made. They are all united, all
• 1:26:24
  Speaker 1: yield obedience to others. But with mercenaries, when they have conquered,
• 1:26:29
  Speaker 1: more time and better opportunities are needed to injure you.
• 1:26:33
  Speaker 1: They are not all of one community. They are found
• 1:26:35
  Speaker 1: and paid by you, and a third party, which you
• 1:26:38
  Speaker 1: have made their head, is not able all at once
• 1:26:40
  Speaker 1: to assume enough authority to injure you. In conclusion. In mercenaries,
• 1:26:45
  Speaker 1: dostardy is most dangerous in auxiliaries. Valor, the wise Prince, therefore,
• 1:26:51
  Speaker 1: has always avoided these arms and turned to his own,
• 1:26:54
  Speaker 1: and has been willing rather to lose with them than
• 1:26:56
  Speaker 1: to conquer with the others, not deeming that a real
• 1:26:59
  Speaker 1: victory which is gained with the arms of others, I
• 1:27:02
  Speaker 1: shall never hesitate to cite chaseray Borgas and his actions.
• 1:27:07
  Speaker 1: This Duke entered the Romagna with auxiliaries, taking their only
• 1:27:10
  Speaker 1: French soldiers, and with them he captured Emo La and Forli.
• 1:27:14
  Speaker 1: But afterwards such forces, not appearing to him reliable, he
• 1:27:17
  Speaker 1: turned to mercenaries, discerning less danger in them, and enlisted
• 1:27:21
  Speaker 1: the Orsini and Vitelli, whom presently on handling, and finding
• 1:27:25
  Speaker 1: them doubtful, unfaithful and dangerous, he destroyed and turned to
• 1:27:29
  Speaker 1: his own men. And the difference between one and the
• 1:27:33
  Speaker 1: other of these forces can easily be seen when one
• 1:27:35
  Speaker 1: considers the difference there was in the reputation of the
• 1:27:38
  Speaker 1: Duke when he had the French, when he had the
• 1:27:40
  Speaker 1: Orsini and Vitelli, and when he relied on his own soldiers,
• 1:27:44
  Speaker 1: on whose fidelity he could always count and found it
• 1:27:47
  Speaker 1: ever increasing. He was never esteemed more highly than when
• 1:27:50
  Speaker 1: every one saw that he was complete master of his
• 1:27:52
  Speaker 1: own forces. I was not intending to go beyond Italian
• 1:27:56
  Speaker 1: and recent examples, but I am unwilling to leave out
• 1:27:59
  Speaker 1: higher the Syricusan, he being one of those I have
• 1:28:02
  Speaker 1: named above. This man, as I have said, made head
• 1:28:06
  Speaker 1: of the army by the Syricusans, soon found out that
• 1:28:09
  Speaker 1: a mercenary soldiery constituted like our Italian Condottieri, was of
• 1:28:13
  Speaker 1: no use, and it appearing to him that he could
• 1:28:16
  Speaker 1: neither keep them nor let them go, he had them
• 1:28:18
  Speaker 1: all cut to pieces, and afterwards made war with his
• 1:28:21
  Speaker 1: own forces, and not with aliens. I wish also to
• 1:28:25
  Speaker 1: recall to memory and instance from the Old Testament applicable
• 1:28:28
  Speaker 1: to this subject. David offered himself to Saulve to fight
• 1:28:32
  Speaker 1: with Goliath the phyllistin champion, and to give him courage.
• 1:28:36
  Speaker 1: Saul armed him with his own weapons, which David rejected
• 1:28:39
  Speaker 1: as soon as he had them on his back, saying
• 1:28:41
  Speaker 1: he could make no use of them, and that he
• 1:28:44
  Speaker 1: wished to meet the enemy with his sling and his knife.
• 1:28:48
  Speaker 1: In conclusion, the arms of others either fall from your back,
• 1:28:51
  Speaker 1: or they weigh you down, or they bind you fast.
• 1:28:55
  Speaker 1: Charles the Seventh Free, the father of King Lewis the eleventh,
• 1:28:59
  Speaker 1: for having, by good fortune and valor, liberated France from
• 1:29:02
  Speaker 1: the English recognize the necessity of being armed with forces
• 1:29:05
  Speaker 1: of his own, and he established in his kingdom ordinances
• 1:29:08
  Speaker 1: concerning men at arms in infantry. Afterwards, his son King
• 1:29:13
  Speaker 1: Louis abolished the infantry and began to enlist the switzers,
• 1:29:17
  Speaker 1: which mistake, followed by others, is as is now seen,
• 1:29:21
  Speaker 1: a source of peril to that kingdom, because having raised
• 1:29:24
  Speaker 1: the reputation of the switzers, he has entirely diminished the
• 1:29:27
  Speaker 1: value of his own arms. For he has destroyed the
• 1:29:30
  Speaker 1: infantry altogether, and his men at arms he has subordinated
• 1:29:34
  Speaker 1: to others, For being as they are so accustomed to
• 1:29:37
  Speaker 1: fight along with switzers, it does not appear that they
• 1:29:39
  Speaker 1: can now conquer without them. Hence, it arises that the
• 1:29:43
  Speaker 1: French cannot stand against the switzers, and without the switzers
• 1:29:46
  Speaker 1: they do not come off well against others. The armies
• 1:29:50
  Speaker 1: of the French have thus become mixed, partly mercenary and
• 1:29:53
  Speaker 1: partly national, both of which arms together are much better
• 1:29:56
  Speaker 1: than mercenaries alone or auxiliaries alone, but much in ferior
• 1:30:00
  Speaker 1: to one's own forces. And this example proves it, for
• 1:30:04
  Speaker 1: the Kingdom of France would be unconquerable if the Ordinance
• 1:30:07
  Speaker 1: of Charles had been enlarged or maintained. Three Charles seven
• 1:30:11
  Speaker 1: of France, surnamed the Victorious, born fourteen o three, died
• 1:30:16
  Speaker 1: fourteen sixty one. For Lewis eleven, son of the above,
• 1:30:21
  Speaker 1: born fourteen twenty three, died fourteen eighty three. But the
• 1:30:26
  Speaker 1: scanty wisdom of man, on entering into an affair which
• 1:30:29
  Speaker 1: looks well at first, cannot discern the poison that is
• 1:30:31
  Speaker 1: hidden in it, as I have said above of hectic fevers. Therefore,
• 1:30:36
  Speaker 1: if he who rules a principality cannot recognize evils until
• 1:30:39
  Speaker 1: they are upon him, he is not truly wise. And
• 1:30:42
  Speaker 1: this insight is given to few. And if the first
• 1:30:46
  Speaker 1: disaster to the Roman Empire five should be examined, it
• 1:30:49
  Speaker 1: will be found to have commenced only with the enlisting
• 1:30:52
  Speaker 1: of the Goths, because from that time the vigor of
• 1:30:54
  Speaker 1: the Roman Empire began to decline, and all that valor
• 1:30:57
  Speaker 1: which had raised it passed away to others. Five. Many
• 1:31:01
  Speaker 1: speakers to the House the other night, in the debate
• 1:31:04
  Speaker 1: on the reduction of armament, seemed to show a most
• 1:31:06
  Speaker 1: lamentable ignorance of the conditions under which the British Empire
• 1:31:09
  Speaker 1: maintains its existence. When mister Balfer replied to the allegations
• 1:31:14
  Speaker 1: that the Roman Empire sank under the weight of its
• 1:31:16
  Speaker 1: military obligations, he said that this was wholly unhistorical. He
• 1:31:21
  Speaker 1: might well have added that the Roman power was at
• 1:31:23
  Speaker 1: its zenith when every citizen acknowledged his liability to fight
• 1:31:27
  Speaker 1: for the state, but that it began to decline as
• 1:31:29
  Speaker 1: soon as this obligation was no longer recognized. Pall Mall Gazette,
• 1:31:34
  Speaker 1: May fifteenth, nineteen o six. I conclude therefore, that no
• 1:31:39
  Speaker 1: principality is secure without having its own forces. On the contrary,
• 1:31:43
  Speaker 1: it is entirely dependent on good fortune, not having the
• 1:31:46
  Speaker 1: valor which in adversity would defend it. And it has
• 1:31:50
  Speaker 1: always been the opinion and judgment of wise men that
• 1:31:52
  Speaker 1: nothing can be so uncertain or unstable as fame or
• 1:31:55
  Speaker 1: power not founded on its own strength. And one's own
• 1:31:59
  Speaker 1: forces are the those which are composed either of subjects, citizens,
• 1:32:03
  Speaker 1: or dependents. All others are mercenaries or auxiliaries. And the
• 1:32:08
  Speaker 1: way to make ready one's own forces will be easily
• 1:32:10
  Speaker 1: found if the rules suggested by me shall be reflected upon,
• 1:32:13
  Speaker 1: and if one will consider how Philip the father of
• 1:32:16
  Speaker 1: Alexander the Great, and many republics and princes have armed
• 1:32:19
  Speaker 1: and organized themselves to which rules I entirely commit myself.
• 1:32:24
  Speaker 1: Chapter fourteen, That which concerns a prince on the subject
• 1:32:28
  Speaker 1: of the art of war. A prince ought to have
• 1:32:30
  Speaker 1: no other aim or thought, nor select anything else for
• 1:32:33
  Speaker 1: his study than war and its rules and discipline. For
• 1:32:36
  Speaker 1: this is the sole art that belongs to him who rules.
• 1:32:39
  Speaker 1: And it is of such force that it not only
• 1:32:41
  Speaker 1: upholds those who are born princes, but it often enables
• 1:32:45
  Speaker 1: men to rise from a private station to that rank.
• 1:32:48
  Speaker 1: And on the contrary, it is seen that when princes
• 1:32:51
  Speaker 1: have thought more of ease than of arms, they have
• 1:32:53
  Speaker 1: lost their states. And the first cause of your losing
• 1:32:57
  Speaker 1: it is to neglect this art, and what enables you
• 1:32:59
  Speaker 1: to a choir a state is to be master of
• 1:33:01
  Speaker 1: the art. Francesco's Forza, through being marshal from a private person,
• 1:33:06
  Speaker 1: became Duke of Milan, and the sons, through avoiding the
• 1:33:10
  Speaker 1: hardships and troubles of arms from dukes, became private persons.
• 1:33:15
  Speaker 1: For among other evils which being unarmed brings you, it
• 1:33:18
  Speaker 1: causes you to be despised, and this is one of
• 1:33:20
  Speaker 1: those ignominies against which a prince ought to guard himself,
• 1:33:23
  Speaker 1: as is shown later on, because there is nothing proportionate
• 1:33:27
  Speaker 1: between the armed and the unarmed, and it is not
• 1:33:30
  Speaker 1: reasonable that he who is armed should yield obedience willingly
• 1:33:33
  Speaker 1: to him who is unarmed, or that the unarmed man
• 1:33:35
  Speaker 1: should be secure among armed servants, because there being in
• 1:33:39
  Speaker 1: the one disdain and in the other suspicion, it is
• 1:33:42
  Speaker 1: not possible for them to work well together. And therefore
• 1:33:46
  Speaker 1: a prince who does not understand the art of war,
• 1:33:48
  Speaker 1: over and above the other misfortunes already mentioned, cannot be
• 1:33:51
  Speaker 1: respected by his soldiers, nor can he rely on them.
• 1:33:55
  Speaker 1: He ought never therefore, to have out of his thoughts
• 1:33:58
  Speaker 1: this subject of war, and in peace he should addict
• 1:34:01
  Speaker 1: himself more to its exercise than in war. This he
• 1:34:04
  Speaker 1: can do in two ways, the one by action, the
• 1:34:07
  Speaker 1: other by study. As regards action, he ought above all
• 1:34:11
  Speaker 1: things to keep his men well organized and drilled, to
• 1:34:14
  Speaker 1: follow incessantly the chase by which he accustoms his body
• 1:34:17
  Speaker 1: to hardships, and learns something of the nature of localities,
• 1:34:20
  Speaker 1: and gets to find out how the mountains rise, how
• 1:34:23
  Speaker 1: the valleys open out, how the plains lie, and to
• 1:34:27
  Speaker 1: understand the nature of rivers and marshes, and in all
• 1:34:30
  Speaker 1: this to take the greatest care. Which knowledge is useful
• 1:34:34
  Speaker 1: in two ways. Firstly, he learns to know his country,
• 1:34:38
  Speaker 1: and is better able to undertake its defense afterwards, by
• 1:34:41
  Speaker 1: means of the knowledge and observation of that locality, he
• 1:34:44
  Speaker 1: understands with ease any other which it may be necessary
• 1:34:47
  Speaker 1: for him to study hereafter, because the hills, valleys, and plains,
• 1:34:52
  Speaker 1: and rivers and marshes that are, for instance, in Tuscany
• 1:34:56
  Speaker 1: have a certain resemblance to those of other countries, so
• 1:34:59
  Speaker 1: that with a knowledge of the aspect of one country,
• 1:35:01
  Speaker 1: one can easily arrive at a knowledge of others. And
• 1:35:05
  Speaker 1: the prince that lacks this skill lacks the essential which
• 1:35:08
  Speaker 1: it is desirable that a captain should possess, for it
• 1:35:10
  Speaker 1: teaches him to surprise his enemy, to select quarters, to
• 1:35:14
  Speaker 1: lead armies, to array the battle, to besiege towns, to advantage. Philippemon,
• 1:35:19
  Speaker 1: one prince of the Achaeans, among other praises which writers
• 1:35:23
  Speaker 1: have bestowed on him, is commended because in time of
• 1:35:26
  Speaker 1: peace he never had anything in his mind but the
• 1:35:28
  Speaker 1: rules of war. And when he was in a country
• 1:35:30
  Speaker 1: with friends, he often stopped and reasoned with them. If
• 1:35:33
  Speaker 1: the enemy should be upon that hill, and we should
• 1:35:36
  Speaker 1: find ourselves here with our army, with whom would be
• 1:35:39
  Speaker 1: the advantage, how should one best advance to meet him,
• 1:35:43
  Speaker 1: keeping the ranks? If we should wish to retreat, how
• 1:35:46
  Speaker 1: ought we to pursue? And he would set forth to
• 1:35:49
  Speaker 1: them as he went all the chances that could befall
• 1:35:52
  Speaker 1: an army. He would listen to their opinion and state
• 1:35:55
  Speaker 1: his confirming it with reasons, so that by these continual
• 1:35:58
  Speaker 1: discussions there could never arise, in time of war any
• 1:36:01
  Speaker 1: unexpected circumstances that he could not deal with. One Philippemon,
• 1:36:07
  Speaker 1: the last of the Greeks, born two hundred and fifty
• 1:36:09
  Speaker 1: two b c. Died one hundred eighty three b C.
• 1:36:12
  Speaker 1: But to exercise the intellect, the Prince should read histories
• 1:36:15
  Speaker 1: and study their the actions of illustrious men, to see
• 1:36:18
  Speaker 1: how they have borne themselves in war, to examine the
• 1:36:21
  Speaker 1: causes of their victories and defeat, so as to avoid
• 1:36:24
  Speaker 1: the latter and imitate the former, and above all due
• 1:36:28
  Speaker 1: as an illustrious man did, who took as an exemplar,
• 1:36:30
  Speaker 1: one who had been praised and famous before him, and
• 1:36:33
  Speaker 1: whose achievements and deeds he always kept in his mind.
• 1:36:36
  Speaker 1: As it is said, Alexander the Great imitated Achilles Caesar,
• 1:36:39
  Speaker 1: Alexander Scipio Cyrus. And whoever reads the Life of Cyrus
• 1:36:45
  Speaker 1: written by Xenophon will recognize afterwards in the Life of
• 1:36:48
  Speaker 1: Scipio how that imitation was his glory, and how in chastity, affability, humanity,
• 1:36:53
  Speaker 1: and liberality Scipio conformed to those things which have been
• 1:36:56
  Speaker 1: written of Cyrus by Xenophon. A wise prince ought to
• 1:37:00
  Speaker 1: observe some such rules, and never, in peaceful times stand idle,
• 1:37:04
  Speaker 1: but increase his resources with industry in such a way
• 1:37:07
  Speaker 1: that they may be available to him in adversity, so that,
• 1:37:09
  Speaker 1: if fortune chances it may find him prepared to resist
• 1:37:12
  Speaker 1: or blows Chapter fifteen, Concerning things for which men and
• 1:37:18
  Speaker 1: especially princes are praised or blamed. It remains now to
• 1:37:21
  Speaker 1: see what ought to be the rules of conduct for
• 1:37:23
  Speaker 1: a prince towards subject and friends. And as I know
• 1:37:27
  Speaker 1: that many have written on this point, I expect I
• 1:37:29
  Speaker 1: shall be considered presumptuous in mentioning it again, especially as
• 1:37:33
  Speaker 1: in discussing it I shall depart from the methods of
• 1:37:35
  Speaker 1: other people. But it being my intention to write a
• 1:37:38
  Speaker 1: thing which shall be useful to him who apprehends it.
• 1:37:41
  Speaker 1: It appears to me more appropriate to follow up the
• 1:37:43
  Speaker 1: real truth of the matter than the imagination of it.
• 1:37:46
  Speaker 1: For many have pictured republics and principalities which in fact
• 1:37:49
  Speaker 1: have never been known or seen. Because how one lives
• 1:37:53
  Speaker 1: is so far distant from how one ought to live,
• 1:37:55
  Speaker 1: that he who neglects what is done for what ought
• 1:37:57
  Speaker 1: to be done sooner affects his ruined than his preservation.
• 1:38:01
  Speaker 1: For a man who wishes to act entirely up to
• 1:38:03
  Speaker 1: his professions of virtue soon meets with what destroys him
• 1:38:06
  Speaker 1: among so much that is evil. Hence, it is necessary
• 1:38:10
  Speaker 1: for a prince wishing to hold his own to know
• 1:38:12
  Speaker 1: how to do wrong, and to make use of it
• 1:38:14
  Speaker 1: or not according to necessity. Therefore, putting on one side
• 1:38:18
  Speaker 1: imaginary things concerning a prince, and discussing those which are real,
• 1:38:22
  Speaker 1: I say that all men, when they are spoken of,
• 1:38:25
  Speaker 1: and chiefly princes, for being more highly placed, are remarkable
• 1:38:28
  Speaker 1: for some of those qualities which bring them either blame
• 1:38:30
  Speaker 1: or praise. And thus it is that one is reputed
• 1:38:33
  Speaker 1: liberal another miserly using a Tuscan term, because an avaricious
• 1:38:38
  Speaker 1: person in our language is still he who desires to
• 1:38:41
  Speaker 1: possess by robbery, whilst we call one miserly, who deprives
• 1:38:44
  Speaker 1: himself too much of the use of his own. One
• 1:38:46
  Speaker 1: is reputed generous, one rapacious, one cruel, one compassionate, one faithless,
• 1:38:52
  Speaker 1: another faithful, one effeminate and cowardly, another bold and brave,
• 1:38:58
  Speaker 1: one affable, another haughty, one lascivious, another chaste, one sincere,
• 1:39:03
  Speaker 1: another cunning, one hard, another easy, one grave, another frivolous,
• 1:39:08
  Speaker 1: one religious, another unbelieving, and the like. And I know
• 1:39:13
  Speaker 1: that every one will confess that it would be most
• 1:39:15
  Speaker 1: praiseworthy in a prince to exhibit all the above qualities
• 1:39:18
  Speaker 1: that are considered good. But because they can neither be
• 1:39:20
  Speaker 1: entirely possessed nor observed, for human conditions do not permit it.
• 1:39:25
  Speaker 1: It is necessary for him to be sufficiently prudent, that
• 1:39:28
  Speaker 1: he may know how to avoid the reproach of those
• 1:39:30
  Speaker 1: vices which would lose him his state, and also to
• 1:39:32
  Speaker 1: keep himself, if it be possible, from those which would
• 1:39:35
  Speaker 1: not lose him it. But this not being possible, he may,
• 1:39:38
  Speaker 1: with less hesitation, abandon himself to them. And again he
• 1:39:43
  Speaker 1: need not make himself uneasy at incurring a reproach for
• 1:39:45
  Speaker 1: those vices without which the state can only be saved
• 1:39:48
  Speaker 1: with difficulty. For if everything is considered carefully, it will
• 1:39:51
  Speaker 1: be found that something which looks like virtue, if followed,
• 1:39:55
  Speaker 1: would be his ruin, whilst something else which looks like vice,
• 1:39:59
  Speaker 1: yet followed, brings him security and prosperity. Chapter sixteen, concerning
• 1:40:05
  Speaker 1: liberality and meanness, Commencing then with the first of the
• 1:40:08
  Speaker 1: above named characteristics, I say that it would be well
• 1:40:11
  Speaker 1: to be reputed liberal. Nevertheless, liberality exercised in a way
• 1:40:16
  Speaker 1: that does not bring you the reputation for it injures you.
• 1:40:19
  Speaker 1: For if one exercises it honestly and as it should
• 1:40:22
  Speaker 1: be exercised, it may not become known, and you will
• 1:40:25
  Speaker 1: not avoid the reproach of its opposite. Therefore, any one
• 1:40:29
  Speaker 1: wishing to maintain among men the name of liberal is
• 1:40:31
  Speaker 1: obliged to avoid no attribute of magnificence, so that a
• 1:40:35
  Speaker 1: prince thus inclined will consume in such acts all his property,
• 1:40:38
  Speaker 1: and will be compelled in the end, if he wished
• 1:40:40
  Speaker 1: to maintain the name of liberal, to unduly weigh down
• 1:40:43
  Speaker 1: his people and tax them, and do everything he can
• 1:40:47
  Speaker 1: to get money. This will soon make him odious to
• 1:40:50
  Speaker 1: his subjects, and becoming poor, he will be little valued
• 1:40:53
  Speaker 1: by any one. Thus, with his liberality having offended many
• 1:40:57
  Speaker 1: and rewarded few, he is affected by the very first
• 1:40:59
  Speaker 1: trouble and imperiled by whatever may be the first danger.
• 1:41:03
  Speaker 1: Recognizing this himself and wishing to draw back from it,
• 1:41:07
  Speaker 1: he runs at once into the reproach of being miserly. Therefore,
• 1:41:11
  Speaker 1: a prince not being able to exercise this virtue of
• 1:41:14
  Speaker 1: liberality in such a way that it is recognized except
• 1:41:17
  Speaker 1: to his cost. If he is wise, he ought not
• 1:41:20
  Speaker 1: to fear the reputation of being mean, for in time
• 1:41:22
  Speaker 1: he will come to be more considered than if liberal,
• 1:41:26
  Speaker 1: Seeing that with his economy, his revenues are enough that
• 1:41:29
  Speaker 1: he can defend himself against all attacks, and is able
• 1:41:32
  Speaker 1: to engage in enterprises without burdening his people. Thus it
• 1:41:35
  Speaker 1: comes to pass that he exercises liberality towards all from
• 1:41:38
  Speaker 1: whom he does not take, who are numberless, and meanness
• 1:41:41
  Speaker 1: towards those to whom he does not give, who are few.
• 1:41:45
  Speaker 1: We have not seen great things done in our time
• 1:41:47
  Speaker 1: except by those who have been considered mean. The rest
• 1:41:50
  Speaker 1: have failed. Pope Julius the second was assisted in reaching
• 1:41:54
  Speaker 1: the papacy by a reputation for liberality, Yet he did
• 1:41:57
  Speaker 1: not strive afterwards to keep it up when he made
• 1:42:00
  Speaker 1: war on the King of France, and he made many
• 1:42:03
  Speaker 1: wars without imposing any extraordinary tax on his subjects, for
• 1:42:07
  Speaker 1: he supplied his additional expenses out of his long thriftiness.
• 1:42:11
  Speaker 1: The present King of Spain would not have undertaken or
• 1:42:13
  Speaker 1: conquered in so many enterprises if he had been reputed liberal.
• 1:42:17
  Speaker 1: A prince, therefore, provided that he is not to rob
• 1:42:21
  Speaker 1: his subjects, that he can defend himself, that he does
• 1:42:24
  Speaker 1: not become poor and abject, that he is not forced
• 1:42:26
  Speaker 1: to become rapacious, ought to hold of little account a
• 1:42:29
  Speaker 1: reputation for being mean, for it is one of those
• 1:42:32
  Speaker 1: vices which will enable him to govern. And if any
• 1:42:35
  Speaker 1: one should say Caesar obtained empire by liberality, and many
• 1:42:39
  Speaker 1: others have reached the highest positions by having been liberal
• 1:42:42
  Speaker 1: and by being considered so, I answer, either you are
• 1:42:45
  Speaker 1: a prince in fact, or in a way to become one.
• 1:42:48
  Speaker 1: In the first case, this liberality is dangerous. In the second,
• 1:42:52
  Speaker 1: it is very necessary to be considered liberal and Caesar
• 1:42:55
  Speaker 1: was one of those who wished to become pre eminent
• 1:42:57
  Speaker 1: in Rome. But if he had survived after becoming so,
• 1:43:00
  Speaker 1: and had not moderated his expenses, he would have destroyed
• 1:43:03
  Speaker 1: his government. And if any one should reply, many have
• 1:43:07
  Speaker 1: been princes and have done great things with armies who
• 1:43:10
  Speaker 1: have been considered very liberal. I reply, either a prince
• 1:43:13
  Speaker 1: spends that which is his own or his subjects, or
• 1:43:15
  Speaker 1: else that of others. In the first case, he ought
• 1:43:18
  Speaker 1: to be sparing. In the second, he ought not to
• 1:43:21
  Speaker 1: neglect any opportunity for liberality. And to the prince who
• 1:43:25
  Speaker 1: goes forth with his army supporting it by pillage, sack
• 1:43:28
  Speaker 1: and extortion, handling that which belongs to others, this liberality
• 1:43:33
  Speaker 1: is necessary, otherwise he would not be followed by soldiers.
• 1:43:37
  Speaker 1: And of that which is neither yours nor your subjects,
• 1:43:39
  Speaker 1: you can be a ready giver, as were Cyrus, Caesar
• 1:43:42
  Speaker 1: and Alexander, because it does not take away your reputation
• 1:43:46
  Speaker 1: if you squander that of others, but adds to it.
• 1:43:48
  Speaker 1: It is only squandering your own that injures you. And
• 1:43:52
  Speaker 1: there is nothing waste so rapidly as liberality, For even
• 1:43:55
  Speaker 1: whilst you exercise it, you lose the power to do so,
• 1:43:58
  Speaker 1: and so become either poor or or despised, or else
• 1:44:01
  Speaker 1: in avoiding poverty, rapacious and hated, and a prince should
• 1:44:05
  Speaker 1: guard himself, above all things, against being despised and hated,
• 1:44:10
  Speaker 1: and liberality leads you to both. Therefore, it is wiser
• 1:44:14
  Speaker 1: to have a reputation for meanness, which brings reproach without hatred,
• 1:44:18
  Speaker 1: than to be compelled, through seeking a reputation for liberality,
• 1:44:21
  Speaker 1: to incur a name for rapacity, which begets reproach with hatred.
• 1:44:25
  Speaker 1: Chapter seventeen, concerning cruelty and clemency, and whether it is
• 1:44:30
  Speaker 1: better to be loved than feared. Coming now to the
• 1:44:32
  Speaker 1: other qualities mentioned above, I say that every prince ought
• 1:44:35
  Speaker 1: to desire to be considered clement and not cruel. Nevertheless,
• 1:44:39
  Speaker 1: he ought to take care not to misuse this clemency.
• 1:44:43
  Speaker 1: Chesare borgaw was considered cruel. Notwithstanding his cruelty, reconciled the Romagna,
• 1:44:49
  Speaker 1: unified it, and restored it to peace and loyalty. And
• 1:44:52
  Speaker 1: if this be rightly considered, he will be seen to
• 1:44:55
  Speaker 1: have been much more merciful than the Florentine people, who,
• 1:44:58
  Speaker 1: to avoid a reputation for cruel permitted Pistoia to be destroyed. One. Therefore,
• 1:45:04
  Speaker 1: a prince, so long as he keeps his subjects united
• 1:45:07
  Speaker 1: and loyal, ought not to mind the reproach of cruelty,
• 1:45:10
  Speaker 1: because with a few examples, he will be more merciful
• 1:45:12
  Speaker 1: than those who, through too much mercy, allow disorders to arise,
• 1:45:16
  Speaker 1: from which follow murders or robberies, for these are wont
• 1:45:19
  Speaker 1: to injure the whole people, whilst those executions which originate
• 1:45:24
  Speaker 1: with a prince offend the individual only one. During the
• 1:45:28
  Speaker 1: rioting between the Kenchellieri and Panciatichi factions in fifteen two
• 1:45:32
  Speaker 1: and fifteen o three, and of all princes, it is
• 1:45:36
  Speaker 1: impossible for the new prince to avoid the imputation of cruelty,
• 1:45:39
  Speaker 1: owing to new states being full of dangers. Hence, Virgil,
• 1:45:43
  Speaker 1: through the mouth of Dido, excuses the inhumanity of her reign,
• 1:45:47
  Speaker 1: owing to its being new, saying residential dura bet regni
• 1:45:51
  Speaker 1: Novida's mitalia cogunt moleeri e late finds custo turi two. Nevertheless,
• 1:45:58
  Speaker 1: he ought to be slow to believe and to act,
• 1:46:00
  Speaker 1: nor should he himself show fear, but proceed in a
• 1:46:02
  Speaker 1: tempered manner with prudence and humanity, so that too much
• 1:46:05
  Speaker 1: confidence may not make him incautious, and too much distrust
• 1:46:08
  Speaker 1: render him intolerable. Two against my will, my fate, a
• 1:46:13
  Speaker 1: throne unsettled, and an infant state. Bid me defend my
• 1:46:17
  Speaker 1: realms with all my powers, and guard with these severities
• 1:46:20
  Speaker 1: my shores. Christopher Pitt. Upon this a question arises, whether
• 1:46:26
  Speaker 1: it be better to be loved than feared, or feared
• 1:46:28
  Speaker 1: than loved. It may be answered that one should wish
• 1:46:31
  Speaker 1: to be both. But because it is difficult to unite
• 1:46:34
  Speaker 1: them in one person, it is much safer to be
• 1:46:37
  Speaker 1: feared than loved. When of the two either must be
• 1:46:40
  Speaker 1: dispensed with. Because this is to be asserted in general
• 1:46:43
  Speaker 1: of men, that they are ungrateful, fickle, false, cowardly, covetous,
• 1:46:49
  Speaker 1: and as long as you succeed, they are yours entirely.
• 1:46:51
  Speaker 1: They will offer you their blood, property, life, and children,
• 1:46:55
  Speaker 1: as is said above, when the need is far distant.
• 1:46:58
  Speaker 1: But when it approaches they turn again you. And that prince,
• 1:47:02
  Speaker 1: who relying entirely on their promises, has neglected other precautions,
• 1:47:06
  Speaker 1: is ruined. Because friendships that are obtained by payments and
• 1:47:10
  Speaker 1: not by greatness or nobility, of mind may indeed be earned,
• 1:47:14
  Speaker 1: but they are not secured, and in time of need
• 1:47:16
  Speaker 1: cannot be relied upon. And men have less scruple in
• 1:47:20
  Speaker 1: offending one who is beloved than one who is feared.
• 1:47:22
  Speaker 1: For love is preserved by the link of obligation, which,
• 1:47:25
  Speaker 1: owing to the baseness of men, is broken at every
• 1:47:28
  Speaker 1: opportunity for their advantage. But fear preserves you by a
• 1:47:31
  Speaker 1: dread of punishment, which never fails. Nevertheless, a prince ought
• 1:47:35
  Speaker 1: to inspire fear in such a way that, if he
• 1:47:38
  Speaker 1: does not win love, he avoids hatred, because he can
• 1:47:41
  Speaker 1: endure very well being feared whilst he is not hated,
• 1:47:44
  Speaker 1: which will always be as long as he abstains from
• 1:47:46
  Speaker 1: the property of his citizens and subjects, and from their women.
• 1:47:50
  Speaker 1: But when it is necessary for him to proceed against
• 1:47:52
  Speaker 1: the life of someone, he must do it on proper
• 1:47:55
  Speaker 1: justification and for manifest cause. But above all things, he
• 1:47:58
  Speaker 1: must keep his hands off the property of others, because
• 1:48:01
  Speaker 1: men more quickly forget the death of their father than
• 1:48:03
  Speaker 1: the loss of their patrimony. Besides, pretexts for taking away
• 1:48:08
  Speaker 1: the property are never wanting, for he who has once
• 1:48:11
  Speaker 1: begun to live by robbery will always find pretexts for
• 1:48:14
  Speaker 1: seizing what belongs to others, but reasons for taking life
• 1:48:17
  Speaker 1: on the contrary are more difficult to find in sooner lapse.
• 1:48:22
  Speaker 1: But when a prince is with his army and has
• 1:48:24
  Speaker 1: under control a multitude of soldiers, than it is quite
• 1:48:27
  Speaker 1: necessary for him to disregard the reputation of cruelty, for
• 1:48:30
  Speaker 1: without it he would never hold his army united or
• 1:48:33
  Speaker 1: dispose to its duties. Among the wonderful deeds of Hannibal,
• 1:48:37
  Speaker 1: this one is enumerated that, having led an enormous army
• 1:48:40
  Speaker 1: composed of many various races of men, to fight in
• 1:48:43
  Speaker 1: foreign lands, no dissensions arose either among them or against
• 1:48:47
  Speaker 1: the prince, whether in his bad or in his good fortune.
• 1:48:51
  Speaker 1: This arose from nothing else than his inhuman cruelty, which,
• 1:48:54
  Speaker 1: with his boundless valor, made him revered and terrible in
• 1:48:57
  Speaker 1: the sight of his soldiers. But without that cruel his
• 1:49:00
  Speaker 1: other virtues were not sufficient to produce this effect, and
• 1:49:04
  Speaker 1: short sighted writers admire his deeds from one point of view,
• 1:49:07
  Speaker 1: and from another condemned the principal cause of them. That
• 1:49:11
  Speaker 1: it is true his other virtues would not have been
• 1:49:13
  Speaker 1: sufficient for him, may be proved by the case of Scipio,
• 1:49:16
  Speaker 1: that most excellent man, not only of his own times,
• 1:49:19
  Speaker 1: but within the memory of man against whom nevertheless his
• 1:49:23
  Speaker 1: army rebelled in Spain. This arose from nothing but his
• 1:49:26
  Speaker 1: too great forbearance, which gave his soldiers more license than
• 1:49:30
  Speaker 1: is consistent with military discipline. For this he was upbraided
• 1:49:34
  Speaker 1: in the Senate by Fabius Maximus and called the corruptor
• 1:49:37
  Speaker 1: of the Roman soldiery. The Locrians were laid waste by
• 1:49:41
  Speaker 1: a legate of Scipio, yet they were not avenged by him,
• 1:49:44
  Speaker 1: nor was the insolence of the legate punished, owing entirely
• 1:49:47
  Speaker 1: to his easy nature, insomuch that some one in the Senate,
• 1:49:51
  Speaker 1: wishing to excuse him, said, there were many men who
• 1:49:54
  Speaker 1: knew much better how not to err than to correct
• 1:49:56
  Speaker 1: the errors of others. This disposition, if he had been
• 1:50:00
  Speaker 1: continued in a command, would have destroyed in time the
• 1:50:03
  Speaker 1: fame and glory of Scipio. But he being under the
• 1:50:06
  Speaker 1: control of the Senate, this injurious characteristic not only concealed
• 1:50:09
  Speaker 1: itself but contributed to his glory. Returning to the question
• 1:50:14
  Speaker 1: of being feared or loved, I come to the conclusion
• 1:50:17
  Speaker 1: that men loving according to their own will and fearing
• 1:50:19
  Speaker 1: according to that of the prince. A wise prince should
• 1:50:22
  Speaker 1: establish himself on that which is in his own control,
• 1:50:24
  Speaker 1: and not in that of others. He must endeavor only
• 1:50:27
  Speaker 1: to avoid hatred, as is noted Chapter eighteen one concerning
• 1:50:33
  Speaker 1: the way in which princes should keep faith one the
• 1:50:36
  Speaker 1: present chapter has given greater offense than any other portion
• 1:50:39
  Speaker 1: of Machiavelli's writings. Bird I l. Prince app. Page two
• 1:50:43
  Speaker 1: ninety seven. Every one admits how praiseworthy it is in
• 1:50:47
  Speaker 1: a prince to keep faith and to live with integrity,
• 1:50:50
  Speaker 1: and not with craft. Nevertheless, our experience has been that
• 1:50:54
  Speaker 1: those princes who have done great things have held good
• 1:50:56
  Speaker 1: faith of little account, and have known how to circumvent
• 1:50:59
  Speaker 1: the intellect of men by craft, and in the end
• 1:51:02
  Speaker 1: have overcome those who have relied on their word. You
• 1:51:05
  Speaker 1: must know there are two ways of contesting two, the
• 1:51:08
  Speaker 1: one by the law, the other by force. The first
• 1:51:11
  Speaker 1: method is proper to men, the second to beasts. But
• 1:51:14
  Speaker 1: because the first is frequently not sufficient, it is necessary
• 1:51:17
  Speaker 1: to have recourse to the second. Therefore, it is necessary
• 1:51:21
  Speaker 1: for a prince to understand how to avail himself of
• 1:51:24
  Speaker 1: the beast and the man. This has been figuratively taught
• 1:51:27
  Speaker 1: to princes by ancient writers, who describe how Achilles and
• 1:51:30
  Speaker 1: many other princes of old were given to the center
• 1:51:33
  Speaker 1: Gyrant to nurse, who brought them up in his discipline,
• 1:51:36
  Speaker 1: which means solely that as they had for a teacher
• 1:51:38
  Speaker 1: one who was half beast and half man, so it
• 1:51:42
  Speaker 1: is necessary for a prince to know how to make
• 1:51:44
  Speaker 1: use of both natures, and that one without the other
• 1:51:47
  Speaker 1: is not durable. A prince, therefore, being compelled knowingly to
• 1:51:51
  Speaker 1: adopt the beast, ought to choose the fox and the lion,
• 1:51:55
  Speaker 1: because the lion cannot defend himself against snares, and the
• 1:51:58
  Speaker 1: fox cannot defend himself against tis. Therefore, it is necessary
• 1:52:03
  Speaker 1: to be a fox to discover the snares, and a
• 1:52:05
  Speaker 1: lion to terrify the wolves. Those who rely simply on
• 1:52:09
  Speaker 1: the lion do not understand what they are about. Therefore,
• 1:52:13
  Speaker 1: a wise lord cannot, nor ought he to keep faith
• 1:52:16
  Speaker 1: when such observance may be turned against him, and when
• 1:52:19
  Speaker 1: the reasons that caused him to pledge it exist no longer.
• 1:52:23
  Speaker 1: If men were entirely good, this precept would not hold.
• 1:52:26
  Speaker 1: But because they are bad and will not keep faith
• 1:52:28
  Speaker 1: with you, You too are not bound to observe it
• 1:52:31
  Speaker 1: with them, nor will there ever be wanting to a
• 1:52:33
  Speaker 1: prince legitimate reasons to excuse this non observance of this
• 1:52:38
  Speaker 1: endless Modern examples could be given showing how many treaties
• 1:52:41
  Speaker 1: and engagements have been made void and of no effect
• 1:52:44
  Speaker 1: through the faithlessness of princes. And he who has known
• 1:52:47
  Speaker 1: best how to employ the fox has succeeded best. Two
• 1:52:51
  Speaker 1: contesting I eat striving for mastery. Mister Bird points out
• 1:52:56
  Speaker 1: that this passage is imitated directly from Cicero's De officius
• 1:53:00
  Speaker 1: non come scince due of general desertandi unum per disceptationem
• 1:53:04
  Speaker 1: alterum pervim comcay illipproprium sit hominus hawk belluerum confugiandomast at
• 1:53:10
  Speaker 1: posterius s i u t i non lys its superior.
• 1:53:14
  Speaker 1: But it is necessary to know well how to disguise
• 1:53:17
  Speaker 1: this characteristic and to be a great pretender and dissembler.
• 1:53:20
  Speaker 1: And men are so simple and so subject to present necessities,
• 1:53:24
  Speaker 1: that he who seeks to deceive will always find some
• 1:53:27
  Speaker 1: one who will allow himself to be deceived. One recent example,
• 1:53:31
  Speaker 1: I cannot pass over in silence. Alexander the sixth did
• 1:53:35
  Speaker 1: nothing else but deceive men, nor ever thought of doing otherwise,
• 1:53:39
  Speaker 1: and he always found victims. For there never was a
• 1:53:42
  Speaker 1: man who had greater power in asserting, or who with
• 1:53:44
  Speaker 1: greater oaths would affirm a thing, yet would observe it less. Nevertheless,
• 1:53:48
  Speaker 1: his deceits always succeeded according to his wishes. Free, because
• 1:53:53
  Speaker 1: he well understood this side of mankind. Free non domenco
• 1:53:57
  Speaker 1: semper glese et ceterono glee and gany ad votum. The
• 1:54:01
  Speaker 1: words add votum are omitted in the Testina edition fifteen fifty.
• 1:54:06
  Speaker 1: Alexander never did what he said, Cheseray never said what
• 1:54:10
  Speaker 1: he did Italian proverb. Therefore, it is unnecessary for a
• 1:54:15
  Speaker 1: prince to have all the good qualities I have enumerated,
• 1:54:18
  Speaker 1: but it is very necessary to appear to have them,
• 1:54:21
  Speaker 1: And I shall dare to say this also, that to
• 1:54:23
  Speaker 1: have them and always to observe them is injurious, and
• 1:54:26
  Speaker 1: that to appear to have them is useful. To appear merciful, faithful, humane, religious, upright,
• 1:54:32
  Speaker 1: and to be so, but with a mind so framed
• 1:54:34
  Speaker 1: that should you require not to be so, you may
• 1:54:37
  Speaker 1: be able and know how to change to the opposite.
• 1:54:40
  Speaker 1: And you have to understand this that a prince, especially
• 1:54:43
  Speaker 1: a new one, cannot observe all those things for which
• 1:54:46
  Speaker 1: men are esteemed, being often forced in order to maintain
• 1:54:50
  Speaker 1: the state, to act contrary to fidelity, for friendship, humanity,
• 1:54:54
  Speaker 1: and religion. Therefore, it is necessary for him to have
• 1:54:58
  Speaker 1: a mind ready to turn itself a awardingly as the
• 1:55:00
  Speaker 1: winds and variations of fortune force it. Yet, as I
• 1:55:03
  Speaker 1: have said above, not to diverge from the good if
• 1:55:06
  Speaker 1: he can avoid doing so, but if compelled, then to
• 1:55:09
  Speaker 1: know how to set about it for contrary to fidelity
• 1:55:13
  Speaker 1: or faith contro alapheed and tuto feed altogether faithful in
• 1:55:18
  Speaker 1: the next paragraph. It is noteworthy that these two phrases
• 1:55:23
  Speaker 1: contro alaphed and tuto feed were omitted in the Testina edition,
• 1:55:27
  Speaker 1: which was published with the sanction of the papal authorities.
• 1:55:31
  Speaker 1: It may be that the meaning attached to the word
• 1:55:33
  Speaker 1: feed was the faith i e. The Catholic creed, and
• 1:55:37
  Speaker 1: not as rendered here fidelity and faithful. Observe that the
• 1:55:41
  Speaker 1: word religione was suffered to stand in the text of
• 1:55:44
  Speaker 1: the Testina, being used to signify indifferently every shade of belief,
• 1:55:48
  Speaker 1: as witness the religion a phrase inevitably employed to designate
• 1:55:52
  Speaker 1: the Huguenot heresy South. In his sermon nine page sixty nine, ed.
• 1:55:59
  Speaker 1: Eighteen forty three comments on this passage as follows, that
• 1:56:02
  Speaker 1: great patron and Corypheus of this tribe, Niccolo Macchiavel laid
• 1:56:07
  Speaker 1: down this for a master rule in his political scheme,
• 1:56:09
  Speaker 1: that the show of religion was helpful to the politician,
• 1:56:12
  Speaker 1: but the reality of it hurtful and pernicious. For this reason,
• 1:56:16
  Speaker 1: a prince ought to take care that he never lets
• 1:56:18
  Speaker 1: anything slip from his lips that is not replete with
• 1:56:21
  Speaker 1: the above named five qualities, that he may appear to
• 1:56:24
  Speaker 1: him who sees and hears him altogether merciful, faithful, humane,
• 1:56:27
  Speaker 1: upright and religious. There is nothing more necessary to appear
• 1:56:32
  Speaker 1: to have than this last quality, inasmuch as men judge
• 1:56:35
  Speaker 1: generally more by the eye than by the hand. Because
• 1:56:37
  Speaker 1: it belongs to everybody to see you, to few to
• 1:56:40
  Speaker 1: come in touch with you. Every one sees what you
• 1:56:43
  Speaker 1: appear to be, few really know what you are, and
• 1:56:46
  Speaker 1: those few dare not oppose themselves to the opinion of
• 1:56:49
  Speaker 1: the many, who have the majesty of the state to
• 1:56:51
  Speaker 1: defend them, and in the actions of all men, and
• 1:56:54
  Speaker 1: especially of princes, which it is not prudent to challenge.
• 1:56:57
  Speaker 1: One judges by the result. For that reason, let a
• 1:57:01
  Speaker 1: prince have the credit of conquering and holding his state.
• 1:57:03
  Speaker 1: The means will always be considered honest, and he will
• 1:57:06
  Speaker 1: be praised by everybody, because the vulgar are always taken
• 1:57:09
  Speaker 1: by what a thing seems to be and by what
• 1:57:11
  Speaker 1: comes of it. And in the world there are only
• 1:57:13
  Speaker 1: the vulgar, for the few find the place there only
• 1:57:17
  Speaker 1: when the many have no ground to rest on. One
• 1:57:20
  Speaker 1: prince five of the present time, whom it is not
• 1:57:23
  Speaker 1: well to name, never preaches anything else but peace and
• 1:57:26
  Speaker 1: good faith, and to both he is most hostile and either.
• 1:57:30
  Speaker 1: If he had kept it, would have deprived him of
• 1:57:32
  Speaker 1: reputation and kingdom many a time. Five Ferdinand of Aragon.
• 1:57:38
  Speaker 1: When Machiavelli was writing The Prince, it would have been
• 1:57:40
  Speaker 1: clearly impossible to mention Ferdinand's name here without giving offense
• 1:57:44
  Speaker 1: birds I l Prince app Page three O eight, Chapter nineteen,
• 1:57:50
  Speaker 1: that one should avoid being despised and hated. Now, concerning
• 1:57:54
  Speaker 1: the characteristics of which mention is made above, I have
• 1:57:57
  Speaker 1: spoken of the more important ones. The others I wish
• 1:57:59
  Speaker 1: to discuss briefly under this generality, that the prince must consider,
• 1:58:03
  Speaker 1: as has been in part said before, how to avoid
• 1:58:06
  Speaker 1: those things which will make him hated or contemptible. And
• 1:58:10
  Speaker 1: as often as he shall have succeeded, he will have
• 1:58:12
  Speaker 1: fulfilled his part, and he need not fear any danger
• 1:58:15
  Speaker 1: in other approaches. It makes him hated, above all things,
• 1:58:19
  Speaker 1: as I have said, to be rapacious, and to be
• 1:58:22
  Speaker 1: a violator of the property and women of his subjects,
• 1:58:24
  Speaker 1: from both of which he must abstain. And when neither
• 1:58:28
  Speaker 1: their property nor their honor is touched, the majority of
• 1:58:31
  Speaker 1: men live content, and he is only to contend with
• 1:58:34
  Speaker 1: the ambition of a few, whom he can curb with ease.
• 1:58:36
  Speaker 1: In many ways, it makes him contemptible to be considered fickle, frivolous, effeminate,
• 1:58:42
  Speaker 1: mean spirited, irresolute, from all of which a prince should
• 1:58:46
  Speaker 1: guard himself as from a rock. And he should endeavor
• 1:58:48
  Speaker 1: to show in his actions greatness, courage, gravity and fortitude.
• 1:58:53
  Speaker 1: And in his private dealings with his subjects, let him
• 1:58:56
  Speaker 1: show that his judgments are irrevocable, and maintain himself in
• 1:58:59
  Speaker 1: such a reputation that no one can hope either to
• 1:59:02
  Speaker 1: deceive him or to get round him. That prince is
• 1:59:05
  Speaker 1: highly esteemed who conveys this impression of himself, and he
• 1:59:08
  Speaker 1: who is highly esteemed is not easily conspired against, For
• 1:59:12
  Speaker 1: provided it is well known that he is an excellent
• 1:59:14
  Speaker 1: man and revered by his people, he can only be
• 1:59:16
  Speaker 1: attacked with difficulty. For this reason, a prince ought to
• 1:59:20
  Speaker 1: have two fears, one from within on account of his subjects,
• 1:59:24
  Speaker 1: the other from without, on account of external powers. From
• 1:59:28
  Speaker 1: the latter he is defended by being well armed and
• 1:59:30
  Speaker 1: having good allies. And if he is well armed, he
• 1:59:33
  Speaker 1: will have good friends, and affairs will always remain quiet
• 1:59:36
  Speaker 1: within when they are quiet without, unless they should have
• 1:59:39
  Speaker 1: been already disturbed by conspiracy, And even should affairs outside
• 1:59:43
  Speaker 1: be disturbed, if he has carried out his preparations and
• 1:59:46
  Speaker 1: has lived as I have said, as long as he
• 1:59:48
  Speaker 1: does not despair, he will resist every attack. As I
• 1:59:52
  Speaker 1: said Knobbies, this Spartan did. But concerning his subjects, when
• 1:59:56
  Speaker 1: affairs outside are disturbed, he has only to fear that
• 1:59:59
  Speaker 1: they will conspire secretly, from which a prince can easily
• 2:00:02
  Speaker 1: secure himself by avoiding being hated and despised, and by
• 2:00:05
  Speaker 1: keeping the people satisfied with him, which it is most
• 2:00:08
  Speaker 1: necessary for him to accomplish. As I said above at length,
• 2:00:12
  Speaker 1: and one of the most efficacious remedies that a prince
• 2:00:15
  Speaker 1: can have against conspiracies is not to be hated and
• 2:00:18
  Speaker 1: despised by the people. For he who conspires against a
• 2:00:21
  Speaker 1: prince always expects to please them by his removal. But
• 2:00:24
  Speaker 1: when the conspirator can only look forward to offending them,
• 2:00:26
  Speaker 1: he will not have the courage to take such a course.
• 2:00:30
  Speaker 1: For the difficulties that confront a conspirator are infinite, and
• 2:00:34
  Speaker 1: as experience shows, many have been the conspiracies, but few
• 2:00:38
  Speaker 1: have been successful, because he who conspires cannot act alone,
• 2:00:41
  Speaker 1: nor can he take a companion except from those whom
• 2:00:44
  Speaker 1: he believes to be malcontents. And as soon as you
• 2:00:47
  Speaker 1: have opened your mind to a malcontent, you have given
• 2:00:49
  Speaker 1: him the material with which to content himself, For by
• 2:00:52
  Speaker 1: denouncing you he can look for every advantage. So that,
• 2:00:55
  Speaker 1: seeing the gain from this course to be assured, and
• 2:00:58
  Speaker 1: seeing the other to be doubtful and full of dangers,
• 2:01:00
  Speaker 1: he must be a very rare friend or a thoroughly
• 2:01:04
  Speaker 1: obstinate enemy of the prince to keep faith with you
• 2:01:08
  Speaker 1: and to reduce the matter into a small compass. I
• 2:01:11
  Speaker 1: say that on the side of the conspirator there is
• 2:01:14
  Speaker 1: nothing but fear, jealousy, prospect of punishment to terrify him.
• 2:01:18
  Speaker 1: But on the side of the prince there is the
• 2:01:20
  Speaker 1: majesty of the principality, the laws, the protection of friends,
• 2:01:24
  Speaker 1: and the state to defend him. So that, adding to
• 2:01:27
  Speaker 1: all these things the popular good will, it is impossible
• 2:01:30
  Speaker 1: that any one should be so rash as to conspire.
• 2:01:33
  Speaker 1: For whereas in general the conspirator has to fear before
• 2:01:36
  Speaker 1: the execution of his plot, in this case he is
• 2:01:39
  Speaker 1: also to fear the sequel to the crime, because on
• 2:01:41
  Speaker 1: account of it he has the people for an enemy,
• 2:01:43
  Speaker 1: and thus cannot hope for any escape. Endless examples could
• 2:01:48
  Speaker 1: be given on this subject, but I will be content
• 2:01:50
  Speaker 1: with one brought to pass within the memory of our fathers.
• 2:01:54
  Speaker 1: Messer Annabel Bentivogli, who was prince in Bologna, grandfather of
• 2:01:58
  Speaker 1: the present Annabel, having been murdered by the canchi who
• 2:02:01
  Speaker 1: had conspired against him. Not one of his family survived,
• 2:02:05
  Speaker 1: but Messer Giovanni one who was in childhood. Immediately after
• 2:02:09
  Speaker 1: his assassination, the people rose and murdered all the Canci.
• 2:02:13
  Speaker 1: This sprung from the popular good will which the house
• 2:02:15
  Speaker 1: of Bentivogli enjoyed in those days in Bologna, which was
• 2:02:19
  Speaker 1: so great that although none remained there after the death
• 2:02:22
  Speaker 1: of Annibale, who was able to rule the state. The bolognais,
• 2:02:25
  Speaker 1: having information that there was one of the Bentivogli family
• 2:02:28
  Speaker 1: in Florence, who up to that time had been considered
• 2:02:31
  Speaker 1: the son of a blacksmith, sent to Florence for him
• 2:02:34
  Speaker 1: and gave him the government of their city, and it
• 2:02:36
  Speaker 1: was ruled by him until Messer Giovanni came in due
• 2:02:39
  Speaker 1: course to the government. One Giovanni Bentivogli born in Bologna
• 2:02:44
  Speaker 1: fourteen thirty eight died at Milan fifteen o eight. He
• 2:02:48
  Speaker 1: ruled Bologna from fourteen sixty two to fifteen o six.
• 2:02:53
  Speaker 1: Machiavelli's strong condemnation of conspiracies may get its edge from
• 2:02:56
  Speaker 1: his own very recent experience February fifteenth third, when he
• 2:03:01
  Speaker 1: had been arrested and tortured for his alleged complicity in
• 2:03:03
  Speaker 1: the Bascoli conspiracy. For this reason, I consider that a
• 2:03:07
  Speaker 1: prince ought to reckon conspiracies of little account when his
• 2:03:10
  Speaker 1: people hold him in esteem but when it is hostile
• 2:03:13
  Speaker 1: to him and bears hatred towards him, He ought to
• 2:03:15
  Speaker 1: fear everything in everybody, and well ordered states and wise
• 2:03:20
  Speaker 1: princes have taken every care not to drive the nobles
• 2:03:22
  Speaker 1: to desperation, and to keep the people satisfied and contented,
• 2:03:26
  Speaker 1: for this is one of the most important objects a
• 2:03:28
  Speaker 1: prince can have. Among the best ordered and governed kingdoms
• 2:03:32
  Speaker 1: of our times is France, and in it are found
• 2:03:35
  Speaker 1: many good institutions on which depend the liberty and security
• 2:03:38
  Speaker 1: of the king. Of these, the first is the Parliament
• 2:03:40
  Speaker 1: and its authority, Because he who founded the kingdom, knowing
• 2:03:43
  Speaker 1: the ambition of the nobility and their boldness, considered that
• 2:03:47
  Speaker 1: a bit to their mouths would be necessary to hold
• 2:03:50
  Speaker 1: them in. And on the other side, knowing the hatred
• 2:03:53
  Speaker 1: of the people founded in fear against the nobles, he
• 2:03:56
  Speaker 1: wished to protect them. Yet he was not anxious for
• 2:03:59
  Speaker 1: this to be the particleicular care of the king. Therefore,
• 2:04:02
  Speaker 1: to take away the reproach which he would be liable
• 2:04:05
  Speaker 1: to from the nobles for favoring the people and from
• 2:04:07
  Speaker 1: the people for favoring the nobles, he set up an arbiter,
• 2:04:10
  Speaker 1: who should be one who could beat down the great
• 2:04:12
  Speaker 1: and favor the lesser. Without reproach to the king. Neither
• 2:04:16
  Speaker 1: could you have a better or a more prudent arrangement,
• 2:04:19
  Speaker 1: or a greater source of security to the king and kingdom.
• 2:04:22
  Speaker 1: From this one can draw another important conclusion, that princes
• 2:04:26
  Speaker 1: ought to leave affairs of reproach to the management of
• 2:04:28
  Speaker 1: others and keep those of grace in their own hands.
• 2:04:32
  Speaker 1: And further, I consider that a prince ought to cherish
• 2:04:35
  Speaker 1: the nobles, but not so as to make himself hated
• 2:04:38
  Speaker 1: by the people. It may appear, perhaps to some who
• 2:04:42
  Speaker 1: have examined the lives and deaths of the Roman emperors,
• 2:04:44
  Speaker 1: that many of them would be an example contrary to
• 2:04:46
  Speaker 1: my opinion, seeing that some of them lived nobly and
• 2:04:49
  Speaker 1: showed great qualities of soul. Nevertheless, they have lost their
• 2:04:53
  Speaker 1: empire or have been killed by subjects who have conspired
• 2:04:55
  Speaker 1: against them. Wishing therefore, to answer these objects, I will
• 2:05:00
  Speaker 1: recall the characters of some of the emperors, and will
• 2:05:03
  Speaker 1: show that the causes of their ruin were not different
• 2:05:05
  Speaker 1: to those alleged by me. At the same time, I
• 2:05:08
  Speaker 1: will only submit for consideration those things that are noteworthy
• 2:05:11
  Speaker 1: to him who studies the affairs of those times, it
• 2:05:14
  Speaker 1: seems to me sufficient to take all those emperors who
• 2:05:17
  Speaker 1: succeeded to the empire, from Marcus the Philosopher down to Maximinus.
• 2:05:21
  Speaker 1: They were Marcus and his son Commitus, Prdonax, Julian, Severus
• 2:05:25
  Speaker 1: and his son Antoninus, Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus, Alexander, and Maximinus.
• 2:05:32
  Speaker 1: There is first to note that, whereas in other principalities
• 2:05:35
  Speaker 1: the ambition of the nobles and the insolence of the
• 2:05:38
  Speaker 1: people only have to be contended with, the Roman emperors
• 2:05:41
  Speaker 1: had a third difficulty in having to put up with
• 2:05:43
  Speaker 1: the cruelty and avarice of their soldiers, a matter so
• 2:05:46
  Speaker 1: beset with difficulties that it was the ruin of many.
• 2:05:49
  Speaker 1: For it was a hard thing to give satisfaction both
• 2:05:52
  Speaker 1: to soldiers and people, because the people loved peace, and
• 2:05:55
  Speaker 1: for this reason they loved the unaspiring prince, whilst the
• 2:05:58
  Speaker 1: soldiers loved the war like prince, who was bold, cruel,
• 2:06:02
  Speaker 1: and rapacious, which qualities they were quite willing he should
• 2:06:05
  Speaker 1: exercise upon the people, so that they could get double
• 2:06:08
  Speaker 1: pay and give vent to their own greed and cruelty. Hence,
• 2:06:12
  Speaker 1: it arose that those emperors were always overthrown who either
• 2:06:15
  Speaker 1: by birth or training, had no great authority, and most
• 2:06:19
  Speaker 1: of them, especially those who came new to the principality,
• 2:06:22
  Speaker 1: recognizing the difficulty of these two opposing humors, were inclined
• 2:06:26
  Speaker 1: to give satisfaction to the soldiers, caring little about injuring
• 2:06:30
  Speaker 1: the people, which course was necessary, because as princes cannot
• 2:06:35
  Speaker 1: help being hated by someone, they ought in the first
• 2:06:38
  Speaker 1: place to avoid being hated by every one, And when
• 2:06:41
  Speaker 1: they cannot compass this, they ought to endeavor with the
• 2:06:45
  Speaker 1: utmost diligence to avoid the hatred of the most powerful. Therefore,
• 2:06:50
  Speaker 1: those emperors who through inexperience had need of special favor
• 2:06:53
  Speaker 1: adhered more readily to the soldiers than to the people,
• 2:06:55
  Speaker 1: a course which turned out advantageous to them, or not accordingly,
• 2:06:59
  Speaker 1: as the prince knew how to maintain authority over them.
• 2:07:02
  Speaker 1: From these causes, it arose that Marcus, Pruninax and Alexander,
• 2:07:07
  Speaker 1: being all men of modest life, lovers of justice, enemies
• 2:07:10
  Speaker 1: to cruelty, humane and benignant, came to a sad end.
• 2:07:14
  Speaker 1: Except Marcus. He alone lived and died honored because he
• 2:07:17
  Speaker 1: had succeeded to the throne by hereditary title, and owed
• 2:07:21
  Speaker 1: nothing either to the soldiers or the people, And afterwards,
• 2:07:25
  Speaker 1: being possessed of many virtues which made him respected, he
• 2:07:28
  Speaker 1: always kept both orders in their places whilst he lived,
• 2:07:31
  Speaker 1: and was neither hated nor despised. But Perninax was created
• 2:07:35
  Speaker 1: emperor against the wishes of the soldiers, who, being accustomed
• 2:07:39
  Speaker 1: to live licentiously under committists, could not endure the honest
• 2:07:42
  Speaker 1: life to which Perninax wished to reduce them. Thus having
• 2:07:45
  Speaker 1: given cause for hatred, to which hatred there was added
• 2:07:48
  Speaker 1: contempt for his old age, he was overthrown at the
• 2:07:52
  Speaker 1: very beginning of his administration. And here it should be
• 2:07:56
  Speaker 1: noted that hatred is acquired as much by good works
• 2:07:59
  Speaker 1: as by bad ones. Therefore, as I said before, a
• 2:08:02
  Speaker 1: prince wishing to keep his state is very often forced
• 2:08:04
  Speaker 1: to do evil. For when that body is corrupt, whom
• 2:08:08
  Speaker 1: you think you have need of to maintain yourself, it
• 2:08:10
  Speaker 1: may be either the people, or the soldiers or the nobles.
• 2:08:13
  Speaker 1: You have to submit to its humors and to gratify them,
• 2:08:16
  Speaker 1: and then good works will do you harm. But let
• 2:08:19
  Speaker 1: us come to Alexander, who was a man of such
• 2:08:22
  Speaker 1: great goodness that, among the other praises which are accorded
• 2:08:25
  Speaker 1: him as this, that in the fourteen years he held
• 2:08:27
  Speaker 1: the empire, no one was ever put to death by
• 2:08:29
  Speaker 1: him unjudged. Nevertheless, being considered a feminate and a man
• 2:08:33
  Speaker 1: who allowed himself to be governed by his mother, he
• 2:08:36
  Speaker 1: became despised. The army conspired against him and murdered him.
• 2:08:41
  Speaker 1: Turning now to the opposite characters of Commidus Severus, Antoninus Caracalla,
• 2:08:47
  Speaker 1: and Maximinus, you will find them all cruel and rapacious men, who,
• 2:08:50
  Speaker 1: to satisfy their soldiers, did not hesitate to commit every
• 2:08:54
  Speaker 1: kind of iniquity against the people. And all except Severus
• 2:08:58
  Speaker 1: came to a bad end. But in Severest there was
• 2:09:01
  Speaker 1: so much valor that keeping the soldiers friendly. Although the
• 2:09:04
  Speaker 1: people were oppressed by him, he reigned successfully, for his
• 2:09:08
  Speaker 1: valor made him so much admired in the sight of
• 2:09:10
  Speaker 1: the soldiers and people, that the latter were kept in
• 2:09:12
  Speaker 1: a way astonished and awed in the former, respectful and satisfied.
• 2:09:17
  Speaker 1: And because the actions of this man, as a new
• 2:09:19
  Speaker 1: prince were great, I wished to show briefly that he
• 2:09:22
  Speaker 1: knew well how to counterfeit the fox and the lion,
• 2:09:25
  Speaker 1: which natures. As I said above, it is necessary for
• 2:09:28
  Speaker 1: a prince to imitate. Knowing the sloth of the Emperor Julian,
• 2:09:32
  Speaker 1: he persuaded the army in Slavonia, of which he was captain,
• 2:09:36
  Speaker 1: that it would be right to go to Rome and
• 2:09:38
  Speaker 1: avenge the death of Pudnax, who had been killed by
• 2:09:40
  Speaker 1: the Pretorian soldiers, And under this pretext, without appearing to
• 2:09:44
  Speaker 1: aspire to the throne, he moved the army on Rome
• 2:09:48
  Speaker 1: and reached Italy before it was known that he had started.
• 2:09:52
  Speaker 1: On his arrival at Rome, the Senate, through fear, elected
• 2:09:55
  Speaker 1: him emperor and killed Julian. After this, there remained for
• 2:09:59
  Speaker 1: sirvi Verius, who wished to make himself master of the
• 2:10:02
  Speaker 1: whole empire two difficulties, one in Asia, where Niger, head
• 2:10:06
  Speaker 1: of the Asiatic Army, had caused himself to be proclaimed emperor,
• 2:10:10
  Speaker 1: the other in the West, where Albinus was who also
• 2:10:13
  Speaker 1: aspired to the throne, And as he considered it dangerous
• 2:10:17
  Speaker 1: to declare himself hostile to both, he decided to attack
• 2:10:20
  Speaker 1: Niger and to deceive Albinus. To the latter. He wrote that,
• 2:10:24
  Speaker 1: being elected emperor by the Senate, he was willing to
• 2:10:27
  Speaker 1: share that dignity with him and sent him the title
• 2:10:29
  Speaker 1: of Caesar, and moreover that the Senate had made Albinus
• 2:10:33
  Speaker 1: his colleague, which things were accepted by Albinus as true.
• 2:10:37
  Speaker 1: But after Severus had conquered and killed Niger and settled
• 2:10:41
  Speaker 1: Oriental affairs, he returned to Rome and complained to the
• 2:10:44
  Speaker 1: Senate that Albinus, little recognizing the benefits that he had
• 2:10:47
  Speaker 1: received from him, had by treachery, sought to murder him,
• 2:10:50
  Speaker 1: and for this ingratitude he was compelled to punish him. Afterwards,
• 2:10:54
  Speaker 1: he sought him out in France and took from him
• 2:10:57
  Speaker 1: his government and life. He who will therefore carefully examined
• 2:11:01
  Speaker 1: the actions of this man, will find him a most
• 2:11:04
  Speaker 1: valiant lion and a most cunning fox. He will find
• 2:11:06
  Speaker 1: him feared and respected by every one, and not hated
• 2:11:09
  Speaker 1: by the army. And it need not be wondered at
• 2:11:12
  Speaker 1: that he, a new man, was able to hold the
• 2:11:15
  Speaker 1: empire so well because his supreme renown always protected him
• 2:11:19
  Speaker 1: from that hatred which the people might have conceived against
• 2:11:21
  Speaker 1: him for his violence. But his son Antoninus was a
• 2:11:25
  Speaker 1: most eminent man, and had very excellent qualities, which made
• 2:11:29
  Speaker 1: him admirable in the sight of the people and acceptable
• 2:11:31
  Speaker 1: to the soldiers, for he was a warlike man, most
• 2:11:34
  Speaker 1: enduring a fatigue, a despiser of all delicate food and
• 2:11:37
  Speaker 1: other luxuries, which caused him to be beloved by the armies. Nevertheless,
• 2:11:43
  Speaker 1: his ferocity and cruelties were so great and so unheard of, that,
• 2:11:46
  Speaker 1: after endless single murders he killed a large number of
• 2:11:49
  Speaker 1: the people of Rome and all those of Alexandria. He
• 2:11:53
  Speaker 1: became hated by the whole world, and also feared by
• 2:11:56
  Speaker 1: those he had around him, to such an extent that
• 2:11:58
  Speaker 1: he was murdered in the midst of his army by
• 2:12:00
  Speaker 1: a centurion. And here it must be noted that such
• 2:12:04
  Speaker 1: like deaths, which are deliberately inflicted with a resolved and
• 2:12:07
  Speaker 1: desperate courage, cannot be avoided by princes, because any one
• 2:12:11
  Speaker 1: who does not fear to die can inflict them. But
• 2:12:13
  Speaker 1: a prince may fear them the less because they are
• 2:12:15
  Speaker 1: very rare. He has only to be careful not to
• 2:12:19
  Speaker 1: do any grave injury to those whom he employs or
• 2:12:21
  Speaker 1: has around him in the service of the state. Antoninus
• 2:12:25
  Speaker 1: had not taken this care, but had contumiliously killed a
• 2:12:28
  Speaker 1: brother of that centurion, whom also he daily threatened, yet
• 2:12:31
  Speaker 1: retained in his bodyguard, which, as it turned out, was
• 2:12:34
  Speaker 1: a rash thing to do, and prove the emperor's ruin.
• 2:12:38
  Speaker 1: But let us come to Commodus, to whom it should
• 2:12:41
  Speaker 1: have been very easy to hold the empire, for being
• 2:12:44
  Speaker 1: the son of Marcus, he had inherited it, and he
• 2:12:46
  Speaker 1: had only to follow in the footsteps of his father
• 2:12:49
  Speaker 1: to please his people and soldiers. But being by nature
• 2:12:52
  Speaker 1: cruel and brutal, he gave himself up to amusing the
• 2:12:55
  Speaker 1: soldiers and corrupting them so that he might indulge his
• 2:12:58
  Speaker 1: rapacity upon the people. On the other hand, not maintaining
• 2:13:02
  Speaker 1: his dignity, often descending to the theater to compete with gladiators,
• 2:13:06
  Speaker 1: and doing other vile things little worthy of the imperial majesty.
• 2:13:10
  Speaker 1: He fell into contempt with the soldiers, and, being hated
• 2:13:13
  Speaker 1: by one party and despised by the other, he was
• 2:13:16
  Speaker 1: conspired against and was killed. It remains to discuss the
• 2:13:20
  Speaker 1: character of Maximinus. He was a very warlike man, and
• 2:13:24
  Speaker 1: the armies, being disgusted with the effeminacy of Alexander, of
• 2:13:28
  Speaker 1: whom I have already spoken, killed him and elected Maximinus
• 2:13:31
  Speaker 1: to the throne. This he did not possess for long,
• 2:13:35
  Speaker 1: for two things made him hated and despised. The one
• 2:13:38
  Speaker 1: his having kept sheep in Thrace, which brought him into contempt,
• 2:13:42
  Speaker 1: it being well known to all and considered a great
• 2:13:44
  Speaker 1: indignity by every one. And the other his having, at
• 2:13:48
  Speaker 1: the accession to his dominions, deferred going to Rome and
• 2:13:51
  Speaker 1: taking possession of the imperial seat. He had also gained
• 2:13:54
  Speaker 1: a reputation for the utmost ferocity by having, through his
• 2:13:57
  Speaker 1: prefects in Rome and elsewhere in the Empire, practiced many cruelties,
• 2:14:02
  Speaker 1: so that the whole world was moved to anger at
• 2:14:04
  Speaker 1: the meanness of his birth and to fear at his barbarity.
• 2:14:08
  Speaker 1: First Africa rebelled, Then the Senate, with all the people
• 2:14:11
  Speaker 1: of Rome and all Italy, conspired against him, to which
• 2:14:14
  Speaker 1: may be added his own army. This latter, besieging Aquileia,
• 2:14:18
  Speaker 1: and meeting with difficulties in taking it, were disgusted with
• 2:14:21
  Speaker 1: his cruelties, and, fearing him less, when they found so
• 2:14:24
  Speaker 1: many against him, murdered him. I do not wish to
• 2:14:28
  Speaker 1: discuss Heliogabalus, Macrinus or Julian, who, being thoroughly contemptible, were
• 2:14:34
  Speaker 1: quickly wiped out. But I will bring this discourse to
• 2:14:37
  Speaker 1: a conclusion by saying that princes in our times have
• 2:14:40
  Speaker 1: this difficulty of giving inordinate satisfaction to their soldiers in
• 2:14:43
  Speaker 1: a far less degree, because notwithstanding one has to give
• 2:14:47
  Speaker 1: them some indulgence that is soon done. None of these
• 2:14:51
  Speaker 1: princes have armies that are veterans in the governance and
• 2:14:53
  Speaker 1: administration of provinces, as were the armies of the Roman Empire.
• 2:14:57
  Speaker 1: And whereas it was then more necessary to give satisfy
• 2:15:00
  Speaker 1: action to the soldiers than to the people, it is
• 2:15:02
  Speaker 1: now more necessary to all princes except the Turk and
• 2:15:05
  Speaker 1: the Soldan, to satisfy the people rather the soldiers, because
• 2:15:10
  Speaker 1: the people are the more powerful. From the above, I
• 2:15:13
  Speaker 1: have accepted the Turk, who always keeps round him twelve
• 2:15:16
  Speaker 1: thousand infantry in fifteen thousand cavalry, on which depend the
• 2:15:19
  Speaker 1: security and strength of the kingdom, And it is necessary that,
• 2:15:22
  Speaker 1: putting aside every consideration for the people, he should keep
• 2:15:26
  Speaker 1: them his friends. The kingdom of the Souldan is similar,
• 2:15:30
  Speaker 1: being entirely in the hands of soldiers. It follows again
• 2:15:34
  Speaker 1: that without regard to the people, he must keep them
• 2:15:37
  Speaker 1: his friends. But you must note that the state of
• 2:15:40
  Speaker 1: the Souldan is unlike all other principalities, for the reason
• 2:15:43
  Speaker 1: that it is like the Christian Pontificate, which cannot be
• 2:15:46
  Speaker 1: called either an hereditary or a newly formed principality, because
• 2:15:50
  Speaker 1: the sons of the old prince are not the heirs,
• 2:15:52
  Speaker 1: but he who is elected to that position by those
• 2:15:54
  Speaker 1: who have authority, and the sons remain only noblemen. And
• 2:15:59
  Speaker 1: this being an ancient custom, it cannot be called a
• 2:16:02
  Speaker 1: new principality because there are none of those difficulties in
• 2:16:05
  Speaker 1: it that are met within new ones. For although the
• 2:16:07
  Speaker 1: prince is new, the constitution of the state is old,
• 2:16:11
  Speaker 1: and it is framed so as to receive him as
• 2:16:13
  Speaker 1: if he were its hereditary lord. But returning to the
• 2:16:16
  Speaker 1: subject of our discourse, I say that whoever will consider
• 2:16:19
  Speaker 1: it will acknowledge that either hatred or contempt has been
• 2:16:22
  Speaker 1: fatal to the above named emperors, and it will be
• 2:16:24
  Speaker 1: recognized also how it happened that a number of them,
• 2:16:27
  Speaker 1: acting in one way and a number in another, only
• 2:16:30
  Speaker 1: one in each way came to a happy end, and
• 2:16:33
  Speaker 1: the rest to unhappy ones. Because it would have been
• 2:16:36
  Speaker 1: useless and dangerous for Purnax and Alexander being new princes
• 2:16:40
  Speaker 1: to imitate Marcus, who was heir to the principality, And
• 2:16:44
  Speaker 1: likewise it would have been utterly destructive to Caracalla, Commodus
• 2:16:47
  Speaker 1: and Maximinus to have imitated Severus, they not having sufficient
• 2:16:52
  Speaker 1: valor to enable them to tread in his footsteps. Therefore,
• 2:16:56
  Speaker 1: a prince new to the principality cannot imitate the actions
• 2:16:59
  Speaker 1: of marks Marcas. Nor again is it necessary to follow
• 2:17:03
  Speaker 1: those of Severus. But he ought to take from Severest
• 2:17:06
  Speaker 1: those parts which are necessary to found his state, and
• 2:17:09
  Speaker 1: from Marcus those which are proper and glorious to keep
• 2:17:12
  Speaker 1: a state that may already be stable and firm Chapter twenty.
• 2:17:17
  Speaker 1: Are fortresses and many other things to which princes often resort,
• 2:17:21
  Speaker 1: advantageous or hurtful one. Some princes, so as to hold
• 2:17:27
  Speaker 1: securely the state, have disarmed their subjects. Others have kept
• 2:17:30
  Speaker 1: their subject towns distracted by factions. Others have fostered enmities
• 2:17:34
  Speaker 1: against themselves. Others have laid themselves out to gain over
• 2:17:38
  Speaker 1: those whom they distrusted in the beginning of their governments.
• 2:17:40
  Speaker 1: Some have built fortresses, some have overthrown and destroyed them.
• 2:17:46
  Speaker 1: And although one cannot give a final judgment on all
• 2:17:48
  Speaker 1: of these things, unless one possesses the particulars of those
• 2:17:51
  Speaker 1: states in which a decision has to be made. Nevertheless,
• 2:17:54
  Speaker 1: I will speak as comprehensively as the matter of itself,
• 2:17:57
  Speaker 1: will admit. Two, there never was a new prince who
• 2:18:01
  Speaker 1: has disarmed his subjects. Rather, when he has found them disarmed,
• 2:18:04
  Speaker 1: he has always armed them, Because by arming them those
• 2:18:08
  Speaker 1: arms become yours. Those men who were distrusted become faithful,
• 2:18:11
  Speaker 1: and those who were faithful are kept so, and your
• 2:18:14
  Speaker 1: subjects become your adherents. And whereas all subjects cannot be armed,
• 2:18:19
  Speaker 1: yet when those whom you do arm are benefited, the
• 2:18:22
  Speaker 1: others can be handled more freely. And this difference in
• 2:18:24
  Speaker 1: their treatment, which they quite understand, makes the former your dependence,
• 2:18:28
  Speaker 1: and the latter, considering it to be necessary that those
• 2:18:32
  Speaker 1: who have the most danger and service should have the
• 2:18:34
  Speaker 1: most reward, excuse you. But when you disarm them, you
• 2:18:38
  Speaker 1: at once offend them by showing that you distrust them,
• 2:18:41
  Speaker 1: either for cowardice or for want of loyalty. And either
• 2:18:44
  Speaker 1: of these opinions breeds hatred against you. And because you
• 2:18:47
  Speaker 1: cannot remain unarmed, it follows that you turn to mercenaries,
• 2:18:51
  Speaker 1: which are of the character already shown. Even if they
• 2:18:54
  Speaker 1: should be good, they would not be sufficient to defend
• 2:18:56
  Speaker 1: you against powerful enemies and distrusted subjects. Therefore, as I
• 2:19:00
  Speaker 1: have said, a new prince in a new principality has
• 2:19:03
  Speaker 1: always distributed arms. Histories are full of examples. But when
• 2:19:09
  Speaker 1: a prince acquires a new state, which he adds as
• 2:19:11
  Speaker 1: a province to his old one, then it is necessary
• 2:19:14
  Speaker 1: to disarm the men of that state, except those who
• 2:19:17
  Speaker 1: have been his adherents in acquiring it. And these, again,
• 2:19:20
  Speaker 1: with time and opportunity, should be rendered soft and effeminate,
• 2:19:24
  Speaker 1: and matters should be managed in such a way that
• 2:19:26
  Speaker 1: all the armed men in the states shall be your
• 2:19:28
  Speaker 1: own soldiers, who, in your old state were living near you.
• 2:19:32
  Speaker 1: Three our forefathers, and those who were reckoned wise were
• 2:19:36
  Speaker 1: accustomed to say that it was necessary to hold Pistoia
• 2:19:39
  Speaker 1: by factions and Pisa by fortresses, And with this idea
• 2:19:42
  Speaker 1: they fostered quarrels in some of their tributary towns so
• 2:19:45
  Speaker 1: as to keep possession of them the more easily. This
• 2:19:49
  Speaker 1: may have been well enough in those times when Italy
• 2:19:51
  Speaker 1: was in a way balanced, But I do not believe
• 2:19:53
  Speaker 1: that it can be accepted as a precept for to day,
• 2:19:56
  Speaker 1: because I do not believe that factions can ever be
• 2:19:58
  Speaker 1: of use. Rather, it is certain that when the enemy
• 2:20:01
  Speaker 1: comes upon you in divided cities, you are quickly lost,
• 2:20:05
  Speaker 1: because the weakest party will always assist the outside forces,
• 2:20:08
  Speaker 1: and the other will not be able to resist. The Venetians, moved,
• 2:20:12
  Speaker 1: as I believe, by the above reasons, fostered the Gwelph
• 2:20:16
  Speaker 1: and Gibbling factions in their tributary cities. And although they
• 2:20:19
  Speaker 1: never allowed them to come to bloodshed, yet they nursed
• 2:20:22
  Speaker 1: these disputes amongst them, so that the citizens distracted by
• 2:20:26
  Speaker 1: their differences should not unite against them, which, as we saw,
• 2:20:31
  Speaker 1: did not afterwards turn out as expected, because after the
• 2:20:35
  Speaker 1: route at Vila, one party at once took courage and
• 2:20:38
  Speaker 1: seized the state. Such methods argue therefore weakness in the prince,
• 2:20:43
  Speaker 1: because these factions will never be permitted in a vigorous principality.
• 2:20:47
  Speaker 1: Such methods for enabling one the more easily to manage
• 2:20:50
  Speaker 1: subjects are only useful in times of peace. But if
• 2:20:52
  Speaker 1: war comes, this policy proves fallacious. Four, Without doubt, princes
• 2:20:58
  Speaker 1: become great when they over come the difficulties and obstacles
• 2:21:01
  Speaker 1: by which they are confronted, and therefore fortune, especially when
• 2:21:05
  Speaker 1: she desires to make a new prince great, who has
• 2:21:07
  Speaker 1: a greater necessity to earn renown than an hereditary one,
• 2:21:11
  Speaker 1: causes enemies to arise and form designs against him, in
• 2:21:15
  Speaker 1: order that he may have the opportunity of overcoming them,
• 2:21:18
  Speaker 1: and by them to mount higher, as by a ladder
• 2:21:20
  Speaker 1: which his enemies have raised. For this reason, many consider
• 2:21:24
  Speaker 1: that a wise prince, when he has the opportunity, ought
• 2:21:27
  Speaker 1: with craft to foster some animosity against himself, so that,
• 2:21:31
  Speaker 1: having crushed it, his renown may rise higher. Five Princes,
• 2:21:37
  Speaker 1: especially new ones, have found more fidelity and assistance in
• 2:21:40
  Speaker 1: those men who, in the beginning of their rule were
• 2:21:42
  Speaker 1: distrusted than among those who in the beginning were trusted.
• 2:21:46
  Speaker 1: Pandolpho Petrucci, Prince of Siena, ruled his state more by
• 2:21:49
  Speaker 1: those who have been distrusted than by others. But on
• 2:21:53
  Speaker 1: this question one cannot speak generally, for it varies so
• 2:21:56
  Speaker 1: much with the individual. I will only say this that
• 2:21:59
  Speaker 1: those men who, at the commencement of a prince dahm
• 2:22:01
  Speaker 1: have been hostile if they are of a description to
• 2:22:03
  Speaker 1: need assistance to support themselves can always be gained over
• 2:22:07
  Speaker 1: with the greatest ease, and they will be tightly held
• 2:22:10
  Speaker 1: to serve the Prince with fidelity inasmuch as they know
• 2:22:13
  Speaker 1: it to be very necessary for them to cancel by
• 2:22:15
  Speaker 1: deeds the bad impression which he had formed of them,
• 2:22:18
  Speaker 1: And thus the Prince always extracts more profit from them
• 2:22:21
  Speaker 1: than from those who serving him in too much security,
• 2:22:24
  Speaker 1: may neglect his affairs. And since the matter demands it,
• 2:22:28
  Speaker 1: I must not fail to warn a prince who, by
• 2:22:30
  Speaker 1: means of secret favors, has acquired a new state, that
• 2:22:33
  Speaker 1: he must well consider the reasons which induce those to
• 2:22:35
  Speaker 1: favor him who did so. And if it be not
• 2:22:38
  Speaker 1: a natural affection towards him, but only discontent with their government,
• 2:22:42
  Speaker 1: then he will only keep them friendly with great trouble
• 2:22:45
  Speaker 1: and difficulty, for it will be impossible to satisfy them.
• 2:22:49
  Speaker 1: And weighing well the reasons for this, in those examples
• 2:22:52
  Speaker 1: which can be taken from ancient and modern affairs, we
• 2:22:54
  Speaker 1: shall find that it is easier for the prince to
• 2:22:56
  Speaker 1: make friends of those men who were contented under the
• 2:22:59
  Speaker 1: former government and are therefore his enemies, than of those who,
• 2:23:03
  Speaker 1: being discontented with it, were favorable to him, and encouraged
• 2:23:07
  Speaker 1: him to seize it. Six, It has been accustomed with princes,
• 2:23:12
  Speaker 1: in order to hold their states more securely, to build
• 2:23:15
  Speaker 1: fortresses that may serve as a bridle and bit to
• 2:23:17
  Speaker 1: those who might design to work against them, and as
• 2:23:20
  Speaker 1: a place of refuge from a first attack. I praise
• 2:23:23
  Speaker 1: this system because it has been made use of formerly.
• 2:23:27
  Speaker 1: Notwithstanding that Messer Nicolo Vitelli in our times has been
• 2:23:31
  Speaker 1: seen to demolish two fortresses in Cidad Costello so that
• 2:23:34
  Speaker 1: he might keep that state. Guido Ubaldo, Duke of Urbino,
• 2:23:37
  Speaker 1: on returning to his dominion, whence he had been driven
• 2:23:40
  Speaker 1: by chesare Borgia, raised to the foundations all the fortresses
• 2:23:43
  Speaker 1: in that province, and considered that without them it would
• 2:23:47
  Speaker 1: be more difficult to lose it. The Bentivogli, returning to Bologna,
• 2:23:51
  Speaker 1: came to a similar decision. Fortresses, therefore, are useful or
• 2:23:55
  Speaker 1: not according to circumstances. If they do you good in
• 2:23:58
  Speaker 1: one way, they injure you in another. And this question
• 2:24:01
  Speaker 1: can be reasoned. Thus, the prince, who has more to
• 2:24:04
  Speaker 1: fear from the people than from foreigners, ought to build fortresses.
• 2:24:07
  Speaker 1: But he who has more to fear from foreigners than
• 2:24:09
  Speaker 1: from the people, ought to leave them alone. The Castle
• 2:24:13
  Speaker 1: of Milan, built by Francesco's Fortza, has made and will make,
• 2:24:17
  Speaker 1: more trouble for the House of Sportsa than any other
• 2:24:19
  Speaker 1: disorder in the state. For this reason, the best possible
• 2:24:23
  Speaker 1: fortress is not to be hated by the people, because
• 2:24:27
  Speaker 1: although you may hold the fortresses, yet they will not
• 2:24:29
  Speaker 1: save you if the people hate you, for there will
• 2:24:31
  Speaker 1: never be wanting foreigners to assist a people who have
• 2:24:34
  Speaker 1: taken arms against you. It has not been seen in
• 2:24:37
  Speaker 1: our times that such fortresses have been of use to
• 2:24:40
  Speaker 1: any prince, unless to the Countess of forli One, when
• 2:24:43
  Speaker 1: the Count Girolamo, her consort, was killed, For by that
• 2:24:47
  Speaker 1: means she was able to withstand the popular attack and
• 2:24:49
  Speaker 1: wait for assistance from Milan, and thus recover her state.
• 2:24:54
  Speaker 1: And the posture of affairs was such at that time
• 2:24:56
  Speaker 1: that the foreigners could not assist the people, but fortress
• 2:25:00
  Speaker 1: were of little value to her afterwards, when chesare Borga
• 2:25:03
  Speaker 1: attacked her, and when the people her enemy, were allied
• 2:25:06
  Speaker 1: with foreigners. Therefore, it would have been safer for her
• 2:25:11
  Speaker 1: both then and before not to have been hated by
• 2:25:13
  Speaker 1: the people than to have had the fortresses. All these
• 2:25:16
  Speaker 1: things considered, then I shall praise him who builds fortresses,
• 2:25:19
  Speaker 1: as well as him who does not, and I shall
• 2:25:21
  Speaker 1: blame whoever, trusting in them, cares little about being hated
• 2:25:25
  Speaker 1: by the people. One Catherine Sforza, a daughter of Galiazzo
• 2:25:30
  Speaker 1: Sforza and Lucraziolandriani, born fourteen sixty three died fifteen o nine.
• 2:25:36
  Speaker 1: It was to the Countess of Forli that Machiavelli was
• 2:25:39
  Speaker 1: sent as envoy. On fourteen ninety nine, a letter from
• 2:25:43
  Speaker 1: Fortunati to the Countess announces the appointment. I have been
• 2:25:46
  Speaker 1: with the Signori, wrote Fortunati to learn whom they would send,
• 2:25:49
  Speaker 1: and when they tell me that Niccolo Macchiavelli, a learned
• 2:25:53
  Speaker 1: young Florentine noble secretary to my lords of the ten,
• 2:25:57
  Speaker 1: is to leave with me at once. C. F. CATHERINEI
• 2:26:00
  Speaker 1: Sporza by Count Pasolini, translated by P. Sylvester, eighteen ninety eight,
• 2:26:06
  Speaker 1: Chapter twenty one. How a prince should conduct himself so
• 2:26:10
  Speaker 1: as to gain renown. Nothing makes a prince so much
• 2:26:12
  Speaker 1: esteemed as great enterprises and setting a fine example we
• 2:26:16
  Speaker 1: have in our time. Ferdinand of Aragon, the present king
• 2:26:19
  Speaker 1: of Spain. He can almost be called a new prince,
• 2:26:23
  Speaker 1: because he has risen, by fame and glory, from being
• 2:26:26
  Speaker 1: an insignificant king to be the foremost king in Christendom.
• 2:26:29
  Speaker 1: And if you will consider his deeds, you will find
• 2:26:31
  Speaker 1: them all great, in some of them extraordinary. In the
• 2:26:34
  Speaker 1: beginning of his reign he attacked Granada, and this enterprise
• 2:26:38
  Speaker 1: was the foundation of his dominions. He did this quietly
• 2:26:41
  Speaker 1: at first, and without any fear of hindrance, for he
• 2:26:44
  Speaker 1: held the minds of the barons of Castile occupied in
• 2:26:47
  Speaker 1: thinking of the war, and not anticipating any innovations. Thus
• 2:26:51
  Speaker 1: they did not perceive that by these means he was
• 2:26:53
  Speaker 1: acquiring power and authority over them. He was able, with
• 2:26:57
  Speaker 1: the money of the Church and of the people, to
• 2:26:59
  Speaker 1: sustain his army, and by that long war, to lay
• 2:27:02
  Speaker 1: the foundation for the military skill which has since distinguished him. Further,
• 2:27:06
  Speaker 1: always using religion as a plea so as to undertake
• 2:27:09
  Speaker 1: greater schemes, he devoted himself, with pious cruelty, to driving
• 2:27:13
  Speaker 1: out and clearing his kingdom of the moors. Nor could
• 2:27:16
  Speaker 1: there be a more admirable example, nor one more rare.
• 2:27:20
  Speaker 1: Under this same cloak. He assailed Africa, he came down
• 2:27:23
  Speaker 1: on Italy, he has finally attacked France. And thus his
• 2:27:26
  Speaker 1: achievements and designs have always been great, and have kept
• 2:27:29
  Speaker 1: the minds of his people in suspense and admiration and
• 2:27:32
  Speaker 1: occupied with the issue of them, and his actions have
• 2:27:35
  Speaker 1: arisen in such a way one out of the other,
• 2:27:38
  Speaker 1: that men have never been given time to work steadily
• 2:27:41
  Speaker 1: against him. Again, it much assists a prince to set
• 2:27:45
  Speaker 1: unusual examples in internal affairs, similar to those which are
• 2:27:48
  Speaker 1: related of Messer Bernabo de Milano, who, when he had
• 2:27:51
  Speaker 1: the opportunity by any one in civil life, doing some
• 2:27:54
  Speaker 1: extraordinary thing, either good or bad, would take some method
• 2:27:58
  Speaker 1: of rewarding or punishing him, which we be much spoken about.
• 2:28:02
  Speaker 1: And a prince ought, above all things, always endeavor in
• 2:28:05
  Speaker 1: every action to gain for himself the reputation of being
• 2:28:08
  Speaker 1: a great and remarkable man. A prince is also respected
• 2:28:12
  Speaker 1: when he is either a true friend or a downright enemy,
• 2:28:15
  Speaker 1: that is to say, when without any reservation, he declares
• 2:28:19
  Speaker 1: himself in favor of one party against the other, which
• 2:28:22
  Speaker 1: course will always be more advantageous than standing neutral. Because
• 2:28:25
  Speaker 1: if two of your powerful neighbors come to blows. They
• 2:28:29
  Speaker 1: are of such a character that if one of them conquers,
• 2:28:32
  Speaker 1: you have either to fear him or not. In either case,
• 2:28:35
  Speaker 1: it will always be more advantageous for you to declare
• 2:28:38
  Speaker 1: yourself and to make war strenuously, because in the first case,
• 2:28:42
  Speaker 1: if you do not declare yourself, you will invariably fall
• 2:28:45
  Speaker 1: a prey to the conqueror, to the pleasure and satisfaction
• 2:28:49
  Speaker 1: of him who has been conquered, and you will have
• 2:28:51
  Speaker 1: no reasons to offer, nor anything to protect or to
• 2:28:54
  Speaker 1: shelter you, because he who conquers does not want doubtful
• 2:28:57
  Speaker 1: friends who will not aid him in the time of trial,
• 2:29:00
  Speaker 1: and he who loses will not harbor you because you
• 2:29:02
  Speaker 1: did not willingly sword in hand court his fate. Antiochus
• 2:29:07
  Speaker 1: went into Greece, being sent for by the Aetolians to
• 2:29:10
  Speaker 1: drive out the Romans. He sent envoys to the Achaeans,
• 2:29:14
  Speaker 1: who were friends of the Romans, exhorting them to remain neutral,
• 2:29:17
  Speaker 1: and on the other hand, the Romans urged them to
• 2:29:19
  Speaker 1: take up arms. This question came to be discussed in
• 2:29:23
  Speaker 1: the Council of the Achaeans, where the legate of Antiochus
• 2:29:26
  Speaker 1: urged them to stand neutral. To this the Roman legged answered,
• 2:29:30
  Speaker 1: as for that which has been said, that it is
• 2:29:32
  Speaker 1: better and more advantageous for your state not to interfere
• 2:29:35
  Speaker 1: in our war. Nothing can be more erroneous, because by
• 2:29:38
  Speaker 1: not interfering you will be left without favor or consideration
• 2:29:42
  Speaker 1: the girden of the conqueror. Thus it will always happen
• 2:29:46
  Speaker 1: that he who is not your friend will demand your neutrality,
• 2:29:48
  Speaker 1: whilst he who is your friend will entreat you to
• 2:29:50
  Speaker 1: declare yourself with arms. And their resolute princes, to avoid
• 2:29:55
  Speaker 1: present dangers, generally follow the neutral path and are generally ruined.
• 2:30:00
  Speaker 1: But when a prince declares himself gallantly in favor of
• 2:30:03
  Speaker 1: one side, if the party with whom he allies himself conquers,
• 2:30:07
  Speaker 1: although the victor may be powerful and may have him
• 2:30:09
  Speaker 1: at his mercy, yet he is indebted to him, and
• 2:30:12
  Speaker 1: there is established a bond of amity. And men are
• 2:30:14
  Speaker 1: never so shameless as to become a monument of ingratitude
• 2:30:17
  Speaker 1: by oppressing you. Victories, after all, are never so complete
• 2:30:22
  Speaker 1: that the victor must not show some regard, especially to justice.
• 2:30:26
  Speaker 1: But if he with whom you ally yourself loses, you
• 2:30:29
  Speaker 1: may be sheltered by him, And whilst he is able,
• 2:30:31
  Speaker 1: he may aid you, and you become companions on a
• 2:30:34
  Speaker 1: fortune that may rise again. In the second case, when
• 2:30:38
  Speaker 1: those who fight are of such a character that you
• 2:30:40
  Speaker 1: have no anxiety as to who may conquer so much,
• 2:30:43
  Speaker 1: the more is it greater prudence to be allied, because
• 2:30:45
  Speaker 1: you assist at the destruction of one by the aid
• 2:30:48
  Speaker 1: of another, who, if he had been wise, would have
• 2:30:50
  Speaker 1: saved him, and conquering, as it is impossible that he
• 2:30:54
  Speaker 1: should not do with your assistance, he remains at your discretion.
• 2:30:58
  Speaker 1: And here it is to be known that a prince
• 2:31:00
  Speaker 1: ought to take care never to make an alliance with
• 2:31:03
  Speaker 1: one more powerful than himself for the purposes of attacking others,
• 2:31:06
  Speaker 1: unless necessity compels him, as is said above, because if
• 2:31:10
  Speaker 1: he conquers, you are at his discretion, and princes ought
• 2:31:13
  Speaker 1: to avoid as much as possible, being at the discretion
• 2:31:16
  Speaker 1: of any one. The Venetians joined with France against the
• 2:31:19
  Speaker 1: Duke of Milan, and this alliance, which caused their ruin,
• 2:31:23
  Speaker 1: could have been avoided. But when it cannot be avoided,
• 2:31:26
  Speaker 1: as happened to the Florentines when the Pope in Spain
• 2:31:29
  Speaker 1: sent armies to attack Lombardy, than in such a case
• 2:31:32
  Speaker 1: for the above reasons, the prince ought to favor one
• 2:31:35
  Speaker 1: of the parties. Never let any government imagine that it
• 2:31:39
  Speaker 1: can choose perfectly safe courses. Rather let it expect to
• 2:31:42
  Speaker 1: have to take very doubtful ones. Because it is found
• 2:31:45
  Speaker 1: in ordinary affairs that one never seeks to avoid one
• 2:31:48
  Speaker 1: trouble without running into another. But prudence consists in knowing
• 2:31:51
  Speaker 1: how to distinguish the character of troubles and for choice
• 2:31:55
  Speaker 1: to take the lesser evil. A prince ought also to
• 2:31:58
  Speaker 1: show himself a patron of ability, and to honor the
• 2:32:01
  Speaker 1: proficient in every art. At the same time, he should
• 2:32:05
  Speaker 1: encourage his citizens to practice their callings peaceably, both in
• 2:32:08
  Speaker 1: commerce and agriculture, and in every other following, so that
• 2:32:12
  Speaker 1: the one should not be deterred from improving his possessions
• 2:32:14
  Speaker 1: for fear lest they be taken away from him, or
• 2:32:16
  Speaker 1: another from opening up trade for fear of taxes. But
• 2:32:20
  Speaker 1: the prince ought to offer rewards to whoever wishes to
• 2:32:23
  Speaker 1: do these things and designs in any way to honor
• 2:32:25
  Speaker 1: his city or state. Further, he ought to entertain the
• 2:32:29
  Speaker 1: people with festivals and spectacles at convenient seasons of the year,
• 2:32:33
  Speaker 1: and as every city is divided into guilds or into societies.
• 2:32:36
  Speaker 1: One he ought to hold such bodies in esteem, and
• 2:32:39
  Speaker 1: associate with them sometimes, and show himself an example of
• 2:32:43
  Speaker 1: courtesy and liberality, nevertheless, always maintaining the majesty of his rank.
• 2:32:49
  Speaker 1: For this he must never consent to abate in anything. One.
• 2:32:53
  Speaker 1: Guilds or societies in rd O in Tribu Arti were
• 2:32:57
  Speaker 1: craft or trade guilds c F. Flora Arte the whole
• 2:33:01
  Speaker 1: company of any trade in any city or corporation town.
• 2:33:05
  Speaker 1: The guilds of Florence are most admirably described by mister
• 2:33:08
  Speaker 1: Edgecombe Staley in his work on the subject Methuen nineteen
• 2:33:12
  Speaker 1: o six. Institutions of a somewhat similar character, called artel
• 2:33:17
  Speaker 1: exist in Russia today c F. Sir Mackenzie Wallace's Russia Edition,
• 2:33:22
  Speaker 1: nineteen o five. The sons were always, during the working season,
• 2:33:26
  Speaker 1: members of an artel. In some of the larger towns
• 2:33:29
  Speaker 1: there are artels of a much more complex kind, permanent
• 2:33:33
  Speaker 1: associations possessing large capital and pecuniarily responsible for the acts
• 2:33:37
  Speaker 1: of the individual members. The word artel, despite its apparent similarity,
• 2:33:42
  Speaker 1: as mister aylmer Maud assures me, no connection with bars
• 2:33:46
  Speaker 1: or arte Its root is that of the verb rhotizia
• 2:33:50
  Speaker 1: to bind oneself by an oath, and it is generally
• 2:33:53
  Speaker 1: admitted to be only another form of rhoda, which now
• 2:33:56
  Speaker 1: signifies a regimental company. In both words, the underlying idea
• 2:34:00
  Speaker 1: is that of a body of men united by an oath.
• 2:34:03
  Speaker 1: Tribu were possibly gentile groups united by common descent, and
• 2:34:08
  Speaker 1: included individuals connected by marriage. Perhaps our words sects or
• 2:34:13
  Speaker 1: clans would be most appropriate. Chapter twenty two, concerning the
• 2:34:18
  Speaker 1: secretaries of princes. The choice of servants is of no
• 2:34:21
  Speaker 1: little importance to a prince, and they are good or
• 2:34:24
  Speaker 1: not according to the discrimination of the prince. And the
• 2:34:27
  Speaker 1: first opinion which one forms of a prince and of
• 2:34:30
  Speaker 1: his understanding, is by observing the man he has around him.
• 2:34:34
  Speaker 1: And when they are capable and faithful, he may always
• 2:34:36
  Speaker 1: be considered wise, because he has known how to recognize
• 2:34:39
  Speaker 1: the capable and to keep them faithful. But when they
• 2:34:42
  Speaker 1: are otherwise, one cannot form a good opinion of him,
• 2:34:45
  Speaker 1: for the prime error which he made was in choosing them.
• 2:34:49
  Speaker 1: There were none who knew Messer Antonio de Vnaphro as
• 2:34:51
  Speaker 1: the servant of Pandolpho Petrucci, Prince of Siena, who would
• 2:34:55
  Speaker 1: not consider Pandolpho to be a very clever man in
• 2:34:58
  Speaker 1: having Venafro for his servant. Because there are three classes
• 2:35:02
  Speaker 1: of intellects, one which comprehends by itself, another which appreciates
• 2:35:06
  Speaker 1: what others comprehend it, and a third which neither comprehends
• 2:35:09
  Speaker 1: by itself nor by the showing of others. The first
• 2:35:12
  Speaker 1: is the most excellent, the second is good, the third
• 2:35:15
  Speaker 1: is useless. Therefore it follows necessarily that if Pandolpho was
• 2:35:20
  Speaker 1: not in the first rank, he was in the second.
• 2:35:23
  Speaker 1: For whenever one has judgment to know good and bad
• 2:35:25
  Speaker 1: when it is said and done, although he himself may
• 2:35:28
  Speaker 1: not have the initiative, yet he can recognize the good
• 2:35:31
  Speaker 1: and the bad in his servant, and the one he
• 2:35:33
  Speaker 1: can praise and the other correct. Thus the servant cannot
• 2:35:36
  Speaker 1: hope to deceive him, and is kept honest. But to
• 2:35:40
  Speaker 1: enable a prince to form an opinion of his servant,
• 2:35:42
  Speaker 1: there is one test which never fails. When you see
• 2:35:45
  Speaker 1: the servant thinking more of his own interests than of yours,
• 2:35:48
  Speaker 1: and seeking inwardly his own profit in everything, such a
• 2:35:51
  Speaker 1: man will never make a good servant, Nor will you
• 2:35:55
  Speaker 1: ever be able to trust him, because he who has
• 2:35:57
  Speaker 1: the state of another in his hands, ought never to
• 2:35:59
  Speaker 1: think of himself, but always of his prince, and never
• 2:36:02
  Speaker 1: pay any attention to matters in which the prince is
• 2:36:05
  Speaker 1: not concerned. On the other hand, to keep his servant honest,
• 2:36:09
  Speaker 1: the prince ought to study him, honoring him, enriching him,
• 2:36:12
  Speaker 1: doing him kindnesses, sharing with him the honors and cares.
• 2:36:15
  Speaker 1: And at the same time let him see that he
• 2:36:17
  Speaker 1: cannot stand alone, so that many honors may not make
• 2:36:20
  Speaker 1: him desire more, many riches make him wish for more,
• 2:36:24
  Speaker 1: and that many cares may make him dread chances. When
• 2:36:28
  Speaker 1: therefore servants and princes towards servants are thus disposed, they
• 2:36:33
  Speaker 1: can trust each other. But when it is otherwise, the
• 2:36:36
  Speaker 1: end will always be disastrous for either one or the other.
• 2:36:39
  Speaker 1: Chapter twenty three. How flatterers should be avoided. I do
• 2:36:44
  Speaker 1: not wish to leave out an important branch of this subject,
• 2:36:46
  Speaker 1: for it is a danger from which princes are with
• 2:36:49
  Speaker 1: difficulty preserved unless they are very careful and discriminating. It
• 2:36:53
  Speaker 1: is that of flatterers of whom courts are full because
• 2:36:56
  Speaker 1: men are so self complaisant in their own affairs and
• 2:36:59
  Speaker 1: in a way so deceived in them that they are
• 2:37:02
  Speaker 1: preserved with difficulty from this pest, And if they wish
• 2:37:05
  Speaker 1: to defend themselves, they run the danger of falling into contempt,
• 2:37:09
  Speaker 1: because there is no other way of guarding oneself from
• 2:37:11
  Speaker 1: flatterers except letting men understand that to tell you the
• 2:37:14
  Speaker 1: truth does not offend you. But when every one may
• 2:37:16
  Speaker 1: tell you the truth, respect for you abates. Therefore, a
• 2:37:20
  Speaker 1: wise prince ought to hold a third course, by choosing
• 2:37:23
  Speaker 1: the wise men in his state, and giving to them
• 2:37:25
  Speaker 1: only the liberty of speaking the truth to him, and
• 2:37:28
  Speaker 1: then only of those things of which he inquires, and
• 2:37:30
  Speaker 1: of none others. But he ought to question them upon everything,
• 2:37:34
  Speaker 1: and listen to their opinions, and afterwards form his own conclusions.
• 2:37:39
  Speaker 1: With these counselors separately and collectively, he ought to carry
• 2:37:42
  Speaker 1: himself in such a way that each of them should
• 2:37:45
  Speaker 1: know that the more freely he shall speak, the more
• 2:37:47
  Speaker 1: he shall be preferred. Outside of these, he should listen
• 2:37:50
  Speaker 1: to no one, pursue the thing resolved on, and be
• 2:37:53
  Speaker 1: steadfast in his resolutions. He who does otherwise is either
• 2:37:58
  Speaker 1: overthrown by flatterers, or is so often changed by varying
• 2:38:01
  Speaker 1: opinions that he falls into contempt. I wish on this
• 2:38:05
  Speaker 1: subject to reduce a modern example Fraeulucca, the man of
• 2:38:09
  Speaker 1: affairs to Maximilian one. The present Emperor, speaking of his majesty,
• 2:38:14
  Speaker 1: said he consulted with no one, yet never got his
• 2:38:17
  Speaker 1: own way in anything. This arose because of his following
• 2:38:21
  Speaker 1: a practice the opposite to the above. For the Emperor
• 2:38:24
  Speaker 1: is a secret of man. He does not communicate his
• 2:38:27
  Speaker 1: designs to any one, nor does he receive opinions on them.
• 2:38:31
  Speaker 1: But as in carrying them into effect, they become revealed
• 2:38:34
  Speaker 1: and known. They are at once obstructed by those men
• 2:38:36
  Speaker 1: whom he has around him, and he, being pliant, is
• 2:38:39
  Speaker 1: diverted from them. Hence it follows that those things he
• 2:38:43
  Speaker 1: does one day, he undoes the next, and no one
• 2:38:46
  Speaker 1: ever understands what he wishes or intends to do, and
• 2:38:49
  Speaker 1: no one can rely on his resolutions. One Maximilian I
• 2:38:54
  Speaker 1: born in fourteen fifty nine died fifteen nineteen, Emperor of
• 2:38:58
  Speaker 1: the Holy Roman Empire. He married first Mary, daughter of
• 2:39:02
  Speaker 1: Charles de Bold. After her death Bianca's Fortsa, and thus
• 2:39:06
  Speaker 1: became involved in Italian politics. A prince therefore ought always
• 2:39:12
  Speaker 1: to take counsel, but only when he wishes, and not
• 2:39:14
  Speaker 1: when others wish. He ought rather to discourage every one
• 2:39:18
  Speaker 1: from offering advice unless he asks it. But however, he
• 2:39:21
  Speaker 1: ought to be a constant inquirer and afterwards a patient
• 2:39:24
  Speaker 1: listener concerning the things of which he inquired. Also, on
• 2:39:28
  Speaker 1: learning that any one, on any consideration has not told
• 2:39:32
  Speaker 1: him the truth, he should let his anger be felt.
• 2:39:35
  Speaker 1: And if there are some who think that a prince
• 2:39:37
  Speaker 1: who conveys an impression of his wisdom is not so
• 2:39:39
  Speaker 1: through his own ability, but through the good advisers that
• 2:39:42
  Speaker 1: he has around him, beyond doubt, they are deceived, because
• 2:39:45
  Speaker 1: this is an axiom which never fails, that a prince
• 2:39:49
  Speaker 1: who is not wise himself will never take good advice,
• 2:39:52
  Speaker 1: unless by chance he has yielded his affairs entirely to
• 2:39:54
  Speaker 1: one person who happens to be a very prudent man.
• 2:39:58
  Speaker 1: In this case, indeed, he may be well governed, but
• 2:40:01
  Speaker 1: it would not be for long, because such a governor
• 2:40:03
  Speaker 1: would in a short time take away his state from him.
• 2:40:06
  Speaker 1: But if a prince who is not inexperienced should take
• 2:40:09
  Speaker 1: counsel from more than one, he will never get united councils,
• 2:40:12
  Speaker 1: nor will he know how to unite them. Each of
• 2:40:15
  Speaker 1: the councilors will think of his own interests, and the
• 2:40:18
  Speaker 1: prince will not know how to control them or to
• 2:40:20
  Speaker 1: see through them. And they are not to be found otherwise,
• 2:40:24
  Speaker 1: because men will always prove untrue to you unless they
• 2:40:26
  Speaker 1: are kept honest by constraint. Therefore, it must be inferred
• 2:40:30
  Speaker 1: that good councils, whensoever they come, are born of the
• 2:40:34
  Speaker 1: wisdom of the prince, and not the wisdom of the prince.
• 2:40:36
  Speaker 1: From good councils, Chapter twenty four, Why the princes of
• 2:40:41
  Speaker 1: Italy have lost their states. The previous suggestions, carefully observed,
• 2:40:46
  Speaker 1: will enable a new prince to appear well established, and
• 2:40:48
  Speaker 1: render him at once more secure and fixed in the
• 2:40:51
  Speaker 1: state than if he had been long seated there. For
• 2:40:54
  Speaker 1: the actions of a new prince are more narrowly observed
• 2:40:57
  Speaker 1: than those of an hereditary one, and when they are
• 2:40:59
  Speaker 1: seen to be able, they gain more men and bind
• 2:41:01
  Speaker 1: far tighter than ancient blood. Because men are attracted more
• 2:41:04
  Speaker 1: by the present than by the past, and when they
• 2:41:06
  Speaker 1: find the present good, they enjoy it and seek no further.
• 2:41:10
  Speaker 1: They will also make the utmost defense of a prince
• 2:41:13
  Speaker 1: if he fails them. Not in other things, Thus it
• 2:41:16
  Speaker 1: will be a double glory for him to have established
• 2:41:18
  Speaker 1: a new principality and adorn and strengthened it with good laws,
• 2:41:22
  Speaker 1: good arms, good allies, and with a good example. So
• 2:41:25
  Speaker 1: will it be a double disgrace to him who born
• 2:41:27
  Speaker 1: a prince shall lose his state by want of wisdom.
• 2:41:32
  Speaker 1: And if those seignors are considered who have lost their
• 2:41:34
  Speaker 1: states in Italy in our times, such as the King
• 2:41:37
  Speaker 1: of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and others, there will
• 2:41:40
  Speaker 1: be found in them, firstly, one common defect in regard
• 2:41:43
  Speaker 1: to arms. From the causes which have been discussed at
• 2:41:46
  Speaker 1: length in the next place, some one of them will
• 2:41:49
  Speaker 1: be seen either to have had the people hostile, or
• 2:41:52
  Speaker 1: if he has had the people friendly, he has not
• 2:41:54
  Speaker 1: known how to secure the nobles. In the absence of
• 2:41:57
  Speaker 1: these defects, states that have power enough to keep an
• 2:42:00
  Speaker 1: army in the field cannot be lost. Philip of Macedon,
• 2:42:04
  Speaker 1: not the father of Alexander the Great, but he who
• 2:42:07
  Speaker 1: was conquered by Titus Quintius, had not much territory compared
• 2:42:10
  Speaker 1: to the greatness of the Romans and of Greece who
• 2:42:13
  Speaker 1: attacked him. Yet, being a warlike man who knew how
• 2:42:16
  Speaker 1: to attract the people and secure the nobles. He sustained
• 2:42:19
  Speaker 1: the war against his enemies for many years, and if
• 2:42:22
  Speaker 1: in the end he lost the dominion of some cities,
• 2:42:25
  Speaker 1: nevertheless he retained the kingdom. Therefore, do not let our
• 2:42:29
  Speaker 1: princes accuse fortune for the loss of their principalities after
• 2:42:32
  Speaker 1: so many years possession, but rather their own sloth, because
• 2:42:36
  Speaker 1: in quiet times they never thought there could be a change.
• 2:42:39
  Speaker 1: It is a common defect in man not to make
• 2:42:41
  Speaker 1: any provision in the calm against the tempest. And when
• 2:42:44
  Speaker 1: afterwards the bad times came, they thought of flight and
• 2:42:47
  Speaker 1: not of defending themselves, and they hoped that the people,
• 2:42:50
  Speaker 1: disgusted with the insolence of the conquerors would recall them.
• 2:42:54
  Speaker 1: This course, when others fail, may be good, but it
• 2:42:57
  Speaker 1: is very bad to have neglected all other expedience for that,
• 2:43:00
  Speaker 1: since you would never wish to fall, because you trust
• 2:43:03
  Speaker 1: it to be able to find someone later on to
• 2:43:05
  Speaker 1: restore you. This again, either does not happen, or if
• 2:43:09
  Speaker 1: it does, it will not be for your security, because
• 2:43:12
  Speaker 1: that deliverance is of no avail which does not depend
• 2:43:14
  Speaker 1: upon yourself. Those only are reliable, certain and durable that
• 2:43:18
  Speaker 1: depend on Yourself and your Valor, Chapter twenty five. What
• 2:43:23
  Speaker 1: fortune can affect in human affairs, and how to withstand her?
• 2:43:26
  Speaker 1: It is not unknown to me how many men have
• 2:43:28
  Speaker 1: had and still have, the opinion that the affairs of
• 2:43:31
  Speaker 1: the world are in such wise governed by fortune and
• 2:43:34
  Speaker 1: by God, that men, with their wisdom cannot direct them,
• 2:43:37
  Speaker 1: and that no one can even help them. And because
• 2:43:40
  Speaker 1: of this they would have us believe that it is
• 2:43:41
  Speaker 1: not necessary to labor much in affairs, but to let
• 2:43:44
  Speaker 1: chance govern them. This opinion has been more credited in
• 2:43:48
  Speaker 1: our times because of the great changes in affairs which
• 2:43:51
  Speaker 1: have been seen, and may still be seen every day,
• 2:43:54
  Speaker 1: beyond all human conjecture. Sometimes pondering over this, I am
• 2:43:59
  Speaker 1: in some degree in inclined to their opinion. Nevertheless, not
• 2:44:03
  Speaker 1: to extinguish our free will. I hold it to be
• 2:44:05
  Speaker 1: true that fortune is the arbiter of one half of
• 2:44:08
  Speaker 1: our actions one, but that she still leaves us to
• 2:44:11
  Speaker 1: direct the other half, or perhaps a little less one.
• 2:44:15
  Speaker 1: Frederick the Great was accustomed to say, the older one gets,
• 2:44:18
  Speaker 1: the more convinced one becomes that his Majesty King Chance
• 2:44:21
  Speaker 1: does three quarters of the business of this miserable universe.
• 2:44:24
  Speaker 1: Sorrel's Eastern question. I compare her to one of those
• 2:44:28
  Speaker 1: raging rivers, which, when in flood, overflows the plains, sweeping
• 2:44:31
  Speaker 1: away trees and buildings, bearing away the soil from place
• 2:44:35
  Speaker 1: to place. Everything flies before it, all yield to its violence,
• 2:44:38
  Speaker 1: without being able in any way to withstand it. And
• 2:44:41
  Speaker 1: yet though its nature be such, it does not follow therefore,
• 2:44:45
  Speaker 1: that men, when the weather becomes fair, shall not make
• 2:44:48
  Speaker 1: provision both with defenses and barriers, in such a manner that,
• 2:44:53
  Speaker 1: rising again, the waters may pass away by canal, and
• 2:44:56
  Speaker 1: their force be neither so unrestrained nor so dangerous. So
• 2:45:00
  Speaker 1: it happens with fortune, who shows her power where valor
• 2:45:03
  Speaker 1: has not prepared to resist her, and thither she turns
• 2:45:06
  Speaker 1: her forces where she knows that barriers and defenses have
• 2:45:09
  Speaker 1: not been raised to constrain her. And if you will
• 2:45:12
  Speaker 1: consider Italy, which is the seat of these changes, and
• 2:45:15
  Speaker 1: which has given to them their impulse, you will see
• 2:45:17
  Speaker 1: it to be an open country without barriers and without
• 2:45:20
  Speaker 1: any defense. For if it had been defended by proper valor,
• 2:45:24
  Speaker 1: as are Germany, Spain and France, either this invasion would
• 2:45:28
  Speaker 1: not have made the great changes it has made, or
• 2:45:30
  Speaker 1: it would not have come at all. And this I
• 2:45:32
  Speaker 1: consider enough to say concerning resistance to fortune in general,
• 2:45:37
  Speaker 1: but confining myself more to the particular, I say that
• 2:45:40
  Speaker 1: a prince may be seen happy to day and ruined
• 2:45:42
  Speaker 1: to morrow, without having shown any change of disposition or character.
• 2:45:47
  Speaker 1: This I believe arises firstly from causes that have already
• 2:45:51
  Speaker 1: been discussed at length, namely, that the prince who relies
• 2:45:54
  Speaker 1: entirely on fortune is lost when it changes. I believe
• 2:45:58
  Speaker 1: also that he will be successful who directs his actions
• 2:46:01
  Speaker 1: according to the spirit of the times, and that he
• 2:46:03
  Speaker 1: whose actions do not accord with the times will not
• 2:46:05
  Speaker 1: be successful. Because men are seen in affairs that lead
• 2:46:10
  Speaker 1: to the end which every man has before him, namely glory,
• 2:46:13
  Speaker 1: and riches to get there by various methods, one with caution,
• 2:46:17
  Speaker 1: another with haste, one by force, another by skill, one
• 2:46:21
  Speaker 1: by patience, another by its opposite, and each one succeeds
• 2:46:24
  Speaker 1: in reaching the goal by a different method. One can
• 2:46:28
  Speaker 1: also see of two cautious men, the one attain his end,
• 2:46:31
  Speaker 1: the other fail. And similarly two men, by different observances,
• 2:46:35
  Speaker 1: are equally successful, the one being cautious the other impetuous.
• 2:46:39
  Speaker 1: All this arises from nothing else than whether or not
• 2:46:41
  Speaker 1: they can form in their methods to the spirit of
• 2:46:43
  Speaker 1: the times. This follows from what I have said, that
• 2:46:47
  Speaker 1: two men working differently bring about the same effect, and
• 2:46:50
  Speaker 1: of two working similarly, one attains his object and the
• 2:46:53
  Speaker 1: other does not. Changes in a state also issue from this.
• 2:46:57
  Speaker 1: For if to one who governs himself with cos caution
• 2:47:00
  Speaker 1: and patience, times and affairs converge in such a way
• 2:47:03
  Speaker 1: that his administration is successful, his fortune is made. But
• 2:47:06
  Speaker 1: if times and affairs change, he is ruined if he
• 2:47:09
  Speaker 1: does not change his course of action. But a man
• 2:47:13
  Speaker 1: is not often found sufficiently circumspect to know how to
• 2:47:15
  Speaker 1: accommodate himself to the change, both because he cannot deviate
• 2:47:19
  Speaker 1: from what nature inclines him to do, and also because
• 2:47:22
  Speaker 1: having always prospered by acting in one way, he cannot
• 2:47:25
  Speaker 1: be persuaded that it is well to leave it. And
• 2:47:28
  Speaker 1: therefore the cautious man, when it is time to turn adventurous,
• 2:47:33
  Speaker 1: does not know how to do it. Hence he is ruined.
• 2:47:36
  Speaker 1: But had he changed his conduct with the times, fortune
• 2:47:38
  Speaker 1: would not have changed. Pope Julius the second went to
• 2:47:42
  Speaker 1: work impetuously in all his affairs, and found the times
• 2:47:45
  Speaker 1: and circumstances can form so well to that line of
• 2:47:48
  Speaker 1: action that he always met with success. Consider his first
• 2:47:52
  Speaker 1: enterprise against Bologna messer Giovanni Bentivogli being still alive. The
• 2:47:57
  Speaker 1: Venetians were not agreeable to it, nor was the King
• 2:48:00
  Speaker 1: of Spain, and he had the enterprise still under discussion
• 2:48:03
  Speaker 1: with the King of France. Nevertheless, he personally entered upon
• 2:48:06
  Speaker 1: the expedition with his accustomed boldness and energy, a move
• 2:48:10
  Speaker 1: which made Spain and the Venetians stand irresolute and passive,
• 2:48:14
  Speaker 1: the latter from fear, the former from desire to recover
• 2:48:17
  Speaker 1: the Kingdom of Naples. On the other hand, he drew
• 2:48:20
  Speaker 1: after him the King of France, because that king, having
• 2:48:23
  Speaker 1: observed the movement and desiring to make the pope his
• 2:48:26
  Speaker 1: friend so as to humble the Venetians, found it impossible
• 2:48:30
  Speaker 1: to refuse him. Therefore, Julius, with his impetuous action, accomplished
• 2:48:35
  Speaker 1: what no other pontiff with simple human wisdom could have done.
• 2:48:38
  Speaker 1: For if he had waited in Rome until he could
• 2:48:40
  Speaker 1: get away, with his plans arranged and everything fixed, as
• 2:48:43
  Speaker 1: any other pontiff would have done, he would never have succeeded,
• 2:48:47
  Speaker 1: because the King of France would have made a thousand excuses,
• 2:48:50
  Speaker 1: and the others would have raised a thousand fears. I
• 2:48:54
  Speaker 1: will leave his other actions alone, as they were all alike,
• 2:48:57
  Speaker 1: and they all succeeded. For the shortness of his life
• 2:49:00
  Speaker 1: did not let him experience the contrary. But if circumstances
• 2:49:03
  Speaker 1: had arisen which required him to go cautiously, his ruin
• 2:49:07
  Speaker 1: would have followed, because he would never have deviated from
• 2:49:10
  Speaker 1: those ways to which nature inclined him. I conclude therefore,
• 2:49:14
  Speaker 1: that fortune, being changeful, and mankind steadfast in their ways,
• 2:49:18
  Speaker 1: so long as the two are in agreement, men are successful,
• 2:49:21
  Speaker 1: but unsuccessful when they fall out. For my part, one
• 2:49:25
  Speaker 1: consider that it is better to be adventurous than cautious,
• 2:49:28
  Speaker 1: because Fortune is a woman, and if you wish to
• 2:49:30
  Speaker 1: keep her under, it is necessary to beat and ill
• 2:49:32
  Speaker 1: use her. And it is seen that she allows herself
• 2:49:35
  Speaker 1: to be mastered by the adventures, rather than by those
• 2:49:37
  Speaker 1: who go to work more coldly. She is therefore always
• 2:49:42
  Speaker 1: womanlike a lover of young men, because they are less cautious,
• 2:49:46
  Speaker 1: more violent, and with more audacity command her. Chapter twenty six,
• 2:49:52
  Speaker 1: an exhortation to liberate Italy from the barbarians, having carefully
• 2:49:55
  Speaker 1: considered the subject of the above discourses, and wondering within
• 2:49:59
  Speaker 1: myself whether the present times were propitious to a new prince,
• 2:50:03
  Speaker 1: and whether there were elements that would give an opportunity
• 2:50:05
  Speaker 1: to a wise and virtuous one to introduce a new
• 2:50:08
  Speaker 1: order of things which would do honor to him and
• 2:50:10
  Speaker 1: good to the people of this country. It appears to
• 2:50:12
  Speaker 1: me that so many things concur to favor a new prince,
• 2:50:15
  Speaker 1: that I never knew a time more fit than the present.
• 2:50:18
  Speaker 1: And if, as I said, it was necessary that the
• 2:50:21
  Speaker 1: people of Israel should be captive so as to make
• 2:50:23
  Speaker 1: manifest the ability of Moses, that the Persians should be
• 2:50:26
  Speaker 1: oppressed by the meeds, so as to discover the greatness
• 2:50:29
  Speaker 1: of the soul of Cyrus, and that the Athenians should
• 2:50:32
  Speaker 1: be dispersed to illustrate the capabilities of theseus, then at
• 2:50:35
  Speaker 1: the present time, in order to discover the virtue of
• 2:50:39
  Speaker 1: an Italian spirit, it was necessary that Italy should be
• 2:50:42
  Speaker 1: reduced to the extremity that she is now, in, that
• 2:50:44
  Speaker 1: she should be more enslaved than the Hebrews, more oppressed
• 2:50:47
  Speaker 1: than the Persians, more scattered than the Athenians, without head,
• 2:50:51
  Speaker 1: without order, beaten despoiled, torn overrun, and to have endured
• 2:50:57
  Speaker 1: every kind of desolation. Although so lately some spark may
• 2:51:01
  Speaker 1: have been shown by one which made us think he
• 2:51:03
  Speaker 1: was ordained by God for our redemption. Nevertheless, it was
• 2:51:06
  Speaker 1: afterwards seen, in the height of his career that fortune
• 2:51:09
  Speaker 1: rejected him, so that Italy left as without life, waits
• 2:51:14
  Speaker 1: for him, who shall yet heal her wounds and put
• 2:51:16
  Speaker 1: an end to the ravaging and plundering of Lombardy, to
• 2:51:18
  Speaker 1: the swindling and taxing of the kingdom and of Tuscany,
• 2:51:21
  Speaker 1: and cleanse those sores that for long have festered. It
• 2:51:25
  Speaker 1: is seen how she entreats God to send someone who
• 2:51:27
  Speaker 1: shall deliver her from these wrongs and barbarous insolencies. It
• 2:51:32
  Speaker 1: is seen also that she is ready and willing to
• 2:51:34
  Speaker 1: follow a banner, if only someone will raise it. Nor
• 2:51:37
  Speaker 1: is there to be seen at present one in whom
• 2:51:39
  Speaker 1: she can place more hope than in your illustrious house,
• 2:51:42
  Speaker 1: one with its valor and fortune, favored by God and
• 2:51:45
  Speaker 1: by the Church of which it is now the chief,
• 2:51:48
  Speaker 1: and which could be made the head of this redemption.
• 2:51:51
  Speaker 1: This will not be difficult, if you will recall to
• 2:51:53
  Speaker 1: yourself the actions and lives of the men I have named,
• 2:51:56
  Speaker 1: And although they were great and wonderful men, yet they
• 2:51:59
  Speaker 1: were men, and each one of them had no more
• 2:52:01
  Speaker 1: opportunity than the present offers, for their enterprises were neither
• 2:52:05
  Speaker 1: more just nor easier than this. Nor was God more
• 2:52:09
  Speaker 1: their friend than he is yours. One Giuliano de Medici.
• 2:52:14
  Speaker 1: He had just been created a cardinal by Leo X.
• 2:52:16
  Speaker 1: In fifteen twenty three. Giuliano was elected pope and took
• 2:52:20
  Speaker 1: the title of Clement seven. With us there is great justice,
• 2:52:24
  Speaker 1: because that war is just, which is necessary, and arms
• 2:52:27
  Speaker 1: are hallowed when there is no other hope. But in them.
• 2:52:30
  Speaker 1: Here there is the greatest willingness. And where the willingness
• 2:52:33
  Speaker 1: is great, the difficulties cannot be great if you will
• 2:52:36
  Speaker 1: only follow those men to whom I have directed your attention.
• 2:52:39
  Speaker 1: Further than this, how extraordinarily the ways of God have
• 2:52:43
  Speaker 1: been manifested Beyond example, the sea is divided, a cloud
• 2:52:46
  Speaker 1: has led the way, the roc has poured forth water,
• 2:52:49
  Speaker 1: it has rained manna. Everything has contributed to your greatness.
• 2:52:53
  Speaker 1: You ought to do the rest. God is not willing
• 2:52:56
  Speaker 1: to do everything, and thus take away our free will
• 2:52:59
  Speaker 1: and that share of glory which belongs to us. And
• 2:53:02
  Speaker 1: it is not to be wondered that if none of
• 2:53:04
  Speaker 1: the above named Italians have been able to accomplish all
• 2:53:06
  Speaker 1: that is expected from your illustrious house, and if in
• 2:53:09
  Speaker 1: so many revolutions in Italy, and in so many campaigns,
• 2:53:13
  Speaker 1: it has always appeared as if military virtue were exhausted.
• 2:53:17
  Speaker 1: This has happened because the old order of things was
• 2:53:19
  Speaker 1: not good, and none of us have known how to
• 2:53:21
  Speaker 1: find a new one. And nothing honors a man more
• 2:53:25
  Speaker 1: than to establish new laws and new ordinances when he
• 2:53:28
  Speaker 1: himself was newly risen. Such things, when they are well
• 2:53:31
  Speaker 1: founded and dignified, will make him revered and admired. And
• 2:53:34
  Speaker 1: in Italy there are not wanting opportunities to bring such
• 2:53:37
  Speaker 1: into use. In every form. Here there is great valor
• 2:53:41
  Speaker 1: in the limbs, whilst it fails in the head. Look
• 2:53:44
  Speaker 1: attentively at the duels and the hand to hand combats.
• 2:53:47
  Speaker 1: How superior the Italians are in strength, dexterity and subtlety.
• 2:53:52
  Speaker 1: But when it comes to armies they do not bear comparison.
• 2:53:55
  Speaker 1: And this springs entirely from the insufficiency of the leaders.
• 2:53:58
  Speaker 1: Since those who are capable are not obedient, and each
• 2:54:01
  Speaker 1: one seems to himself to know, there having never been
• 2:54:04
  Speaker 1: any one so distinguished above the rest, either by valor
• 2:54:07
  Speaker 1: or fortune, that others would yield to him. Hence it
• 2:54:11
  Speaker 1: is that, for so long a time, and during so
• 2:54:13
  Speaker 1: much fighting in the past twenty years, whenever there has
• 2:54:16
  Speaker 1: been an army Holy Italian, it has always given a
• 2:54:19
  Speaker 1: poor account of itself. The first witness to this is
• 2:54:21
  Speaker 1: il Taro Afterwards Alissandria, Capua, Genoa, Vila, Bologna, Mestri two two.
• 2:54:30
  Speaker 1: The Battles of ael Taro fourteen ninety five, Alissandria fourteen
• 2:54:35
  Speaker 1: ninety nine, Capua fifteen o one, Genoa fifteen o seven,
• 2:54:40
  Speaker 1: Vila fifteen o nine, Bologna fifteen eleven, Mestri fifteen thirteen.
• 2:54:46
  Speaker 1: If therefore, your illustrious house wishes to follow these remarkable
• 2:54:50
  Speaker 1: men who have redeemed their country, it is necessary, before
• 2:54:53
  Speaker 1: all things, as a true foundation for every enterprise, to
• 2:54:57
  Speaker 1: be provided with your own forces, because their be no
• 2:55:00
  Speaker 1: more faithful, truer, or better soldiers. And although singly they
• 2:55:05
  Speaker 1: are good altogether, they will be much better when they
• 2:55:07
  Speaker 1: find themselves commanded by their Prince, honored by him, and
• 2:55:11
  Speaker 1: maintained at his expense. Therefore, it is necessary to be
• 2:55:15
  Speaker 1: prepared with such arms so that you can be defended
• 2:55:17
  Speaker 1: against foreigners by Italian valor. And although Swiss and Spanish
• 2:55:22
  Speaker 1: infantry may be considered very formidable, nevertheless there is a
• 2:55:25
  Speaker 1: defect in both by reason of which a third order
• 2:55:28
  Speaker 1: would not only be able to oppose them, but might
• 2:55:30
  Speaker 1: be relied upon to overthrow them. For the Spaniards cannot
• 2:55:35
  Speaker 1: resist cavalry, and the Switzers are afraid of infantry whenever
• 2:55:38
  Speaker 1: they encounter them in close combat. Owing to this, as
• 2:55:42
  Speaker 1: has been and may again be seen, the Spaniards are
• 2:55:45
  Speaker 1: unable to resist French cavalry, and the Switzers are overthrown
• 2:55:48
  Speaker 1: by Spanish infantry. And although a complete proof of this
• 2:55:52
  Speaker 1: latter cannot be shown, nevertheless there was some evidence of
• 2:55:55
  Speaker 1: it at the Battle of Ravenna, when the Spanish infantry
• 2:55:58
  Speaker 1: were confronted by German battalions who follow the same tactics
• 2:56:01
  Speaker 1: as the Swiss. When the Spaniards, by agility of body
• 2:56:05
  Speaker 1: and with the aid of their shields, got in under
• 2:56:08
  Speaker 1: the pikes of the Germans and stood out of danger
• 2:56:10
  Speaker 1: able to attack, while the Germans stood helpless, And if
• 2:56:14
  Speaker 1: the cavalry had not dashed up all would have been
• 2:56:16
  Speaker 1: over with them. It is possible, therefore, knowing the defects
• 2:56:21
  Speaker 1: of both these infantries, to invent a new one which
• 2:56:24
  Speaker 1: will resist cavalry and not be afraid of infantry. This
• 2:56:27
  Speaker 1: need not create a new order of arms, but a
• 2:56:30
  Speaker 1: variation upon the old. And these are the kind of
• 2:56:33
  Speaker 1: improvements which confer reputation and power upon a new prince.
• 2:56:37
  Speaker 1: This opportunity therefore ought not to be allowed to pass.
• 2:56:41
  Speaker 1: For letting Italy at last see her liberator appear. Nor
• 2:56:45
  Speaker 1: can one express the love with which he would be
• 2:56:47
  Speaker 1: received in all those provinces which have suffered so much
• 2:56:50
  Speaker 1: from these foreign scourings. With what thirst for revenge? With
• 2:56:53
  Speaker 1: what stubborn faith, with what devotion? With what tears? What
• 2:56:58
  Speaker 1: door would be closed to him? Who would refuse obedience
• 2:57:01
  Speaker 1: to him? What envy would hinder him? What Italian would
• 2:57:06
  Speaker 1: refuse him homage to all of us? This barbarous dominion stinks.
• 2:57:11
  Speaker 1: Let therefore, your illustrious house take up this charge with
• 2:57:15
  Speaker 1: that courage and hope with which all just enterprises are undertaken,
• 2:57:18
  Speaker 1: so that under its standard our native country may be ennobled,
• 2:57:21
  Speaker 1: and under its auspices may be verified that saying of
• 2:57:24
  Speaker 1: petrarch for two contro al fio prender el ar f
• 2:57:27
  Speaker 1: i a I l combato quarto ch el antico valori
• 2:57:32
  Speaker 1: negli italisite q or non e anchor morto virtue against
• 2:57:36
  Speaker 1: fury shall advance the fight, and a I t h
• 2:57:39
  Speaker 1: combat soon shall put to flight, for the old Roman
• 2:57:42
  Speaker 1: valor is not dead, nor in t H Italian's breasts extinguished.
• 2:57:47
  Speaker 1: Edward Dacre, sixteen forty. Description of the methods adopted by
• 2:57:52
  Speaker 1: the Duke Valentino when murdering Vitelozzo Vitelli, Oliverado de Fermo,
• 2:57:56
  Speaker 1: the senior Pagolo, and the Duke di Gravina Orsini by
• 2:58:00
  Speaker 1: Niccolo Macchiavelli. The Duke Valentino had returned from Lombardy, where
• 2:58:04
  Speaker 1: he had been to clear himself with the King of
• 2:58:06
  Speaker 1: France from the calumnies which had been raised against him
• 2:58:09
  Speaker 1: by the Florentines concerning the rebellion of Arezzo and other
• 2:58:12
  Speaker 1: towns in the Valdiciana, and had arrived at Imola, whence
• 2:58:15
  Speaker 1: he intended with his army to enter upon the campaign
• 2:58:18
  Speaker 1: against Giovanni Bentivogli, the Tyrant of Bologna, for he intended
• 2:58:23
  Speaker 1: to bring that city under his domination, and to make
• 2:58:26
  Speaker 1: it the head of his Romagnian duchy. These matters coming
• 2:58:29
  Speaker 1: to the knowledge of the Vitelli and Orsini in their following,
• 2:58:32
  Speaker 1: it appeared to them that the Duke would become too powerful,
• 2:58:35
  Speaker 1: and it was feared that, having seized Bologna, he would
• 2:58:39
  Speaker 1: seek to destroy them in order that he might become
• 2:58:41
  Speaker 1: supreme in Italy. Upon this a meeting was called at
• 2:58:45
  Speaker 1: Maggion in the district of Perugia, to which came the
• 2:58:47
  Speaker 1: Cardinal Pagolo and the Duke di Gravina, Orsini, Vitelozzo Vitelli,
• 2:58:52
  Speaker 1: Oliverado de Fermo, Gianpagolo Ballioni, the Tyrant of Perugia, and
• 2:58:57
  Speaker 1: Messer Antonio de Vinafro, sent by Pandolpho Petrucci, the Prince
• 2:59:02
  Speaker 1: of Siena. Here were discussed the power and courage of
• 2:59:06
  Speaker 1: the Duke, and the necessity of curbing his ambitions, which
• 2:59:09
  Speaker 1: might otherwise bring danger to the rest of being ruined.
• 2:59:12
  Speaker 1: And they decided not to abandon the bent of Ogli,
• 2:59:15
  Speaker 1: but to strive to win over the Florentines. And they
• 2:59:18
  Speaker 1: sent their men to one place and another, promising to
• 2:59:21
  Speaker 1: one party assistance and to another encouragement to unite with
• 2:59:24
  Speaker 1: them against the common enemy. This meeting was at once
• 2:59:27
  Speaker 1: reported throughout all Italy, and those who were discontented under
• 2:59:31
  Speaker 1: the Duke, among whom were the people of Urbino, took
• 2:59:33
  Speaker 1: hope of effecting a revolution. Thus it arose that men's minds,
• 2:59:38
  Speaker 1: being thus unsettled, it was decided by certain men of
• 2:59:41
  Speaker 1: Urbino to seize the fortress of San Leo, which was
• 2:59:44
  Speaker 1: held for the Duke, and which they captured by the
• 2:59:46
  Speaker 1: following means. The castle and was fortifying the roc and
• 2:59:50
  Speaker 1: causing timber to be taken there. So the conspirators watched,
• 2:59:54
  Speaker 1: and when certain beams which were being carried to the
• 2:59:56
  Speaker 1: rock were upon the bridge so that it was prevented
• 2:59:58
  Speaker 1: from being drawn up by the inside, they took the
• 3:00:01
  Speaker 1: opportunity of leaping upon the bridge and thence into the fortress.
• 3:00:05
  Speaker 1: Upon this capture being effected, the whole state rebelled and
• 3:00:08
  Speaker 1: recalled the old Duke, being encouraged in this not so
• 3:00:12
  Speaker 1: much by the capture of the fort as by the
• 3:00:14
  Speaker 1: diet at Maggion, from whom they expected to get assistants.
• 3:00:19
  Speaker 1: Those who heard of the rebellion at Urbino thought they
• 3:00:21
  Speaker 1: would not lose the opportunity, and at once assembled their
• 3:00:24
  Speaker 1: men so as to take any town, should any remain
• 3:00:27
  Speaker 1: in the hands of the Duke in that state. And
• 3:00:29
  Speaker 1: they sent again to Florence to beg that republic to
• 3:00:31
  Speaker 1: join with them in destroying the common firebrand, showing that
• 3:00:35
  Speaker 1: the risk was lessened and that they ought not to
• 3:00:37
  Speaker 1: wait for another opportunity. But the Florentines, from hatred for
• 3:00:42
  Speaker 1: sundry reasons of the Vitelli and Orsini, not only would
• 3:00:46
  Speaker 1: not ally themselves, but sent Niccolo Macchiavelli, their secretary, to
• 3:00:50
  Speaker 1: offer shelter and assistance to the Duke against his enemies.
• 3:00:54
  Speaker 1: The Duke was found full of fear at Imola, because,
• 3:00:57
  Speaker 1: against everybody's expectation, his soldiers had at once gone over
• 3:01:01
  Speaker 1: to the enemy, and he found himself disarmed in war
• 3:01:04
  Speaker 1: at his door. But recovering courage from the offers of
• 3:01:07
  Speaker 1: the Florentines, he decided to temporize before fighting with the
• 3:01:11
  Speaker 1: few soldiers that remained to him, and to negotiate for
• 3:01:14
  Speaker 1: a reconciliation and also to get assistance. This latter he
• 3:01:18
  Speaker 1: obtained in two ways, by sending to the King of
• 3:01:21
  Speaker 1: France for men and by enlisting men at arms and others,
• 3:01:24
  Speaker 1: whom he turned into cavalry of assort, till all he
• 3:01:27
  Speaker 1: gave money. Notwithstanding this, his enemies drew near to him
• 3:01:31
  Speaker 1: and approached Fossenbrone, where they encountered some men of the Duke,
• 3:01:35
  Speaker 1: and with the aid of the Orsini and Vitelli, routed them.
• 3:01:39
  Speaker 1: When this happened, the Duke resolved at once to see
• 3:01:42
  Speaker 1: if he could not close the trouble with offers of reconciliation,
• 3:01:45
  Speaker 1: and being a most perfect dissembler, he did not fail
• 3:01:47
  Speaker 1: in any practices to make the insurgents understand that he
• 3:01:50
  Speaker 1: wished every man who had acquired anything to keep it,
• 3:01:53
  Speaker 1: as it was enough for him to have the title
• 3:01:55
  Speaker 1: of prince, whilst others might have the principality. And the
• 3:02:00
  Speaker 1: Duke succeeded so well in this that they sent Senior
• 3:02:02
  Speaker 1: Pagolo to him to negotiate for a reconciliation, and they
• 3:02:06
  Speaker 1: brought their army to a standstill. But the Duke did
• 3:02:09
  Speaker 1: not stop his preparations, and took every care to provide
• 3:02:12
  Speaker 1: himself with cavalry and infantry, and that such preparations might
• 3:02:16
  Speaker 1: not be apparent to the others. He sent his troops
• 3:02:19
  Speaker 1: in separate parties to every part of the Romagna. In
• 3:02:22
  Speaker 1: the meanwhile, there came also to him five hundred French lancers,
• 3:02:25
  Speaker 1: And although he found himself sufficiently strong to take vengeance
• 3:02:29
  Speaker 1: on his enemies in open war, he considered that it
• 3:02:31
  Speaker 1: would be safer and more advantageous to outweat them, And
• 3:02:34
  Speaker 1: for this reason he did not stop the work of reconciliation,
• 3:02:38
  Speaker 1: and that this might be effected, the Duke concluded a
• 3:02:41
  Speaker 1: peace with them, in which he confirmed their former covenants.
• 3:02:43
  Speaker 1: He gave them four thousand ducats at once. He promised
• 3:02:47
  Speaker 1: not to injure the bent of Ogli, and he formed
• 3:02:49
  Speaker 1: an alliance with Giovanni. And moreover, he would not force
• 3:02:52
  Speaker 1: them to come personally into his presence unless it pleased
• 3:02:55
  Speaker 1: them to do so. On the other hand, they promised
• 3:02:58
  Speaker 1: to restore to him the Duchy of Urbino and other
• 3:03:01
  Speaker 1: places seized by them, to serve him in all his expeditions,
• 3:03:04
  Speaker 1: and not to make war against or ally themselves with
• 3:03:07
  Speaker 1: any one without his permission. This reconciliation being completed, Guido Ubaldo,
• 3:03:13
  Speaker 1: the Duke of Urbino, again fled to Venice, having first
• 3:03:16
  Speaker 1: destroyed all the fortresses in his state. Because trusting in
• 3:03:20
  Speaker 1: the people. He did not wish that the fortresses, which
• 3:03:22
  Speaker 1: he did not think he could defend, should be held
• 3:03:25
  Speaker 1: by the enemy, since by these means a Czech would
• 3:03:27
  Speaker 1: be kept upon his friends. But the Duke Valentino, having
• 3:03:31
  Speaker 1: completed this convention and dispersed his men throughout the Romagna,
• 3:03:35
  Speaker 1: set out for Emola at the end of November, together
• 3:03:38
  Speaker 1: with his French men at arms. Thence he went to Cescina,
• 3:03:41
  Speaker 1: where he stayed some time to negotiate with the envoys
• 3:03:43
  Speaker 1: of the Vitelli and Orsini, who had assembled with their
• 3:03:46
  Speaker 1: men in the Duchy of Urbino, as to the enterprise
• 3:03:49
  Speaker 1: in which they should now take part. But nothing being concluded,
• 3:03:53
  Speaker 1: Oliverado de Fermo was sent to propose that if the
• 3:03:55
  Speaker 1: Duke wished to undertake an expedition against Tuscany, they were ready.
• 3:03:59
  Speaker 1: If he did not wish, then they would besiege Sinegalia.
• 3:04:03
  Speaker 1: To this, the Duke replied that he did not wish
• 3:04:05
  Speaker 1: to enter into war with Tuscany and thus become hostile
• 3:04:08
  Speaker 1: to the Florentines, but that he was very willing to
• 3:04:11
  Speaker 1: proceed against Sinegalia. It happened that not long afterwards the
• 3:04:15
  Speaker 1: town surrendered, but the fortress would not yield to them
• 3:04:18
  Speaker 1: because the castle and would not give it up to
• 3:04:20
  Speaker 1: any one but the Duke in person. Therefore they exhorted
• 3:04:23
  Speaker 1: him to come there. This appeared a good opportunity to
• 3:04:26
  Speaker 1: the Duke, as being invited by them, and not going
• 3:04:29
  Speaker 1: of his own will, he would awaken no suspicions, and
• 3:04:33
  Speaker 1: the more to reassure them, he allowed all the french
• 3:04:36
  Speaker 1: men at arms who were with him in Lombardy to depart,
• 3:04:39
  Speaker 1: except the hundred lancers under mans d Candales, his brother
• 3:04:43
  Speaker 1: in law. He left Cesena about the middle of December
• 3:04:47
  Speaker 1: and went to Fano, and with the utmost cunning and cleverness,
• 3:04:50
  Speaker 1: he persuaded the Vitelli and Orsini to wait for him
• 3:04:53
  Speaker 1: at Sinegalia, pointing out to them that any lack of
• 3:04:56
  Speaker 1: compliance would cast a doubt upon the sincerity and permanency
• 3:04:59
  Speaker 1: of the Reconcilia, and that he was a man who
• 3:05:02
  Speaker 1: wished to make use of the arms and councils of
• 3:05:05
  Speaker 1: his friends. But Videlozzo remained very stubborn, for the death
• 3:05:09
  Speaker 1: of his brother warned him that he should not offend
• 3:05:11
  Speaker 1: a prince and afterwards trust him. Nevertheless, persuaded by Pagolo Orsini,
• 3:05:16
  Speaker 1: whom the Duke had corrupted with gifts and promises. He
• 3:05:19
  Speaker 1: agreed to wait upon this. The Duke, before his departure
• 3:05:23
  Speaker 1: from Fano, which was to be on December thirtieth, fifteen
• 3:05:27
  Speaker 1: O two, communicated his designs to aid of his most
• 3:05:30
  Speaker 1: trusted followers, among whom were Don Michel and the Monsignor
• 3:05:33
  Speaker 1: di Yuna, who was afterwards cardinal, and he ordered that
• 3:05:36
  Speaker 1: as soon as Vitelozzo, Pagolo Orsini, the Duke di Gravina
• 3:05:41
  Speaker 1: and Oliverado should arrive, his followers and pairs should take
• 3:05:45
  Speaker 1: them one by one, and trusting certain men to certain pears,
• 3:05:49
  Speaker 1: who should entertain them until they reached Senegalia. Nor should
• 3:05:52
  Speaker 1: they be permitted to leave until they came to the
• 3:05:54
  Speaker 1: Duke's quarters, where they should be seized. The Duke afterwards
• 3:05:58
  Speaker 1: ordered all his horsemen in infant of which there were
• 3:06:01
  Speaker 1: more than two thousand cavalry and ten thousand footmen, to
• 3:06:04
  Speaker 1: assemble by daybreak at the Metro, a river five miles
• 3:06:07
  Speaker 1: distant from Fano, and await him there. He found himself therefore,
• 3:06:12
  Speaker 1: on the last day of December at the Metro with
• 3:06:15
  Speaker 1: his men, and having sent a cavalcade of about two
• 3:06:17
  Speaker 1: hundred horsemen before him. He then moved forward the infantry,
• 3:06:21
  Speaker 1: whom he accompanied with the rest of the men at arms.
• 3:06:24
  Speaker 1: Fano and Sinegalia are two cities of La Marca, situated
• 3:06:28
  Speaker 1: on the shore of the Adriatic Sea, fifteen miles distant
• 3:06:31
  Speaker 1: from each other, so that he who goes toward Sinegalia
• 3:06:34
  Speaker 1: has the mountains on his right hand, the bases of
• 3:06:36
  Speaker 1: which are touched by the sea in some places. The
• 3:06:40
  Speaker 1: city of Sinegalia is distant from the foot of the
• 3:06:42
  Speaker 1: mountains a little more than a bowshot, and from the
• 3:06:44
  Speaker 1: shore about a mile. On the side opposite to the
• 3:06:47
  Speaker 1: city runs a little river which bathes that part of
• 3:06:50
  Speaker 1: the walls looking towards Fano, facing the high road. Thus,
• 3:06:54
  Speaker 1: he who draws near to Sinegalia comes for a good
• 3:06:57
  Speaker 1: space by road along the mountains and reaches the rivers
• 3:07:00
  Speaker 1: which passes by Sinegalia. If he turns to his left
• 3:07:04
  Speaker 1: hand along the bank of it and goes for the
• 3:07:06
  Speaker 1: distance of a bout shot, he arrives at a bridge
• 3:07:09
  Speaker 1: which crosses the river. He is then almost abreast of
• 3:07:11
  Speaker 1: the gate that leads into Sinegalia. Not by a straight line,
• 3:07:15
  Speaker 1: but transversely before this gate there stands a collection of
• 3:07:19
  Speaker 1: houses with a square, to which the bank of the
• 3:07:21
  Speaker 1: river forms one side. The Vitelli and Orsini, having received
• 3:07:25
  Speaker 1: orders to wait for the Duke and to honor him
• 3:07:28
  Speaker 1: in person, send away their men to several castles distant
• 3:07:31
  Speaker 1: from Sinegalia, about six miles, so that room could be
• 3:07:34
  Speaker 1: made for the men of the Duke, and they left
• 3:07:37
  Speaker 1: in Synegalia only Oliverado and his band, which consisted of
• 3:07:40
  Speaker 1: one thousand infantry and one hundred and fifty horsemen, who
• 3:07:44
  Speaker 1: were quartered in the suburb mentioned above. Matters having been
• 3:07:48
  Speaker 1: thus arranged, the Duke Valentino left for Sinegalia, and when
• 3:07:51
  Speaker 1: the leaders of the cavalry reached the bridge, they did
• 3:07:54
  Speaker 1: not pass over, but having opened it, one portion wheeled
• 3:07:57
  Speaker 1: towards the river and the other towards the country. When
• 3:08:00
  Speaker 1: away was left in the middle, through which the infantry
• 3:08:02
  Speaker 1: passed without stopping into the town. Videlazzo Pagilo and the
• 3:08:08
  Speaker 1: Duke di Gravina, on mules, accompanied by a few horsemen,
• 3:08:11
  Speaker 1: went towards the Duke. Vitaloso, unarmed and wearing a cape
• 3:08:15
  Speaker 1: lined with green, appeared very dejected as if conscious of
• 3:08:18
  Speaker 1: his approaching death, a circumstance which, in view of the
• 3:08:22
  Speaker 1: ability of the man and his former fortune, caused some amazement.
• 3:08:26
  Speaker 1: And it is said that when he parted from his
• 3:08:28
  Speaker 1: men before setting out for Sinegalia to meet the Duke,
• 3:08:31
  Speaker 1: he acted as if it were his last. Parting from them,
• 3:08:34
  Speaker 1: he recommended his house and its fortunes to his captains,
• 3:08:37
  Speaker 1: and advised his nephews that it was not the fortune
• 3:08:39
  Speaker 1: of their house, but the virtues of their fathers that
• 3:08:42
  Speaker 1: should be kept in mind. These three therefore came before
• 3:08:46
  Speaker 1: the Duke and saluted him respectfully, and were received by
• 3:08:49
  Speaker 1: him with goodwill. They were at once placed between those
• 3:08:52
  Speaker 1: who were commissioned to look after them. But the Duke,
• 3:08:55
  Speaker 1: noticing that Oliverado, who had remained with his band in Sinegalia,
• 3:08:59
  Speaker 1: was miss for Oliverado was waiting in the square before
• 3:09:02
  Speaker 1: his quarters near the river, keeping his men in order
• 3:09:05
  Speaker 1: and drilling them, signaled with his eye to Don Michel,
• 3:09:08
  Speaker 1: to whom the care of Oliverado had been committed, that
• 3:09:12
  Speaker 1: he should take measures that Oliverado should not escape. Therefore,
• 3:09:16
  Speaker 1: Don Michel rode off and joined Oliverado, telling him that
• 3:09:19
  Speaker 1: it was not right to keep his men out of
• 3:09:21
  Speaker 1: their quarters, because these might be taken up by the
• 3:09:23
  Speaker 1: men of the Duke, and he advised him to send
• 3:09:25
  Speaker 1: them at once to their quarters, and to come himself
• 3:09:28
  Speaker 1: to meet the Duke. And Oliverado, having taken this advice,
• 3:09:32
  Speaker 1: came before the Duke, who, when he saw him, called
• 3:09:35
  Speaker 1: to him, and Oliverado, having made his obeisance, joined the others.
• 3:09:41
  Speaker 1: So the whole party entered Sinegalia, dismounted at the Duke's quarters,
• 3:09:45
  Speaker 1: and went with him into a secret chamber, where the
• 3:09:47
  Speaker 1: Duke made them prisoners. He then mounted on horseback and
• 3:09:50
  Speaker 1: issued orders that the men of Oliverado and the Orsini
• 3:09:53
  Speaker 1: should be stripped of their arms. Those of Oliverado, being
• 3:09:57
  Speaker 1: at hand, were quickly settled, but those of the Orsini
• 3:10:00
  Speaker 1: and Vitelli, being at a distance and having a presentiment
• 3:10:03
  Speaker 1: of the destruction of their masters, had time to prepare themselves,
• 3:10:07
  Speaker 1: and bearing in mind the valor and discipline of the
• 3:10:09
  Speaker 1: Orsinian and Vittalian houses, they stood together against the hostile
• 3:10:14
  Speaker 1: forces of the country and saved themselves. But the Duke's soldiers,
• 3:10:19
  Speaker 1: not being content with having pillaged the men of Oliverado,
• 3:10:22
  Speaker 1: began to saxon Agalia, and if the Duke had not
• 3:10:25
  Speaker 1: repressed this outrage by killing some of them, they would
• 3:10:27
  Speaker 1: have completely sacked it. Night having come and the tumult
• 3:10:31
  Speaker 1: being silenced, the Duke prepared to kill Vitelozzo and Oliverado.
• 3:10:35
  Speaker 1: He led them into a room and caused them to
• 3:10:37
  Speaker 1: be strangled. Neither of them used words in keeping with
• 3:10:41
  Speaker 1: their past lives. Vitelozzo prayed that he might ask of
• 3:10:44
  Speaker 1: the Pope full pardon for his sins. Oliverado cringed and
• 3:10:47
  Speaker 1: laid the blame for all injuries against the Duke on Vitelozzo. Hagelo,
• 3:10:52
  Speaker 1: and the Duke di Gravina Orsini were kept alive until
• 3:10:55
  Speaker 1: the Duke current from Rome that the Pope had taken
• 3:10:57
  Speaker 1: the Cardinal Orsino, the Archbishop of Flora, and Messer Jacapo
• 3:11:01
  Speaker 1: de Santa Croce, after which news on January eighteenth, fifteen
• 3:11:06
  Speaker 1: o two, in the Castle of Pieve, they also were
• 3:11:09
  Speaker 1: strangled in the same way. The Life of Castricchio Castracani
• 3:11:13
  Speaker 1: of Luca, written by Niccolo Macchiavelli and sent to his
• 3:11:16
  Speaker 1: friends Zenobi Blandlmonti and Luigi Alamanna Kstricchio Castracani twelve eighty
• 3:11:21
  Speaker 1: four to thirteen twenty eight. It appears, dearest Zenobi and Luigi,
• 3:11:25
  Speaker 1: a wonderful thing to those who have considered the matter,
• 3:11:28
  Speaker 1: that all men, or the larger number of them, who
• 3:11:31
  Speaker 1: have performed great deeds in the world and excelled all
• 3:11:34
  Speaker 1: others in their day, have had their birth in beginning
• 3:11:37
  Speaker 1: in baseness and obscurity, or have been aggrieved by fortune
• 3:11:40
  Speaker 1: in some outrageous way. They have either been exposed to
• 3:11:43
  Speaker 1: the mercy of wild beasts, or they have had so
• 3:11:46
  Speaker 1: mean a parentage that in shame they have given themselves
• 3:11:49
  Speaker 1: out to be sons of Jove or of some other deity.
• 3:11:52
  Speaker 1: It would be wearisome to relate who these persons may
• 3:11:55
  Speaker 1: have been, because they are well known to everybody, and
• 3:11:58
  Speaker 1: as such tales would not be particularly edifying to those
• 3:12:00
  Speaker 1: who read them. They are omitted. I believe that these
• 3:12:04
  Speaker 1: lowly beginnings of great men occur because Fortune is desirous
• 3:12:07
  Speaker 1: of showing to the world that such men owe much
• 3:12:09
  Speaker 1: to her and little to wisdom, because she begins to
• 3:12:12
  Speaker 1: show her hand when wisdom can really take no part
• 3:12:14
  Speaker 1: in their career. Thus, all success must be attributed to her.
• 3:12:19
  Speaker 1: Castricchio Castracani of Luca was one of those men who
• 3:12:22
  Speaker 1: did great deeds, if he is measured by the times
• 3:12:24
  Speaker 1: in which he lived and the city in which he
• 3:12:26
  Speaker 1: was born. But like many others, he was neither fortunate
• 3:12:29
  Speaker 1: nor distinguished in his birth, As the course of this
• 3:12:32
  Speaker 1: history will show, it appeared to be desirable to recall
• 3:12:36
  Speaker 1: his memory, because I have discerned in him such indications
• 3:12:39
  Speaker 1: of valor and fortune as should make him a great
• 3:12:41
  Speaker 1: exemplar to men. I think also that I ought to
• 3:12:44
  Speaker 1: call your attention to his actions, because you, of all
• 3:12:47
  Speaker 1: men I know, delight most in noble deeds. The family
• 3:12:51
  Speaker 1: of kastri Khani was formerly numbered among the noble families
• 3:12:54
  Speaker 1: of Lucca, but in the days of which I speak,
• 3:12:56
  Speaker 1: it had somewhat fallen in estate, as so often happens
• 3:12:59
  Speaker 1: in this world. To this family was born as son Antonio,
• 3:13:03
  Speaker 1: who became a priest of the Order of San Michel
• 3:13:05
  Speaker 1: of Lucca, and for this reason was honored with the
• 3:13:08
  Speaker 1: title of Messer Antonio. He had an only sister, who
• 3:13:12
  Speaker 1: had been married to Buonacorso's Enemi, but Buona Corso dying,
• 3:13:15
  Speaker 1: she became a widow, and, not wishing to marry again,
• 3:13:18
  Speaker 1: went to live with her brother messer Antonio had a
• 3:13:21
  Speaker 1: vineyard behind the house where he resided, and as it
• 3:13:24
  Speaker 1: was bounded on all sides by gardens, any person could
• 3:13:27
  Speaker 1: have access to it without difficulty. One morning, shortly after sunrise,
• 3:13:33
  Speaker 1: Madonna Genora, as the sister of Messer Antonio was called,
• 3:13:36
  Speaker 1: had occasioned to go into the vineyard as usual to
• 3:13:39
  Speaker 1: gather herbs for seasoning the dinner, and hearing a slight
• 3:13:42
  Speaker 1: rustling among the leaves of a vine, she turned her
• 3:13:44
  Speaker 1: eyes in that direction and heard something resembling the cry
• 3:13:47
  Speaker 1: of an infant, whereupon she went towards it and saw
• 3:13:51
  Speaker 1: the hands and face of a baby who was lying
• 3:13:53
  Speaker 1: enveloped in the leaves, and who seemed to be crying
• 3:13:56
  Speaker 1: for its mother. Partly wondering and partly fearing, yet full
• 3:14:00
  Speaker 1: of compassion, she lifted it up and carried it to
• 3:14:02
  Speaker 1: the house, where she washed it and clothed it with
• 3:14:05
  Speaker 1: clean linen as his customary, and showed it to messer
• 3:14:08
  Speaker 1: Antonio when he returned home. When he heard what had
• 3:14:11
  Speaker 1: happened and saw the child, he was not less surprised
• 3:14:14
  Speaker 1: or compassionate than his sister. They discussed between themselves what
• 3:14:18
  Speaker 1: should be done, and seeing that he was priest, and
• 3:14:20
  Speaker 1: that she had no children. They finally determined to bring
• 3:14:23
  Speaker 1: it up. They had a nurse for it, and it
• 3:14:26
  Speaker 1: was reared and loved as if it were their own child.
• 3:14:29
  Speaker 1: They baptized it and gave it the name of Castricco,
• 3:14:32
  Speaker 1: after their father. As the years passed, Castriccio grew very
• 3:14:36
  Speaker 1: handsome and gave evidence of wit and discretion, and learned
• 3:14:39
  Speaker 1: with a quickness beyond his years those lessons which messer
• 3:14:42
  Speaker 1: Antonio imparted to him. Messer Antonio intended to make a
• 3:14:46
  Speaker 1: priest of him, and in time would have inducted him
• 3:14:48
  Speaker 1: into his cannonry and other benefices, and all his instruction
• 3:14:52
  Speaker 1: was given with this object. But Antonio discovered that the
• 3:14:55
  Speaker 1: character of Castricco was quite unfitted for the priesthood. As
• 3:14:59
  Speaker 1: soon as cast Striccho reached the age of fourteen, he
• 3:15:01
  Speaker 1: began to take less notice of the chiding of Messer
• 3:15:04
  Speaker 1: Antonio and Madonna Gienora, and no longer to fear them,
• 3:15:07
  Speaker 1: he left off reading ecclesiastical books and turned to playing
• 3:15:11
  Speaker 1: with arms, delighting in nothing so much as in learning
• 3:15:13
  Speaker 1: their uses, and in running, leaping, and wrestling with other boys.
• 3:15:19
  Speaker 1: In all exercises he far excelled his companions in courage
• 3:15:22
  Speaker 1: and bodily strength, And if at any time he did
• 3:15:25
  Speaker 1: turn to books only those pleased him, which told of
• 3:15:27
  Speaker 1: wars and the mighty deeds of men, Messer Antonio beheld
• 3:15:31
  Speaker 1: all this with vexation and sorrow. There lived in the
• 3:15:35
  Speaker 1: city of Lucca a gentleman of the Ginaji family named
• 3:15:38
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco, whose profession was arms, and who in riches,
• 3:15:41
  Speaker 1: bodily strength and valor excelled all other men in Lucca.
• 3:15:46
  Speaker 1: He had often fought under the command of the Visconti
• 3:15:48
  Speaker 1: of Milan, and as a ghibeline, was the valued leader
• 3:15:51
  Speaker 1: of that party in Lucca. This gentleman resided in Lucca,
• 3:15:54
  Speaker 1: and was accustomed to assemble with others most mornings and
• 3:15:57
  Speaker 1: evenings under the balcony of the Podesta, which is at
• 3:16:00
  Speaker 1: the top of the Square of San Michel, the finest
• 3:16:02
  Speaker 1: square in Lucca. And he had often seen Castricco taking
• 3:16:05
  Speaker 1: part with other children of the street in those games
• 3:16:08
  Speaker 1: of which I have spoken, noticing that Castricco far excelled
• 3:16:12
  Speaker 1: the other boys, and that he appeared to exercise a
• 3:16:14
  Speaker 1: royal authority over them, and that they loved and obeyed him.
• 3:16:18
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco became greatly desirous of learning who he was.
• 3:16:22
  Speaker 1: Being informed of the circumstances of the bringing up of Castricco,
• 3:16:25
  Speaker 1: he felt a greater desire to have him near to him. Therefore,
• 3:16:29
  Speaker 1: he called him one day and asked him whether he
• 3:16:31
  Speaker 1: would more willingly live in the house of a gentleman,
• 3:16:34
  Speaker 1: where he would learn to ride horses and use arms,
• 3:16:36
  Speaker 1: or in the house of a priest, where he would
• 3:16:38
  Speaker 1: learn nothing but masses and the services of the church.
• 3:16:42
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco could see that it pleased Castrico greatly to
• 3:16:45
  Speaker 1: hear horses in arms spoken of, even though he stood silent,
• 3:16:49
  Speaker 1: blushing modestly, but being encouraged by Messer Francesco to speak,
• 3:16:53
  Speaker 1: he answered that, if his master were agreeable, nothing would
• 3:16:56
  Speaker 1: please him more than to give up his priestly studies
• 3:16:58
  Speaker 1: and take up those of a soul. This replied delighted
• 3:17:02
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco, and in a very short time he obtained
• 3:17:05
  Speaker 1: the consent of Messer Antonio, who was driven to yield
• 3:17:08
  Speaker 1: by his knowledge of the nature of the lad and
• 3:17:10
  Speaker 1: the fear that he would not be able to hold
• 3:17:12
  Speaker 1: him much longer. Thus Castricco passed from the house of
• 3:17:16
  Speaker 1: Messer Antonio the Priest to the house of Messer Francesco
• 3:17:19
  Speaker 1: Ginaji the Soldier, And it was astonishing to find that
• 3:17:21
  Speaker 1: in a very short time he manifested all that virtue
• 3:17:24
  Speaker 1: and bearing which we are accustomed to associate with a
• 3:17:27
  Speaker 1: true gentleman. In the first place, he became an accomplished horseman,
• 3:17:31
  Speaker 1: and could manage with ease the most fiery charger, and
• 3:17:34
  Speaker 1: in all justs and tournaments, although still a youth, he
• 3:17:37
  Speaker 1: was observed beyond all others, and he excelled in all
• 3:17:40
  Speaker 1: exercises of strength and dexterity. But what enhanced so much
• 3:17:44
  Speaker 1: the charm of these accomplishments was the delightful modesty, which
• 3:17:48
  Speaker 1: enabled him to avoid offense in either act or word
• 3:17:50
  Speaker 1: to others. For he was deferential to the great men,
• 3:17:53
  Speaker 1: modest with his equals, and courteous to his inferiors. These
• 3:17:58
  Speaker 1: gifts made him beloved not only by all the Ginagi family,
• 3:18:01
  Speaker 1: but by all Lucca. When Costricco had reached his eighteenth year,
• 3:18:06
  Speaker 1: the Gibbelins were driven from Pavia by the Guelphs, and
• 3:18:09
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco was sent by the Visconti to assist the
• 3:18:11
  Speaker 1: Gibelines and with him when Costricco in charge of his forces.
• 3:18:16
  Speaker 1: Costriccio gave ample proof of his prudence and courage in
• 3:18:19
  Speaker 1: this expedition, acquiring greater reputation than any other captain, and
• 3:18:23
  Speaker 1: his name and fame were known not only in Pavia
• 3:18:26
  Speaker 1: but throughout all Lombardy. Castricco, having returned to Lucca in
• 3:18:31
  Speaker 1: far higher estimation than he left, it, did not omit
• 3:18:33
  Speaker 1: to use all the means in his power to gain
• 3:18:36
  Speaker 1: as many friends as he could, neglecting none of those
• 3:18:38
  Speaker 1: arts which are necessary for that purpose. About this time,
• 3:18:42
  Speaker 1: Messer Francesco died, leaving a son thirteen years of age
• 3:18:46
  Speaker 1: named Pagolo, and having appointed Castriccio to be his son's
• 3:18:49
  Speaker 1: tutor and administrator of his estate. Before he died, Francesco
• 3:18:54
  Speaker 1: called Castricco to him and prayed him to show Pagolo
• 3:18:57
  Speaker 1: that good will which he Francesco had always shown to him,
• 3:19:00
  Speaker 1: and to render to the son the gratitude which he
• 3:19:02
  Speaker 1: had not been able to repay to the father. Upon
• 3:19:06
  Speaker 1: the death of Francesco, Castriccio became the governor and tutor
• 3:19:09
  Speaker 1: of Pagolo, which increased enormously his power and position, and
• 3:19:13
  Speaker 1: created a certain amount of envy against him in Lucca
• 3:19:15
  Speaker 1: in place of the former universal goodwill, for many men
• 3:19:18
  Speaker 1: suspected him of harboring tyrannical intentions. Among these the leading
• 3:19:23
  Speaker 1: man was Giorgio Deglio Pizzi, the head of the Guelph party.
• 3:19:27
  Speaker 1: This man hoped, after the death of Messer Francesco, to
• 3:19:30
  Speaker 1: become the chief man in Lucca, but it seemed to
• 3:19:33
  Speaker 1: him that Castricco, with the great abilities which he already showed,
• 3:19:36
  Speaker 1: and holding the position of governor, deprived him of his opportunity. Therefore,
• 3:19:41
  Speaker 1: he began to sow those seeds which should rob Castriccio
• 3:19:44
  Speaker 1: of his eminence. Castricchio at first treated this with scorn,
• 3:19:48
  Speaker 1: but afterwards he grew alarmed, thinking that Messer Giorgio might
• 3:19:51
  Speaker 1: be able to bring him into disgrace with the deputy
• 3:19:54
  Speaker 1: of King Roberto of Naples and have him driven out
• 3:19:56
  Speaker 1: of Lucca. The lord of Pisa at that time was
• 3:20:00
  Speaker 1: Uguccion of the Fagiuola of Arezzo, who, being in the
• 3:20:03
  Speaker 1: first place elected their captain, afterwards became their lord. There
• 3:20:07
  Speaker 1: resided in Paris some exiled Ghibelins from Lucca, with whom
• 3:20:10
  Speaker 1: Castricco held communications, with the object of affecting their restoration
• 3:20:14
  Speaker 1: by the help of Uguxion. Castriccio also brought into his
• 3:20:18
  Speaker 1: plan's friends from Lucca who would not endure the authority
• 3:20:21
  Speaker 1: of the Opizi. Having fixed upon a plan to be followed,
• 3:20:25
  Speaker 1: Castriccio cautiously fortified the tower of the Onesti, filling it
• 3:20:28
  Speaker 1: with supplies and munitions of war, in order that it
• 3:20:31
  Speaker 1: might stand a siege for a few days in case
• 3:20:33
  Speaker 1: of need. When the night came, which had been agreed
• 3:20:37
  Speaker 1: upon with Ugucion, who had occupied the plain between the
• 3:20:40
  Speaker 1: mountains and Pisa with many men, the signal was given,
• 3:20:43
  Speaker 1: and without being observed, Uguxion approached the gate of San
• 3:20:46
  Speaker 1: Piero and set fire to the Portcullis. Castricchio raised a
• 3:20:50
  Speaker 1: great uproar within the city, calling the people to arms
• 3:20:53
  Speaker 1: and forcing open the gate. From his side. Uguccion entered
• 3:20:57
  Speaker 1: with his men, poured through the town and killed Messer
• 3:21:00
  Speaker 1: Giorgio with all his family and many of his friends
• 3:21:03
  Speaker 1: and supporters. The governor was driven out and the government
• 3:21:07
  Speaker 1: reformed according to the wishes of Uguccion, to the detriment
• 3:21:10
  Speaker 1: of the city. Because it was found that more than
• 3:21:12
  Speaker 1: one hundred families were exiled at that time, of those
• 3:21:16
  Speaker 1: who fled, part went to Florence and part to Pistoja,
• 3:21:19
  Speaker 1: which city was the headquarters of the Guelph Party, and
• 3:21:22
  Speaker 1: for this reason it became most hostile to Ugucion and
• 3:21:25
  Speaker 1: the Lucchesi. As it now appeared to the Florentines and
• 3:21:28
  Speaker 1: others of the Guelph Party that the Gibelings absorbed too
• 3:21:31
  Speaker 1: much power in Tuscany, they determined to restore the exiled
• 3:21:34
  Speaker 1: Guelphs to Lucca. They assembled a large army in the
• 3:21:38
  Speaker 1: val Di Nivo and seized Montecatini. From thence they marched
• 3:21:42
  Speaker 1: to Monte Carlo in order to secure the free passage
• 3:21:44
  Speaker 1: into Lucca. Upon this Euguccion assembled his Pisan and Lucchese forces,
• 3:21:50
  Speaker 1: and with a number of German cavalry, which he drew
• 3:21:52
  Speaker 1: out of Lombardy, he moved against the quarters of the Florentines, who,
• 3:21:56
  Speaker 1: upon the appearance of the enemy, withdrew from Monte Carlo
• 3:21:59
  Speaker 1: and posted themselves between Montecatini and Pescia. Uguccio now took
• 3:22:04
  Speaker 1: up a position near to Monte Carlo and within about
• 3:22:07
  Speaker 1: two miles of the enemy, and slight skirmishes between the
• 3:22:10
  Speaker 1: horse of both parties were of daily occurrence. Owing to
• 3:22:14
  Speaker 1: the illness of Yuguccion, the Pisans and Lucchesi delayed coming
• 3:22:17
  Speaker 1: to battle with the enemy. Ugucion, finding himself growing worse,
• 3:22:23
  Speaker 1: went to Monte Carlo to be cured and left the
• 3:22:25
  Speaker 1: command of the army in the hands of Castricco. This
• 3:22:29
  Speaker 1: change brought about the ruin of the Guelphs, who, thinking
• 3:22:31
  Speaker 1: that the hostile army, having lost its captain, had lost
• 3:22:34
  Speaker 1: its head, grew over confident. Castricco observed this and allowed
• 3:22:39
  Speaker 1: some days to pass in order to encourage this belief.
• 3:22:42
  Speaker 1: He also showed signs of fear and did not allow
• 3:22:45
  Speaker 1: any of the munitions of the camp to be used.
• 3:22:48
  Speaker 1: On the other side, the Gwelps grew more insolent the
• 3:22:51
  Speaker 1: more they saw these evidences of fear, and every day
• 3:22:54
  Speaker 1: they drew out in the order of battle in front
• 3:22:56
  Speaker 1: of the army of Castricco. Presently, deeming that the enemy
• 3:23:00
  Speaker 1: he was sufficiently emboldened and having mastered their tactics, he
• 3:23:03
  Speaker 1: decided to join battle with them. First, he spoke a
• 3:23:07
  Speaker 1: few words of encouragement to his soldiers and pointed out
• 3:23:10
  Speaker 1: to them the certainty of victory if they would, but
• 3:23:12
  Speaker 1: obey his commands. Costricchio had noticed how the enemy had
• 3:23:16
  Speaker 1: placed all his best troops in the center of the
• 3:23:18
  Speaker 1: line of battle, and his less reliable men on the
• 3:23:21
  Speaker 1: wings of the army, whereupon he did exactly the opposite,
• 3:23:24
  Speaker 1: putting his most valiant men on the flanks, while those
• 3:23:27
  Speaker 1: on whom he could not so strongly rely he moved
• 3:23:30
  Speaker 1: to the center. Observing this order of battle, he drew
• 3:23:34
  Speaker 1: out of his lines and quickly came in sight of
• 3:23:36
  Speaker 1: the hostile army, who, as usual, had come in their
• 3:23:39
  Speaker 1: insolence to defy him. He then commanded his center squadrons
• 3:23:43
  Speaker 1: to march slowly, whilst he moved rapidly forward those on
• 3:23:46
  Speaker 1: the wings. Thus, when they came into contact with the enemy,
• 3:23:50
  Speaker 1: only the wings of the two armies became engaged, whilst
• 3:23:54
  Speaker 1: the center battalions remained out of action, for these two
• 3:23:57
  Speaker 1: portions of the line of battle were separated from each
• 3:23:59
  Speaker 1: other by a long interval, and thus unable to reach
• 3:24:02
  Speaker 1: each other. By this expedient, the more valiant part of
• 3:24:05
  Speaker 1: Castriccio's men were opposed to the weaker part of the
• 3:24:08
  Speaker 1: enemy's troops, and the most efficient men of the enemy
• 3:24:10
  Speaker 1: were disengaged, and thus the Florentines were unable to fight
• 3:24:14
  Speaker 1: with those who were arrayed opposite to them, or to
• 3:24:16
  Speaker 1: give any assistance to their own flanks. So without much difficulty,
• 3:24:21
  Speaker 1: Castricco put the enemy to flight on both flanks, and
• 3:24:24
  Speaker 1: the center battalions took to flight when they found themselves
• 3:24:27
  Speaker 1: exposed to attack, without having a chance of displaying their valor.
• 3:24:32
  Speaker 1: The defeat was complete and the loss in men very heavy,
• 3:24:35
  Speaker 1: there being more than ten thousand men killed, with many
• 3:24:38
  Speaker 1: officers and knights of the Gwelph party in Tuscany, and
• 3:24:41
  Speaker 1: also many princes who had come to help them, among
• 3:24:43
  Speaker 1: whom were Piero, the brother of King Roberto, and Carlo,
• 3:24:47
  Speaker 1: his nephew, and Filipo, the Lord of Taranto. On the
• 3:24:51
  Speaker 1: part of Castriccio, the loss did not amount to more
• 3:24:53
  Speaker 1: than three hundred men, among whom was Francesco, the son
• 3:24:57
  Speaker 1: of Uguccion, who, being young and rash, was killed in
• 3:25:00
  Speaker 1: the first onset. This victory so greatly increased the reputation
• 3:25:05
  Speaker 1: of Castricco that Yuguxion conceived some jealousy and suspicion of him,
• 3:25:09
  Speaker 1: because it appeared to Yuguxion that this victory had given
• 3:25:11
  Speaker 1: him no increase of power, but rather than diminished it.
• 3:25:15
  Speaker 1: Being of this mind, he only waited for an opportunity
• 3:25:18
  Speaker 1: to give effect to it. This occurred on the death
• 3:25:21
  Speaker 1: of Pierre Agnolo Mikayli, a man of great repute and
• 3:25:24
  Speaker 1: abilities in Lucca, the murderer of whom fled to the
• 3:25:27
  Speaker 1: house of Castricco for refuge. On the sergeants of the
• 3:25:31
  Speaker 1: captain going to arrest the murderer, they were driven off
• 3:25:34
  Speaker 1: by Castricchio, and the murderer escaped. This affair coming to
• 3:25:38
  Speaker 1: the knowledge of Uguxion, who was then at Pisa, it
• 3:25:41
  Speaker 1: appeared to him a proper opportunity to punish Gastricco. He
• 3:25:45
  Speaker 1: therefore sent for his son Nery, who was the governor
• 3:25:48
  Speaker 1: of Lucca, and commissioned him to take Kistruccio prisoner at
• 3:25:51
  Speaker 1: a banquet and put him to death. Gastricchio, fearing no evil,
• 3:25:55
  Speaker 1: went to the governor in a friendly way, was entertained
• 3:25:58
  Speaker 1: at supper and then thrown into prison. But Nery, fearing
• 3:26:02
  Speaker 1: to put him to death lest the people should be incensed,
• 3:26:05
  Speaker 1: kept him alive in order to hear further from his
• 3:26:08
  Speaker 1: father concerning his intentions. Eugon cursed the hesitation and cowardice
• 3:26:13
  Speaker 1: of his son, and at once set out from Pisa
• 3:26:15
  Speaker 1: to Lucca with four hundred horsemen to finish the business
• 3:26:18
  Speaker 1: in his own way. But he had not yet reached
• 3:26:20
  Speaker 1: the baths when the Pisans rebelled and put his deputy
• 3:26:23
  Speaker 1: to death and created Count Gaddo della Gherardesca their lord.
• 3:26:27
  Speaker 1: Before Uguxion reached Luca, he heard of the occurrences at Pisa,
• 3:26:31
  Speaker 1: but it did not appear wise to him to turn back,
• 3:26:33
  Speaker 1: lest the Lucchesi, with the example of Pisa before them,
• 3:26:36
  Speaker 1: should close their gates against him. But the Lucchesi, having
• 3:26:40
  Speaker 1: heard of what had happened at Pisa, availed themselves of
• 3:26:43
  Speaker 1: this opportunity to demand the liberation of Castricco. Notwithstanding that
• 3:26:47
  Speaker 1: Uguxion had arrived in their city. They first began to
• 3:26:51
  Speaker 1: speak of it in private circles, afterwards openly in the
• 3:26:54
  Speaker 1: squares and streets. Then they raised a tumult, and with
• 3:26:57
  Speaker 1: arms in their hands, went to Uguxion and demanded that
• 3:26:59
  Speaker 1: Kastrio should be set at liberty. Uguccion, fearing that worse
• 3:27:04
  Speaker 1: might happen, released him from prison, whereupon Gastrico gathered his
• 3:27:08
  Speaker 1: friends around him, and with the help of the people,
• 3:27:11
  Speaker 1: attacked Uguccion, who, finding he had no resource, but in flight,
• 3:27:15
  Speaker 1: rode away with his friends to Lombardy to the lords
• 3:27:17
  Speaker 1: of Scale, where he died in poverty. But Gastricchio, from
• 3:27:21
  Speaker 1: being a prisoner, became almost a prince in Lucca, and
• 3:27:24
  Speaker 1: he carried himself so discreetly with his friends and the
• 3:27:27
  Speaker 1: people that they appointed him captain of their army for
• 3:27:29
  Speaker 1: one year. Having obtained this, and wishing to gain renown
• 3:27:33
  Speaker 1: in war, he planned the recovery of the many towns
• 3:27:36
  Speaker 1: which had rebelled after the departure of Uguccion, and with
• 3:27:39
  Speaker 1: the help of the Pisans with whom he had concluded
• 3:27:42
  Speaker 1: a treaty, he marched to Cerezana to capture this place.
• 3:27:46
  Speaker 1: He constructed a fort against it, which is called today
• 3:27:49
  Speaker 1: z Aazonello. In the course of two months, Gastricco captured
• 3:27:52
  Speaker 1: the town. With the reputation gained at that siege, he
• 3:27:56
  Speaker 1: rapidly seized Masa, Carrara and lo Venza, and in a
• 3:27:59
  Speaker 1: shore short time had overrun the whole of Linigiana. In
• 3:28:03
  Speaker 1: order to close the pass which leads from Lombardy to Linigiana,
• 3:28:06
  Speaker 1: he besieged Pontremoli and wrested it from the hands of
• 3:28:09
  Speaker 1: messer Ana Stago Palavicini, who was the lord of it.
• 3:28:13
  Speaker 1: After this victory, he returned to Lucca and was welcomed
• 3:28:16
  Speaker 1: by the whole people and now Castricco, deeming it imprudent
• 3:28:20
  Speaker 1: any longer to defer, making himself a prince, God himself
• 3:28:24
  Speaker 1: created the Lord of Lucca by the help of Pazzino
• 3:28:26
  Speaker 1: del Poggio, Puxinello dal Portico, Francesco Baccinsacci, and Seco Ginagi,
• 3:28:32
  Speaker 1: all of whom he had corrupted, and he was afterwards
• 3:28:34
  Speaker 1: solemnly and deliberately elected prince by the people. At this time,
• 3:28:39
  Speaker 1: Frederic of Bavaria, the king of the Romans, came into
• 3:28:42
  Speaker 1: Italy to assume the imperial crown, and Castricco, in order
• 3:28:45
  Speaker 1: that he might make friends with him, met him at
• 3:28:48
  Speaker 1: the head of five hundred horsemen. Costriccio had left as
• 3:28:51
  Speaker 1: his deputy in Lucca Pagolo Ginagi, who was held in
• 3:28:55
  Speaker 1: high estimation because of the people's love for the memory
• 3:28:58
  Speaker 1: of his father. Castres Richo was received in great honor
• 3:29:01
  Speaker 1: by Frederic, and many privileges were conferred upon him, and
• 3:29:05
  Speaker 1: he was appointed the Emperor's lieutenant in Tuscany. At this time,
• 3:29:09
  Speaker 1: the Pissans were in great fear of Gaddo della Gerardesca,
• 3:29:12
  Speaker 1: whom they had driven out of Pisa, and they had
• 3:29:14
  Speaker 1: recoursed for assistance to Frederic. Frederick created Castricco the lord
• 3:29:19
  Speaker 1: of Pisa, and the Pissans, in dread of the Guelph Party,
• 3:29:22
  Speaker 1: and particularly of the Florentines, were constrained to accept him
• 3:29:26
  Speaker 1: as their lord. Frederic, having appointed a governor in Rome
• 3:29:30
  Speaker 1: to watch his Italian affairs, return to Germany. All the
• 3:29:34
  Speaker 1: Tuscan and Lombardyan Ghibelines who followed the imperial lead had
• 3:29:38
  Speaker 1: recourse to Castriccio for help and counsel, and all promised
• 3:29:42
  Speaker 1: him the governorship of his country if enabled to recover
• 3:29:45
  Speaker 1: it with his assistants. Among these exiles were Matteo Gidi,
• 3:29:49
  Speaker 1: Nardo Scolari, les Po Uberti, Gerrazzo Nardi, and Piero Buanicorsi,
• 3:29:54
  Speaker 1: all exiled Florentines and Gibelines. Castricco had the secret intention
• 3:29:59
  Speaker 1: of becoming the master of all Tuscany by the aid
• 3:30:02
  Speaker 1: of these men and of his own forces, and in
• 3:30:04
  Speaker 1: order to gain greater weight in affairs he entered into
• 3:30:07
  Speaker 1: a league with Messermteo Visconti, the Prince of Milan, and
• 3:30:11
  Speaker 1: organized for him the forces of his city and the
• 3:30:13
  Speaker 1: country districts. As Lucca had five gates, he divided his
• 3:30:18
  Speaker 1: own country districts into five parts, which he supplied with
• 3:30:21
  Speaker 1: arms and enrolled the men under captains and ensigns, so
• 3:30:24
  Speaker 1: that he could quickly bring into the field twenty thousand soldiers,
• 3:30:27
  Speaker 1: without those whom he could summon to his assistants from Pisa.
• 3:30:31
  Speaker 1: While he surrounded himself with these forces and allies, it
• 3:30:35
  Speaker 1: happened that Messermteo Visconti was attacked by the Guelps of Piacenza,
• 3:30:39
  Speaker 1: who had driven out the Ghibelins with the assistance of
• 3:30:41
  Speaker 1: a Florentine army and the King Ruberto. Mesermteo called upon
• 3:30:46
  Speaker 1: Castricco to invade the Florentines in their own territories, so that,
• 3:30:50
  Speaker 1: being attacked at home, they should be compelled to draw
• 3:30:52
  Speaker 1: their army out of Lombardy in order to defend themselves.
• 3:30:56
  Speaker 1: Castricchio invaded the Valdarno and seized Fusecchio and San Miniato,
• 3:31:01
  Speaker 1: inflicting immense damage upon the country, whereupon the Florentines recalled
• 3:31:06
  Speaker 1: their army, which had scarcely reached Tuscany, when Castricco was
• 3:31:09
  Speaker 1: forced by other necessities to return to Luca. There resided
• 3:31:14
  Speaker 1: in the city of Lucca the Poggio family, who were
• 3:31:16
  Speaker 1: so powerful that they could not only elevate Castricco but
• 3:31:19
  Speaker 1: even advance him to the dignity of prince. And at
• 3:31:22
  Speaker 1: appearing to them, they had not received such rewards for
• 3:31:24
  Speaker 1: their services as they deserved. They incited other families to
• 3:31:28
  Speaker 1: rebel and to drive Castricco out of Lucca. They found
• 3:31:32
  Speaker 1: their opportunity one morning, and arming themselves, they set upon
• 3:31:35
  Speaker 1: the lieutenant whom Castricco had left to maintain order, and
• 3:31:38
  Speaker 1: killed him. They endeavored to raise the people in revolt,
• 3:31:42
  Speaker 1: but Stefano di Poggio, a peaceable old man who had
• 3:31:45
  Speaker 1: taken no hand in the rebellion, intervened and compelled them
• 3:31:48
  Speaker 1: by his authority to lay down their arms, and he
• 3:31:51
  Speaker 1: offered to be their mediator with Castriccio to obtain from
• 3:31:53
  Speaker 1: him what they desired. Therefore, they laid down their arms
• 3:31:57
  Speaker 1: with no greater intelligence than they had taken them up. Castriccio,
• 3:32:02
  Speaker 1: having heard the news of what had happened, at Lucca
• 3:32:04
  Speaker 1: at once put Pagologinaji in command of the army, and
• 3:32:07
  Speaker 1: with a troop of cavalry, set out for home. Contrary
• 3:32:11
  Speaker 1: to his expectations, he found the rebellion at an end,
• 3:32:14
  Speaker 1: Yet he posted his men in the most advantageous places
• 3:32:17
  Speaker 1: throughout the city. As it appeared to Stephano that Castriccio
• 3:32:21
  Speaker 1: ought to be very much obliged to him, he sought
• 3:32:23
  Speaker 1: him out, and, without saying anything on his own behalf,
• 3:32:27
  Speaker 1: for he did not recognize any need for doing so,
• 3:32:29
  Speaker 1: he begged Gistricco to pardon the other members of his
• 3:32:32
  Speaker 1: family by reason of their youth, their former friendships, and
• 3:32:36
  Speaker 1: the obligations which Castrico was under to their house. To this,
• 3:32:40
  Speaker 1: Castricio graciously responded and begged Stephano to reassure himself, declaring
• 3:32:45
  Speaker 1: that it gave him more pleasure to find the tumult
• 3:32:47
  Speaker 1: at an end than it had ever caused him anxiety
• 3:32:50
  Speaker 1: to hear of its inception. He encouraged Stephano to bring
• 3:32:53
  Speaker 1: his family to him, saying that he thanked God for
• 3:32:56
  Speaker 1: having given him the opportunity of showing his clemency and liberality.
• 3:33:01
  Speaker 1: Upon the word of Stephano and Castricchio, they surrendered, and
• 3:33:04
  Speaker 1: with Stephano, were immediately thrown into prison and put to death. Meanwhile,
• 3:33:09
  Speaker 1: the Florentines had recovered San Miniato, whereupon it seemed advisable
• 3:33:13
  Speaker 1: to Castricchio to make peace, as it did not appear
• 3:33:15
  Speaker 1: to him that he was sufficiently secure at Lucca to
• 3:33:18
  Speaker 1: leave him. He approached the Florentines with the proposal of
• 3:33:22
  Speaker 1: a truce, which they readily entertained, for they were weary
• 3:33:25
  Speaker 1: of the war and desirous of getting rid of the
• 3:33:27
  Speaker 1: expenses of it. A treaty was concluded with them for
• 3:33:31
  Speaker 1: two years, by which both parties agreed to keep the
• 3:33:33
  Speaker 1: conquests they had made. Castricio, thus released from this trouble,
• 3:33:38
  Speaker 1: turned his attention to affairs in Lucca, and, in order
• 3:33:41
  Speaker 1: that he should not again be subject to the perils
• 3:33:43
  Speaker 1: from which he had just escaped, he, under various pretenses
• 3:33:46
  Speaker 1: and reasons, first wiped out all those who, by their
• 3:33:49
  Speaker 1: ambition might aspire to the principality, not sparing one of them,
• 3:33:53
  Speaker 1: but depriving them of country and property, and those whom
• 3:33:56
  Speaker 1: he had in his hands of life, also stating that
• 3:33:59
  Speaker 1: he had found by experience that none of them were
• 3:34:01
  Speaker 1: to be trusted. Then, for his further security, he raised
• 3:34:05
  Speaker 1: a fortress in Lucca with the stones of the towers
• 3:34:07
  Speaker 1: of those whom he had killed or hunted out of
• 3:34:09
  Speaker 1: the state. Whilst Castricchio made peace with the Florentines and
• 3:34:14
  Speaker 1: strengthened his position in Lucca, he neglected no opportunity, short
• 3:34:18
  Speaker 1: of open war, of increasing his importance elsewhere. It appeared
• 3:34:22
  Speaker 1: to him that if he could get possession of Pistoia,
• 3:34:25
  Speaker 1: he would have one foot in Florence, which was his
• 3:34:27
  Speaker 1: great desire. He therefore, in various ways made friends with
• 3:34:32
  Speaker 1: the mountaineers and worked matters so in Pistoia that both
• 3:34:35
  Speaker 1: parties confided their secrets to him. Pistoia was divided, as
• 3:34:40
  Speaker 1: it always had been, into the Bianchi and Nery parties.
• 3:34:43
  Speaker 1: The head of the Bianchi was Basciano di passant and
• 3:34:46
  Speaker 1: of the Nery Gicapo Digia. Each of these men held
• 3:34:50
  Speaker 1: secret communications with Castricco, and each desire to drive the
• 3:34:54
  Speaker 1: other out of the city, and after many threatenings, they
• 3:34:57
  Speaker 1: came to blows. Jacob Poth fortified himself at the Florentine gate,
• 3:35:02
  Speaker 1: Basciano at that of the Lucchese side of the city.
• 3:35:05
  Speaker 1: Both trusted more in Castricco than in the Florentines, because
• 3:35:08
  Speaker 1: they believed that Castriccio was far more ready and willing
• 3:35:11
  Speaker 1: to fight than the Florentines, and they both sent to
• 3:35:14
  Speaker 1: him for assistance. He gave promises to both, saying to
• 3:35:18
  Speaker 1: Basciano that he would come in person and to Gacapo
• 3:35:21
  Speaker 1: that he would send his pupil, Pagolo Ginaji. At the
• 3:35:25
  Speaker 1: appointed time. He sent forward Pagolo by way of Pisa,
• 3:35:28
  Speaker 1: and went himself direct to Pistoia. At midnight, both of
• 3:35:31
  Speaker 1: them met outside the city and both were admitted as friends.
• 3:35:35
  Speaker 1: Thus the two leaders entered, and at a signal given
• 3:35:38
  Speaker 1: by Castriccio, one killed Gacapo di Gia and the other
• 3:35:42
  Speaker 1: Basciano di passant and both took prisoners or killed the
• 3:35:45
  Speaker 1: partisans of either faction. Without further opposition, Pistoia passed into
• 3:35:50
  Speaker 1: the hands of Castriccio, who, having forced the Signoria to
• 3:35:53
  Speaker 1: leave the palace, compelled the people to yield obedience to him,
• 3:35:57
  Speaker 1: making them many promises and remitting their old debts. The
• 3:36:01
  Speaker 1: countryside flocked to the city to see the new prince,
• 3:36:04
  Speaker 1: and all were filled with hope and quickly settled down,
• 3:36:07
  Speaker 1: influenced in a great measure by his great valor. About
• 3:36:10
  Speaker 1: this time, great disturbances arose in Rome owing to the
• 3:36:13
  Speaker 1: dearness of living, which was caused by the absence of
• 3:36:16
  Speaker 1: the pontiff a d Avignon. The German governor, Enrico was
• 3:36:20
  Speaker 1: much blamed for what happened, murders and tumults following each
• 3:36:24
  Speaker 1: other daily without his being able to put an end
• 3:36:26
  Speaker 1: to them. This caused Enrico much anxiety lest the Romans
• 3:36:30
  Speaker 1: should call in Roberto, the King of Naples, who would
• 3:36:34
  Speaker 1: drive the Germans out of the city and bring back
• 3:36:36
  Speaker 1: the Pope. Having no nearer friend to whom he could
• 3:36:39
  Speaker 1: apply for help than Castricchio, he sent to him, begging
• 3:36:43
  Speaker 1: him not only to give him assistance, but also to
• 3:36:45
  Speaker 1: come in person to Rome. Costriccio considered that he ought
• 3:36:49
  Speaker 1: not to hesitate to render the Emperor this service, because
• 3:36:52
  Speaker 1: he believed that he himself would not be safe if
• 3:36:54
  Speaker 1: at any time the Emperor ceased to hold Rome, leaving
• 3:36:58
  Speaker 1: Pagolo Ginaji in command at Luca. Castricchio set out for
• 3:37:01
  Speaker 1: Rome with six hundred horsemen, where he was received by
• 3:37:04
  Speaker 1: Enrico with the greatest distinction in a short time. The
• 3:37:08
  Speaker 1: presence of Castricchio obtained such respect for the emperor that,
• 3:37:11
  Speaker 1: without bloodshed or violence, good order was restored, chiefly by
• 3:37:15
  Speaker 1: reason of Castrico having sent by sea from the country
• 3:37:18
  Speaker 1: round peace of large quantities of corn, and thus removed
• 3:37:21
  Speaker 1: the source of the trouble. When he had chastised some
• 3:37:24
  Speaker 1: of the Roman leaders and admonished others, voluntary obedience was
• 3:37:28
  Speaker 1: rendered to Enrico. Castriccio received many honors and was made
• 3:37:33
  Speaker 1: a Roman senator. This dignity was assumed with the greatest pomp,
• 3:37:37
  Speaker 1: Castriccio being clothed in a brocaded toga, which had the
• 3:37:41
  Speaker 1: following words embroidered on its front, I am what God wills,
• 3:37:44
  Speaker 1: whilst on the back was what God desires shall be.
• 3:37:48
  Speaker 1: During this time, the Florentines, who were much enraged that
• 3:37:51
  Speaker 1: Castricco should have seized Pistoia during the truce, considered how
• 3:37:55
  Speaker 1: they could tempt the city to rebel, to do which
• 3:37:57
  Speaker 1: they thought would not be difficult in his absence. Among
• 3:38:01
  Speaker 1: the exiled Pistoians in Florence were Baldos Seci and Jacapo Baldini,
• 3:38:05
  Speaker 1: both men of leading and ready to face danger. These
• 3:38:09
  Speaker 1: men kept up communications with their friends in Pistoia, and
• 3:38:12
  Speaker 1: with the aid of the Florentines, entered the city by night,
• 3:38:15
  Speaker 1: and after driving out some of Castrico's officials and partisans
• 3:38:18
  Speaker 1: and killing others, they restored the city to its freedom.
• 3:38:22
  Speaker 1: The news of this greatly angered Castrico, and taking leave
• 3:38:26
  Speaker 1: of Enrico, he pressed on in great haste to Pistoia.
• 3:38:30
  Speaker 1: When the Florentines heard of his return, knowing that he
• 3:38:33
  Speaker 1: would lose no time, they decided to intercept him with
• 3:38:35
  Speaker 1: their forces in the val Di Nival, under the belief
• 3:38:38
  Speaker 1: that by doing so they would cut off his road
• 3:38:40
  Speaker 1: to Pistoia. Assembling a great army of the supporters of
• 3:38:44
  Speaker 1: the Guelph cause, the Florentines entered the Pistoian territories. On
• 3:38:49
  Speaker 1: the other hand, Castricchio reached Monte Carlo with his army,
• 3:38:52
  Speaker 1: and having heard where the Florentines lay, he decided not
• 3:38:56
  Speaker 1: to encounter it in the plains of Pistoia, nor to
• 3:38:58
  Speaker 1: await it in the plains of Pesha, but as far
• 3:39:02
  Speaker 1: as he possibly could, to attack it boldly in the
• 3:39:04
  Speaker 1: pass of Seravaye. He believed that if he succeeded in
• 3:39:08
  Speaker 1: this design, victory was assured, although he was informed that
• 3:39:11
  Speaker 1: the Florentines had thirty thousand men whilst he had only
• 3:39:15
  Speaker 1: twelve thousand. Although he had every confidence in his own
• 3:39:18
  Speaker 1: abilities and the valor of his troops, yet he hesitated
• 3:39:21
  Speaker 1: to attack his enemy in the open, lest he should
• 3:39:24
  Speaker 1: be overwhelmed by numbers. Saravaya is a castle between Pessia
• 3:39:28
  Speaker 1: and Pistoia, situated on a hill which blocks the vald Nivo,
• 3:39:32
  Speaker 1: not in the exact pass, but about a bowshot beyond.
• 3:39:36
  Speaker 1: The pass. Itself is in places narrow and steep, whilst
• 3:39:39
  Speaker 1: in general it ascends gently but is still narrow, especially
• 3:39:42
  Speaker 1: at the summit where the waters divide, so that twenty
• 3:39:46
  Speaker 1: men side by side could hold it. The lord of
• 3:39:49
  Speaker 1: Saravaye was Manfred, a German, who, before Castricchio became lord
• 3:39:53
  Speaker 1: of Pistoja, had been allowed to remain in possession of
• 3:39:56
  Speaker 1: the castle, it being common to the Lucchesi and the
• 3:39:59
  Speaker 1: Pistoian and unclaimed by either, neither of them wishing to
• 3:40:03
  Speaker 1: displace Manford as long as he kept his promise of
• 3:40:06
  Speaker 1: neutrality and came under obligations to no one. For these reasons,
• 3:40:11
  Speaker 1: and also because the castle was well fortified. He had
• 3:40:14
  Speaker 1: always been able to maintain his position. It was here
• 3:40:18
  Speaker 1: that Castricco had determined to fall upon his enemy, for
• 3:40:21
  Speaker 1: here his few men would have the advantage, and there
• 3:40:23
  Speaker 1: was no fear lest seeing the large masses of the
• 3:40:26
  Speaker 1: hostile force before they became engaged. They should not stand.
• 3:40:30
  Speaker 1: As soon as this trouble with Florence arose, Castricchio saw
• 3:40:34
  Speaker 1: the immense advantage which possession of this castle would give him,
• 3:40:37
  Speaker 1: and having an intimate friendship with a resident in the castle,
• 3:40:40
  Speaker 1: he managed matters so with him that four hundred of
• 3:40:42
  Speaker 1: his men were to be admitted into the castle the
• 3:40:44
  Speaker 1: night before the attack on the Florentines and the castle,
• 3:40:48
  Speaker 1: and put to death. Castricco, having prepared everything, had now
• 3:40:53
  Speaker 1: to encourage the Florentines to persist in their desire to
• 3:40:56
  Speaker 1: carry the seat of war away from Pistoia into the
• 3:40:58
  Speaker 1: vald Nivil. Therefore, he did not move his army from
• 3:41:01
  Speaker 1: Monte Carlo. Thus the Florentines hurried on until they reached
• 3:41:05
  Speaker 1: their encampment under Saravaje, intending to cross the hill on
• 3:41:09
  Speaker 1: the following morning. In the meantime, Castricchio had seized the
• 3:41:13
  Speaker 1: castle at night had also moved his army from Monte Carlo,
• 3:41:16
  Speaker 1: and marching from thence at midnight, in dead silence, had
• 3:41:20
  Speaker 1: reached the foot of Saravaje. Thus he and the Florentines
• 3:41:23
  Speaker 1: commenced the ascent of the hill at the same time.
• 3:41:25
  Speaker 1: In the morning, Castricio sent forward his infantry by the
• 3:41:29
  Speaker 1: main road, and a troop of four hundred horsemen by
• 3:41:31
  Speaker 1: a path on the left towards the castle. The Florentines
• 3:41:35
  Speaker 1: sent forward four hundred cavalry ahead of their army, which
• 3:41:38
  Speaker 1: was following, never expecting to find Castrico in possession of
• 3:41:41
  Speaker 1: the hill, nor were they aware of his having seized
• 3:41:44
  Speaker 1: the castle. Thus it happened that the Florentine horsemen mounting
• 3:41:48
  Speaker 1: the hill were completely taken by surprise when they discovered
• 3:41:51
  Speaker 1: the infantry of Castricco, and so close were they upon it,
• 3:41:54
  Speaker 1: they had scarcely time to pull down their vizors. It
• 3:41:57
  Speaker 1: was a case of unready soldiers being attacked by ready
• 3:42:00
  Speaker 1: and they were assailed with such vigor that with difficulty
• 3:42:03
  Speaker 1: they could hold their own, although some few of them
• 3:42:05
  Speaker 1: got through. When the noise of the fighting reached the
• 3:42:08
  Speaker 1: Florentine camp below, it was filled with confusion, the cavalry
• 3:42:13
  Speaker 1: and infantry became inextricably mixed. The captains were unable to
• 3:42:17
  Speaker 1: get their men either backward or forward, owing to the
• 3:42:19
  Speaker 1: narrowness of the pass, and amid all this tumult, no
• 3:42:22
  Speaker 1: one knew what ought to be done or what could
• 3:42:24
  Speaker 1: be done. In a short time, the cavalry who were
• 3:42:27
  Speaker 1: engaged with the enemy's infantry were scattered or killed, without
• 3:42:30
  Speaker 1: having made any effective defense because of their unfortunate position,
• 3:42:34
  Speaker 1: Although in sheer desperation they had offered a stout resistance,
• 3:42:38
  Speaker 1: retreat had been impossible with the mountains on both flanks,
• 3:42:42
  Speaker 1: whilst in front were their enemies and in the rear
• 3:42:44
  Speaker 1: their friends. When Castricio saw that his men were unable
• 3:42:48
  Speaker 1: to strike a decisive blow at the enemy and put
• 3:42:51
  Speaker 1: them to flight, he sent one thousand infantrymen round by
• 3:42:54
  Speaker 1: the castle with orders to join the four hundred horsemen
• 3:42:56
  Speaker 1: he had previously despatched there, and commanded the whole fur
• 3:43:00
  Speaker 1: to fall upon the flank of the enemy. These orders
• 3:43:03
  Speaker 1: they carried out with such fury that the Florentines could
• 3:43:06
  Speaker 1: not sustain the attack, but gave way and were soon
• 3:43:09
  Speaker 1: in full retreat, conquered more by their unfortunate position than
• 3:43:13
  Speaker 1: by the valor of their enemy. Those in the rear
• 3:43:16
  Speaker 1: turned towards Pistoia and spread through the plains, each man
• 3:43:19
  Speaker 1: seeking only his own safety. The defeat was complete and
• 3:43:23
  Speaker 1: very sanguinary. Many captains were taken prisoners, among whom were
• 3:43:28
  Speaker 1: Bandini de Rossi, Francesco Brunellesci, and Giovanni Delatosa, all Florentine noblemen,
• 3:43:34
  Speaker 1: with many Tuscans and Neapolitans, who fought on the Florentine side,
• 3:43:38
  Speaker 1: having been sent by King Roberto to assist the Guelphs.
• 3:43:42
  Speaker 1: Immediately the Pistoleians heard of this defeat, they drove out
• 3:43:45
  Speaker 1: the friends of the Guelphs and surrendered to Castricco. He
• 3:43:49
  Speaker 1: was not content with occupying Prato and all the castles
• 3:43:52
  Speaker 1: on the plains on both sides of the Arno, but
• 3:43:54
  Speaker 1: marched his army into the plain of Peredla, about two
• 3:43:57
  Speaker 1: miles from Florence. Here he remained many days, dividing the
• 3:44:02
  Speaker 1: spoils and celebrating his victory with feasts and games, holding
• 3:44:06
  Speaker 1: horse races and foot races for men and women. He
• 3:44:10
  Speaker 1: also struck medals in commemoration of the defeat of the Florentines.
• 3:44:14
  Speaker 1: He endeavored to corrupt some of the citizens of Florence
• 3:44:17
  Speaker 1: who were to open the city gates at night. But
• 3:44:19
  Speaker 1: the conspiracy was discovered and the participators in it taken
• 3:44:23
  Speaker 1: and beheaded, among whom were Tomaso Lepache and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi.
• 3:44:28
  Speaker 1: This defeat caused the Florentines great anxiety and despairing of
• 3:44:32
  Speaker 1: preserving their liberty, they sent envoys to King Roberto of Naples,
• 3:44:36
  Speaker 1: offering him the dominion of their city, and he, knowing
• 3:44:39
  Speaker 1: of what immense importance the maintenance of the Guelph cause
• 3:44:42
  Speaker 1: was to him, accepted it. He agreed with the Florentines
• 3:44:45
  Speaker 1: to receive from them a yearly tribute of two hundred
• 3:44:48
  Speaker 1: thousand florins, and he sent his son Carlo to Florence
• 3:44:51
  Speaker 1: with four thousand horsemen. Shortly after this, the Florentines were
• 3:44:55
  Speaker 1: relieved in some degree of the pressure of Castricchio's army,
• 3:44:58
  Speaker 1: owing to his being compelled to to leave his positions
• 3:45:01
  Speaker 1: before Florence and march on Pisa in order to suppress
• 3:45:04
  Speaker 1: a conspiracy that had been raised against him by Benedetto Lanfranchi,
• 3:45:07
  Speaker 1: one of the first men in Pisa, who could not
• 3:45:10
  Speaker 1: endure that his fatherland should be under the dominion of
• 3:45:13
  Speaker 1: the Lucchesi. He had formed this conspiracy intending to seize
• 3:45:17
  Speaker 1: the citadel, kill the partisans of Castruccio, and drive out
• 3:45:21
  Speaker 1: the garrison. As However, in a conspiracy, paucity of numbers
• 3:45:26
  Speaker 1: is essential to secrecy, so for its execution a few
• 3:45:29
  Speaker 1: are not sufficient, and in seeking more adherents to his conspiracy,
• 3:45:33
  Speaker 1: Lanfranchi encountered a person who revealed the design to Castruccio.
• 3:45:37
  Speaker 1: This betrayal cannot be passed by without severe reproach to
• 3:45:40
  Speaker 1: Bonifacio Cerchi and Giovanni Guidi, two Florentine exiles who were
• 3:45:44
  Speaker 1: suffering their banishment in Pisa. Thereupon, Castrriccio seized Benedetto and
• 3:45:50
  Speaker 1: put him to death, and beheaded many other noble citizens,
• 3:45:53
  Speaker 1: and drove their families into exile. It now appeared to
• 3:45:57
  Speaker 1: Castruccio that both Pisa and Pistolia were thorough wholly disaffected.
• 3:46:01
  Speaker 1: He employed much thought and energy upon securing his position there,
• 3:46:04
  Speaker 1: and this gave the Florentines their opportunity to reorganize their
• 3:46:08
  Speaker 1: army and to await the coming of Carlo, the son
• 3:46:10
  Speaker 1: of the King of Naples. When Carlo arrived, they decided
• 3:46:14
  Speaker 1: to lose no more time and assembled a great army
• 3:46:17
  Speaker 1: of more than thirty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry,
• 3:46:21
  Speaker 1: Having called to their aid every guelph there was in Italy,
• 3:46:24
  Speaker 1: they consulted whether they should attack Pistoia or Pisa first,
• 3:46:28
  Speaker 1: and decided that it would be better to march on
• 3:46:30
  Speaker 1: the latter, a course, owing to the recent conspiracy, more
• 3:46:33
  Speaker 1: likely to succeed, and of more advantage to them, because
• 3:46:37
  Speaker 1: they believed that the surrender of Pistoia would follow the
• 3:46:39
  Speaker 1: acquisition of Pisa. In the early part of May thirteen
• 3:46:43
  Speaker 1: twenty eight, the Florentines put in motion this army in
• 3:46:46
  Speaker 1: quickly occupied Lastra, Signa, Montaluppo and Impoli, passing from thence
• 3:46:51
  Speaker 1: on to San Miniato. When Castricchio heard of the enormous
• 3:46:55
  Speaker 1: army which the Florentines were sending against him, he was
• 3:46:58
  Speaker 1: in no degree alarmed, believing that the time had now
• 3:47:01
  Speaker 1: arrived when fortune would deliver the Empire of Tuscany into
• 3:47:04
  Speaker 1: his hands, for he had no reason to think that
• 3:47:06
  Speaker 1: his enemy would make a better fight or had better
• 3:47:09
  Speaker 1: prospects of success than at Pisa or Seravaye. He assembled
• 3:47:15
  Speaker 1: twenty thousand foot soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and with
• 3:47:18
  Speaker 1: this army went to Fusecchio, whilst he sent Pagolo Ginaji
• 3:47:21
  Speaker 1: to Pisa with five thousand infantry. Fusecchio has a stronger
• 3:47:26
  Speaker 1: position than any other town in the Pisan district, owing
• 3:47:29
  Speaker 1: to its situation between the rivers Arno and Gusciana and
• 3:47:32
  Speaker 1: its slight elevation above the surrounding plain. Moreover, the enemy
• 3:47:37
  Speaker 1: could not hinder its being vitled unless they divided their forces.
• 3:47:40
  Speaker 1: Nor could they approach it either from the direction of
• 3:47:42
  Speaker 1: Lucca or Pisa, nor could they get through to Pisa
• 3:47:45
  Speaker 1: or attack Gastricco's forces, except at a disadvantage. In one case,
• 3:47:50
  Speaker 1: they would find themselves placed between his two armies, the
• 3:47:53
  Speaker 1: one under his own command and the other under Pagolo,
• 3:47:56
  Speaker 1: And in the other case they would have to cross
• 3:47:58
  Speaker 1: the Arno to get to close quarters with the enemy,
• 3:48:00
  Speaker 1: an undertaking of great hazard. In order to tempt the
• 3:48:04
  Speaker 1: Florentines to take this latter course, Castriccio withdrew his men
• 3:48:07
  Speaker 1: from the banks of the river and placed them under
• 3:48:09
  Speaker 1: the walls of Fusechio, leaving a wide expanse of land
• 3:48:13
  Speaker 1: between them and the river. The Florentines, having occupied San Miniato,
• 3:48:18
  Speaker 1: held a council of war to decide whether they should
• 3:48:20
  Speaker 1: attack Pisa or the army of Castricco, and having weighed
• 3:48:24
  Speaker 1: the difficulties of both courses, they decided upon the latter.
• 3:48:28
  Speaker 1: The river Arno was at that time low enough to
• 3:48:30
  Speaker 1: be fordable, yet the water reached to the shoulders of
• 3:48:33
  Speaker 1: the infantrymen and to the saddles of the horsemen. On
• 3:48:36
  Speaker 1: the morning of June tenth, thirteen twenty eight, the Florentines
• 3:48:40
  Speaker 1: commenced the battle by ordering forward a number of cavalry
• 3:48:43
  Speaker 1: and ten thousand infantry. Castricchio, whose plan of action was
• 3:48:47
  Speaker 1: fixed and who well knew what to do, at once,
• 3:48:50
  Speaker 1: attacked the Florentines with five thousand infantry and three thousand horsemen,
• 3:48:54
  Speaker 1: not allowing them to issue from the river before he
• 3:48:57
  Speaker 1: charged them. He also sent one thousand light infantry up
• 3:49:00
  Speaker 1: the river bank and the same number down the Arno.
• 3:49:04
  Speaker 1: The infantry of the Florentines were so much impeded by
• 3:49:07
  Speaker 1: their arms and the water that they were not able
• 3:49:09
  Speaker 1: to mount the banks of the river, whilst the cavalry
• 3:49:11
  Speaker 1: had made the passage of the river more difficult for
• 3:49:13
  Speaker 1: the others by reason of the few who had crossed,
• 3:49:16
  Speaker 1: having broken up the bed of the river, and this
• 3:49:18
  Speaker 1: being deep with mud. Many of the horses rolled over
• 3:49:22
  Speaker 1: with their riders, and many of them had stuck so
• 3:49:24
  Speaker 1: fast that they could not move. When the Florentine captain
• 3:49:28
  Speaker 1: saw the difficulties their men were meeting, they withdrew them
• 3:49:31
  Speaker 1: and moved higher up the river, hoping to find the
• 3:49:33
  Speaker 1: river bed less treacherous and the banks more adapted for landing.
• 3:49:38
  Speaker 1: These men were met at the bank by the forces
• 3:49:40
  Speaker 1: which Castruccio had already sent forward, who, being light armed
• 3:49:43
  Speaker 1: with bucklers and javelins in their hands, let fly with
• 3:49:46
  Speaker 1: tremendous shouts into the faces and bodies of the cavalry.
• 3:49:50
  Speaker 1: The horses, alarmed by the noise and the wounds, would
• 3:49:53
  Speaker 1: not move forward, and trampled each other in great confusion.
• 3:49:58
  Speaker 1: The fight between the men of Castruccio and and those
• 3:50:00
  Speaker 1: of the enemy who succeeded in crossing was sharp and terrible.
• 3:50:03
  Speaker 1: Both sides fought with the utmost desperation, and neither would yield.
• 3:50:08
  Speaker 1: The soldiers of Castricho fought to drive the others back
• 3:50:10
  Speaker 1: into the river, whilst the Florentines strove to get a
• 3:50:13
  Speaker 1: footing on land in order to make room for the
• 3:50:15
  Speaker 1: others pressing forward, who, if they could but get out
• 3:50:18
  Speaker 1: of the water, would be able to fight. And in
• 3:50:19
  Speaker 1: this obstinate conflict they were urged on by their captains.
• 3:50:23
  Speaker 1: Castricco shouted to his men that these were the same
• 3:50:26
  Speaker 1: enemies whom they had before conquered at Saravaje, whilst the
• 3:50:29
  Speaker 1: Florentines reproached each other that the many should be overcome
• 3:50:32
  Speaker 1: by the few. At length, Castricco, seeing how long the
• 3:50:36
  Speaker 1: battle had lasted and that both his men and the
• 3:50:39
  Speaker 1: enemy were utterly exhausted, and that both sides had many
• 3:50:42
  Speaker 1: killed and wounded, pushed forward another body of infantry to
• 3:50:45
  Speaker 1: take up a position at the rear of those who
• 3:50:47
  Speaker 1: were fighting. He then commanded these latter to open their
• 3:50:51
  Speaker 1: ranks as if they intended to retreat, and one part
• 3:50:53
  Speaker 1: of them to turn to the right and another to
• 3:50:55
  Speaker 1: the left. This cleared a space of which the Florentines
• 3:50:59
  Speaker 1: at once took advantage and thus gained possession of a
• 3:51:02
  Speaker 1: portion of the battlefield. But when these tired soldiers found
• 3:51:06
  Speaker 1: themselves at close quarters with Castrico's reserves, they could not
• 3:51:09
  Speaker 1: stand against them, and at once fell back into the river.
• 3:51:13
  Speaker 1: The cavalry of either side had not as yet gained
• 3:51:15
  Speaker 1: any decisive advantage over the other, because Castricchio, knowing his
• 3:51:19
  Speaker 1: inferiority in this arm had commanded his leaders only to
• 3:51:22
  Speaker 1: stand on the defensive against the attacks of their adversaries,
• 3:51:25
  Speaker 1: as he hoped that when he had overcome the infantry,
• 3:51:28
  Speaker 1: he would be able to make short work of the cavalry.
• 3:51:31
  Speaker 1: This fell out as he had hoped for. When he
• 3:51:33
  Speaker 1: saw the Florentine army driven back across the river, he
• 3:51:36
  Speaker 1: ordered the remainder of his infantry to attack the cavalry
• 3:51:39
  Speaker 1: of the enemy. This they did with lance and javelin,
• 3:51:42
  Speaker 1: and joined by their own cavalry, fell upon the enemy
• 3:51:46
  Speaker 1: with the greatest fury, and soon put into flight. The
• 3:51:49
  Speaker 1: Florentine captains, having seen the difficulty their cavalry had met
• 3:51:53
  Speaker 1: within crossing the river, had attempted to make their infantry
• 3:51:56
  Speaker 1: cross lower down the river in order to attack the
• 3:51:59
  Speaker 1: flanks of Castricio's army. But here also the banks were
• 3:52:03
  Speaker 1: steep and already lined by the men of Castricco and
• 3:52:06
  Speaker 1: this movement was quite useless. Thus the Florentines were so
• 3:52:10
  Speaker 1: completely defeated at all points that scarcely a third of
• 3:52:13
  Speaker 1: them escaped, and Castriccio was again covered with glory. Many
• 3:52:17
  Speaker 1: captains were taken prisoners, and Carlo, the son of King Roberto,
• 3:52:22
  Speaker 1: with michelll Agnolo Falconi and Todeo Degli Albizzi, the Florentine
• 3:52:26
  Speaker 1: commissioners fled to Himpoli. If the spoils were great, the
• 3:52:31
  Speaker 1: slaughter was infinitely greater, as might be expected in such
• 3:52:34
  Speaker 1: a battle of the Florentines. There fell twenty thousand, two
• 3:52:38
  Speaker 1: hundred and thirty one men, whilst Castriccio lost one thousand,
• 3:52:41
  Speaker 1: five hundred and seventy men. But fortune, growing envious of
• 3:52:45
  Speaker 1: the glory of Castriccio, took away his life just at
• 3:52:48
  Speaker 1: the time when she should have preserved it, and thus
• 3:52:50
  Speaker 1: ruined all those plans which for so long a time
• 3:52:52
  Speaker 1: he had worked to carry into effect, and in the
• 3:52:55
  Speaker 1: successful prosecution of which nothing but death could have stopped him.
• 3:52:59
  Speaker 1: Castriccio was in the thick of the battle the whole
• 3:53:01
  Speaker 1: of the day, and when the end of it came,
• 3:53:03
  Speaker 1: although fatigued and overheated, he stood at the gate of
• 3:53:06
  Speaker 1: Fusechio to welcome his men on their return from victory,
• 3:53:09
  Speaker 1: and personally thanked them. He was also on the watch
• 3:53:13
  Speaker 1: for any attempt of the enemy to retrieve the fortunes
• 3:53:15
  Speaker 1: of the day, he being of the opinion that it
• 3:53:17
  Speaker 1: was the duty of a good general to be the
• 3:53:19
  Speaker 1: first man in the saddle and the last out of it.
• 3:53:22
  Speaker 1: Here Gastriccho stood exposed to a wind which often rises
• 3:53:25
  Speaker 1: at midday on the banks of the Arno, and which
• 3:53:28
  Speaker 1: is often very unhealthy. From this he took a chill,
• 3:53:31
  Speaker 1: of which he thought nothing, as he was accustomed to
• 3:53:33
  Speaker 1: such troubles, but it was the cause of his death.
• 3:53:37
  Speaker 1: On the following night, he was attacked with high fever,
• 3:53:39
  Speaker 1: which increased so rapidly that the doctors saw it must
• 3:53:42
  Speaker 1: prove fatal. Gastricco therefore called Pagologinagy to him and addressed
• 3:53:48
  Speaker 1: him as follows. If I could have believed that fortune
• 3:53:50
  Speaker 1: would have cut me off in the midst of the
• 3:53:52
  Speaker 1: career which was leading to that glory which all my
• 3:53:54
  Speaker 1: successes promised, I should have labored less, and I should
• 3:53:57
  Speaker 1: have left thee if a smaller state, at least with
• 3:54:01
  Speaker 1: fewer enemies, and perils, because I should have been content
• 3:54:04
  Speaker 1: with the governorships of Lucca and Pisa. I should neither
• 3:54:08
  Speaker 1: have subjugated the Pistoians, nor outraged the Florentines with so
• 3:54:12
  Speaker 1: many injuries. But I would have made both these peoples
• 3:54:15
  Speaker 1: my friends. And I should have lived, if no longer,
• 3:54:19
  Speaker 1: at least more peacefully, and have left you a state,
• 3:54:21
  Speaker 1: without a doubt, smaller, but one more secure and established
• 3:54:25
  Speaker 1: on a surer foundation. But fortune, who insists upon having
• 3:54:29
  Speaker 1: the arbitrament of human affairs, did not endow me with
• 3:54:32
  Speaker 1: sufficient judgment to recognize this from the first, nor the
• 3:54:35
  Speaker 1: time to surmount it. Thou hast heard, for many have
• 3:54:39
  Speaker 1: told THEE, and I have never concealed it. How I
• 3:54:42
  Speaker 1: entered the house of thy father whilst yet a boy,
• 3:54:44
  Speaker 1: a stranger to all those ambitions which every generous soul
• 3:54:47
  Speaker 1: should feel, And how I was brought up by him
• 3:54:50
  Speaker 1: and loved as though I had been born of his blood.
• 3:54:53
  Speaker 1: How under his governance I learned to be valiant and
• 3:54:55
  Speaker 1: capable of availing myself of all that fortune of which
• 3:54:58
  Speaker 1: thou hast been witnessed. When thy good father came to die,
• 3:55:02
  Speaker 1: he committed THEE in all his possessions to my care.
• 3:55:05
  Speaker 1: And I have brought THEE up with that love and
• 3:55:07
  Speaker 1: increased thy estate with that care which I was bound
• 3:55:10
  Speaker 1: to show. And in order that thou shouldst not only
• 3:55:13
  Speaker 1: possess the estate which thy father left, but also that
• 3:55:16
  Speaker 1: which my fortune and abilities have gained, I have never married,
• 3:55:20
  Speaker 1: so that the love of children should never deflect my
• 3:55:22
  Speaker 1: mind from that gratitude which I owe to the children
• 3:55:25
  Speaker 1: of thy father. Thus I leave THEE a vast estate
• 3:55:28
  Speaker 1: of which I am well content, but I am deeply
• 3:55:31
  Speaker 1: concerned inasmuch as I leave it the unsettled and insecure.
• 3:55:35
  Speaker 1: Thou hast the city of Lucca on thy hands, which
• 3:55:38
  Speaker 1: will never rest contented under thy government. Thou hast also Pisa,
• 3:55:42
  Speaker 1: where the men are of nature changeable and unreliable, who,
• 3:55:46
  Speaker 1: although they may be sometimes held in subjection, yet they
• 3:55:49
  Speaker 1: will ever disdain to serve under a Lucchesi. Pistoja is
• 3:55:53
  Speaker 1: also disloyal to THEE, she being eaten up with factions
• 3:55:56
  Speaker 1: and deeply incensed against thy family by reason of the
• 3:55:59
  Speaker 1: wrongs recently inflicted upon them. Thou hast for neighbors the
• 3:56:03
  Speaker 1: offended Florentines injured by us in a thousand ways, but
• 3:56:07
  Speaker 1: not utterly destroyed. Who will hail the news of my
• 3:56:09
  Speaker 1: death with more delight than they would the acquisition of
• 3:56:12
  Speaker 1: all Tuscany In the Emperor and in the princes of Milan,
• 3:56:16
  Speaker 1: thou canst place no reliance, for they are far distant, slow,
• 3:56:20
  Speaker 1: and their help is very long in coming. Therefore thou
• 3:56:24
  Speaker 1: hast no hope in anything but in thine own abilities,
• 3:56:27
  Speaker 1: and in the memory of my valor, and in the
• 3:56:29
  Speaker 1: prestige which this latest victory has brought THEE, which, as
• 3:56:32
  Speaker 1: thou knowest how to use it with prudence, will assist
• 3:56:35
  Speaker 1: THEE to come to terms with the Florentines, who, as
• 3:56:38
  Speaker 1: they are suffering under this great defeat, should be inclined
• 3:56:42
  Speaker 1: to listen to THEE. And whereas I have sought to
• 3:56:45
  Speaker 1: make them my enemies, because I believe that war with
• 3:56:47
  Speaker 1: them would conduce to my power and glory, thou hast
• 3:56:50
  Speaker 1: every inducement to make friends of them, because their alliance
• 3:56:53
  Speaker 1: will bring THEE advantages and security. It is of the
• 3:56:57
  Speaker 1: greatest importance in this world that a man should know
• 3:56:59
  Speaker 1: himself and the measure of his own strength and means.
• 3:57:02
  Speaker 1: And he who knows that he is not a genius
• 3:57:04
  Speaker 1: for fighting, must learn how to govern by the arts
• 3:57:06
  Speaker 1: of peace, and it will be well for THEE to
• 3:57:09
  Speaker 1: rule thy conduct by my counsel, and to learn in
• 3:57:12
  Speaker 1: this way to enjoy what my life, work and dangers
• 3:57:14
  Speaker 1: have gained. And in this thou wilt easily succeed when
• 3:57:17
  Speaker 1: thou hast learnt to believe that what I have told
• 3:57:19
  Speaker 1: THEE is true, and thou wilt be doubly indebted to
• 3:57:22
  Speaker 1: me in that I have left THEE this realm and
• 3:57:24
  Speaker 1: have taught THEE how to keep it. After this, there
• 3:57:26
  Speaker 1: came to Castricco those citizens of Pisa, Pistoja and Lucca
• 3:57:30
  Speaker 1: who had been fighting at his side, and whilst recommending
• 3:57:33
  Speaker 1: Pagolo to them and making them swear obedience to him
• 3:57:36
  Speaker 1: as his successor, he died. He left a happy memory
• 3:57:40
  Speaker 1: to those who had known him, and no prince of
• 3:57:42
  Speaker 1: those times was ever loved with such devotion as he was.
• 3:57:46
  Speaker 1: His obsequies were celebrated with every sign of mourning, and
• 3:57:50
  Speaker 1: he was buried in San Francesco at Lucca. Fortune was
• 3:57:53
  Speaker 1: not so friendly to Pagolo Ginaji as she had been
• 3:57:56
  Speaker 1: to Castrucco, for he had not the abilities. Long after
• 3:58:00
  Speaker 1: the death of Castricco. Pagolo lost Pisa and then Pistoia,
• 3:58:04
  Speaker 1: and only with difficulty held on to Lucca. This latter
• 3:58:08
  Speaker 1: city continued in the family of Guinajie until the time
• 3:58:11
  Speaker 1: of the great grandson of Pagelo. From what has been
• 3:58:14
  Speaker 1: related here, it will be seen that Castriccio was a
• 3:58:17
  Speaker 1: man of exceptional abilities, not only measured by men of
• 3:58:20
  Speaker 1: his own time, but also by those of an earlier date.
• 3:58:24
  Speaker 1: In stature, he was above the ordinary height and perfectly proportioned.
• 3:58:29
  Speaker 1: He was of a gracious presence, and he welcomed men
• 3:58:31
  Speaker 1: with such urbanity that those who spoke with him rarely
• 3:58:34
  Speaker 1: left him displeased. His hair was inclined to be red,
• 3:58:38
  Speaker 1: and he wore it cut short above the ears, and
• 3:58:41
  Speaker 1: whether it rained or snowed, he always went without a hat.
• 3:58:45
  Speaker 1: He was delightful among friends, but terrible to his enemies,
• 3:58:49
  Speaker 1: just to his subjects, ready to play false with the unfaithful,
• 3:58:52
  Speaker 1: and willing to overcome by fraud those whom he desired
• 3:58:55
  Speaker 1: to subdue. Because he was wont to say that it
• 3:58:57
  Speaker 1: was the victory that brought the glory, not the method
• 3:59:00
  Speaker 1: of achieving it. No one was bolder in facing danger.
• 3:59:04
  Speaker 1: None more prudent in extricating himself. He was accustomed to
• 3:59:08
  Speaker 1: say that men ought to attempt everything and fear nothing,
• 3:59:11
  Speaker 1: that God is a lover of strong men, because one
• 3:59:13
  Speaker 1: always sees that the weak are chastised by the strong.
• 3:59:17
  Speaker 1: He was also wonderfully sharp or biting, though courteous in
• 3:59:20
  Speaker 1: his answers. And as he did not look for any
• 3:59:23
  Speaker 1: indulgence in this way of speaking from others, so he
• 3:59:25
  Speaker 1: was not angered with others did not show it to him.
• 3:59:28
  Speaker 1: It has often happened that he has listened quietly when
• 3:59:31
  Speaker 1: others have spoken sharply to him, as on the following occasions.
• 3:59:36
  Speaker 1: He had caused a ducat to be given for a partridge,
• 3:59:38
  Speaker 1: and was taken to task for doing so by a friend,
• 3:59:41
  Speaker 1: to whom Gastricchio had said, he would not have given
• 3:59:44
  Speaker 1: more than a penny. That is true, answered the friend, then, said,
• 3:59:49
  Speaker 1: Castricchio to him a duck. It is much less to me,
• 3:59:53
  Speaker 1: having about him a flatterer on whom he had spat
• 3:59:55
  Speaker 1: to show that he scorned him. The flatterer said to him,
• 3:59:58
  Speaker 1: fishermen are willing to let the waters of the sea
• 4:00:00
  Speaker 1: saturate them in order that they may take a few
• 4:00:02
  Speaker 1: little fishes, and I allow myself to be wetted by
• 4:00:05
  Speaker 1: spittle that I may catch a whale. And this was
• 4:00:08
  Speaker 1: not only heard by Castricco with patience, but rewarded when
• 4:00:12
  Speaker 1: told by a priest that it was wicked for him
• 4:00:14
  Speaker 1: to live so sumptuously, Castriccio said, if that be a vice,
• 4:00:18
  Speaker 1: then you should not fare so splendidly at the feasts
• 4:00:20
  Speaker 1: of our saints. Passing through a street, he saw a
• 4:00:24
  Speaker 1: young man as he came out of a house of
• 4:00:25
  Speaker 1: ill fame, blush at being seen by Castricchio, and said
• 4:00:28
  Speaker 1: to him, thou shouldst not be ashamed when thou comest out,
• 4:00:32
  Speaker 1: but when thou goest into such places. A friend gave
• 4:00:35
  Speaker 1: him a very curiously tied not to undo, and was told, fool,
• 4:00:39
  Speaker 1: do you think that I wish to untie a thing
• 4:00:41
  Speaker 1: which gave so much trouble to fasten. Castricchio said, to
• 4:00:45
  Speaker 1: one who professed to be a philosopher, you are like
• 4:00:48
  Speaker 1: the dogs who always run after those who will give
• 4:00:50
  Speaker 1: them the best to eat, and was answered, we are
• 4:00:52
  Speaker 1: rather like the doctors who go to the houses of
• 4:00:54
  Speaker 1: those who have the greatest need of them. Going by
• 4:00:58
  Speaker 1: water from Pisa to Leghorn, Stricco was much disturbed by
• 4:01:01
  Speaker 1: a dangerous storm that sprang up, and was reproached for
• 4:01:04
  Speaker 1: cowardice by one of those with him, who said that
• 4:01:06
  Speaker 1: he did not fear anything. Gistricchio answered that he did
• 4:01:10
  Speaker 1: not wonder at that, since every man valued his soul
• 4:01:13
  Speaker 1: for what is was worth. Being asked by one what
• 4:01:16
  Speaker 1: he ought to do to gain estimation, he said, when
• 4:01:19
  Speaker 1: thou goest to a banquet, take care that thou dost
• 4:01:21
  Speaker 1: not seat one piece of wood upon another. To a
• 4:01:24
  Speaker 1: person who was boasting that he had read many things,
• 4:01:26
  Speaker 1: Gastricco said, he knows better than to boast of remembering
• 4:01:29
  Speaker 1: many things. Someone bragged that he could drink much without
• 4:01:33
  Speaker 1: becoming intoxicated. Gastrico replied, an ox does the same. Costriccio
• 4:01:39
  Speaker 1: was acquainted with a girl with whom he had intimate relations,
• 4:01:42
  Speaker 1: and being blamed by a friend who told him that
• 4:01:44
  Speaker 1: it was undignified for him to be taken in by
• 4:01:46
  Speaker 1: a woman. He said, she has not taken me in.
• 4:01:49
  Speaker 1: I have taken her. Being also blamed for eating very
• 4:01:53
  Speaker 1: dainty foods, he answered, thou dost not spend as much
• 4:01:56
  Speaker 1: as I do, and being told that it was true,
• 4:01:59
  Speaker 1: he continued, then thou art more avaricious than I am gluttonous.
• 4:02:04
  Speaker 1: Being invited by Todayo Bernardi, a very rich and splendid
• 4:02:07
  Speaker 1: citizen of Lucca, to supper, he went to the house
• 4:02:10
  Speaker 1: and was shown by to Dayo into a chamber hung
• 4:02:12
  Speaker 1: with silk and paved with fine stones representing flowers and
• 4:02:16
  Speaker 1: foliage of the most beautiful coloring. Costricchio gathered some saliva
• 4:02:20
  Speaker 1: in his mouth and spat it out upon to Dayo, and,
• 4:02:23
  Speaker 1: seeing him much disturbed by this, said to him, I
• 4:02:26
  Speaker 1: knew not where to spit in order to offend thee less.
• 4:02:28
  Speaker 1: Being asked how Caesar died, he said, God willing, I
• 4:02:31
  Speaker 1: will die as he did. Being one night in the
• 4:02:34
  Speaker 1: house of one of his gentlemen, where many ladies were assembled,
• 4:02:37
  Speaker 1: he was reproved by one of his friends for dancing
• 4:02:39
  Speaker 1: and amusing himself with them, more than was usual in
• 4:02:42
  Speaker 1: one of his station. So he said, he who is
• 4:02:44
  Speaker 1: considered wise by day will not be considered a fool
• 4:02:47
  Speaker 1: at night. A person came to demand a favor of Castricco, and,
• 4:02:51
  Speaker 1: thinking he was not listening to his plea through himself
• 4:02:54
  Speaker 1: on his knees to the ground, and being sharply reproved
• 4:02:57
  Speaker 1: by Castricco, said, thou art the reason of my acting thus,
• 4:03:00
  Speaker 1: for thou hast thy years in thy feet, whereupon he
• 4:03:03
  Speaker 1: obtained double the favor he had asked. Gastricchio used to
• 4:03:07
  Speaker 1: say that the way to Hell was an easy one,
• 4:03:09
  Speaker 1: seeing that it was in a downward direction, and you
• 4:03:11
  Speaker 1: travel blindfolded. Being asked a favor by one who used
• 4:03:15
  Speaker 1: many superfluous words, he said to him, when you have
• 4:03:18
  Speaker 1: another request to make, send someone else to make it.
• 4:03:22
  Speaker 1: Having been wearied by a similar man with a long oration,
• 4:03:25
  Speaker 1: who wound up by saying, perhaps I have fatigued you
• 4:03:28
  Speaker 1: by speaking so long, Gastricco said, you have not, because
• 4:03:32
  Speaker 1: I have not listened to a word you said. He
• 4:03:35
  Speaker 1: used to say of one who had been a beautiful child,
• 4:03:37
  Speaker 1: and who afterwards became a fine man, that he was
• 4:03:40
  Speaker 1: dangerous because he first took the husbands from the wives,
• 4:03:43
  Speaker 1: and now he took the wives from their husbands. To
• 4:03:46
  Speaker 1: an envious man who laughed, he said, do you laugh
• 4:03:49
  Speaker 1: because you are successful or because another is unfortunate. Whilst
• 4:03:53
  Speaker 1: he was still in the charge of Messer Francesco Ginajy,
• 4:03:56
  Speaker 1: one of his companions said to him, what shall I
• 4:03:58
  Speaker 1: give you if you will let me give if you
• 4:04:00
  Speaker 1: a blow on the nose. Gastricchio answered a helmet. Having
• 4:04:04
  Speaker 1: put to death a citizen of Lucca who had been
• 4:04:06
  Speaker 1: instrumental in raising him to power, and being told that
• 4:04:09
  Speaker 1: he had done wrong to kill one of his old friends,
• 4:04:11
  Speaker 1: he answered that people deceived themselves. He had only killed
• 4:04:15
  Speaker 1: a new enemy. Gastricchio praised greatly those men who intended
• 4:04:19
  Speaker 1: to take a wife and then did not do so,
• 4:04:21
  Speaker 1: saying that they were like men who said they would
• 4:04:23
  Speaker 1: go to sea and then refused when the time came.
• 4:04:27
  Speaker 1: He said that it always struck him with surprise that
• 4:04:29
  Speaker 1: whilst men, in buying an earthen or glass vase would
• 4:04:32
  Speaker 1: sound at first to learn if it were good, yet
• 4:04:34
  Speaker 1: in choosing a wife they were content with only looking
• 4:04:36
  Speaker 1: at her. He was once asked in what manner he
• 4:04:39
  Speaker 1: would wish to be buried when he died, and answered
• 4:04:42
  Speaker 1: with the face turned downwards, for I know when I
• 4:04:44
  Speaker 1: am gone, this country will be turned upside down. On
• 4:04:48
  Speaker 1: being asked if it had ever occurred to him to
• 4:04:50
  Speaker 1: become a friar in order to save his soul, he
• 4:04:52
  Speaker 1: answered that it had not, because it appeared strange to
• 4:04:55
  Speaker 1: him that for Lazzaroni should go to Paradise and Eyuguccion
• 4:04:58
  Speaker 1: della Fagiuola to the inferno. He was once asked when
• 4:05:02
  Speaker 1: should a man eat to preserve his health, and replied,
• 4:05:05
  Speaker 1: if the man be rich, let him eat when he
• 4:05:07
  Speaker 1: is hungry. If he be poor, then when he can.
• 4:05:09
  Speaker 1: Seeing one of his gentlemen make a member of his
• 4:05:11
  Speaker 1: family lace him up, he said to him, I pray
• 4:05:14
  Speaker 1: God that you will let him feed you. Also, seeing
• 4:05:17
  Speaker 1: that some one had written upon his house in Latin,
• 4:05:19
  Speaker 1: the words may God preserve this house from the wicked,
• 4:05:22
  Speaker 1: he said the owner must never go in. Passing through
• 4:05:25
  Speaker 1: one of the streets, he saw a small house with
• 4:05:27
  Speaker 1: a very large door, and remarked, that house will fly
• 4:05:30
  Speaker 1: through the door. He was having a discussion with the
• 4:05:33
  Speaker 1: ambassador of the King of Naples concerning the property of
• 4:05:36
  Speaker 1: some banished nobles, when a dispute arose between them, and
• 4:05:39
  Speaker 1: the ambassador asked him if he had no fear of
• 4:05:42
  Speaker 1: the king. Is this King of yours a bad man
• 4:05:45
  Speaker 1: or a good one? Asked Gastriccho and was told that
• 4:05:49
  Speaker 1: he was a good one. Whereupon he said, why should
• 4:05:51
  Speaker 1: you suggest that I should be afraid of a good man.
• 4:05:54
  Speaker 1: I could recount many other stories of his sayings, both
• 4:05:56
  Speaker 1: witty and weighty, but I think that the above will
• 4:05:58
  Speaker 1: be sufficient testimony to his high qualities. He lived forty
• 4:06:03
  Speaker 1: four years and was in every way a prince. And
• 4:06:06
  Speaker 1: as he was surrounded by many evidences of his good fortune,
• 4:06:09
  Speaker 1: so he also desired to have near him some memorials
• 4:06:12
  Speaker 1: of his bad fortune. Therefore, the manacles with which he
• 4:06:15
  Speaker 1: was chained in prison are to be seen to this
• 4:06:17
  Speaker 1: day fixed up in the tower of his residence, where
• 4:06:19
  Speaker 1: they were placed by him, to testify forever to his
• 4:06:22
  Speaker 1: days of adversity. As in his life he was inferior
• 4:06:25
  Speaker 1: neither to Philip of Macedon, the father of Alexander, nor
• 4:06:29
  Speaker 1: to Scipio of Rome. So he died in the same
• 4:06:31
  Speaker 1: year of his age as they did, and he would
• 4:06:34
  Speaker 1: doubtless have excelled both of them, had fortune decreed that
• 4:06:36
  Speaker 1: he should be born not in Lucca but in Macedonia
• 4:06:39
  Speaker 1: or Rome. The end. Enjoy this full audio book. Thanks
• 4:06:44
  Speaker 1: for listening.