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Chapter 12 Part 1- Massachusetts and The General Congress - September 1774 to January 1775 · Life and Times of Joseph Warren

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Chapter twelve, Part one of Life and Times of Joseph Warren by Richard Frothingham.
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This LibriVox recording is in the public domain Massachusetts and the General Congress the
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State of the Province the Question of Local Government, Letters of Warren and Adams,
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a Provincial Congress Committee of Safety Preparation for War September seventeen seventy four to
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January seventeen seventy five. Warren, soon after the adoption of the Suffolk Resolves,
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was required by the progress of events, to take a prominent part in
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the organization and administration of a provisional government for the colony. His agency in
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the process by which Massachusetts passed from allegiance to the British Crown to become a
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part of an American nationality, renders this portion of his life not only of
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deep interest, but of much importance. The Province of Massachusetts Bay included the
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territory which is now the state of Maine, and comprised an area of about
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thirty nine thousand square miles. It was divided into fourteen counties and over two
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hundred towns. The population was not far from three hundred and fifty thousand.
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There were thirteen episcopal churches and about four hundred congregational societies. It will be
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perhaps a sufficient introduction to the letters of Warren of this period to remark that
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there was a traditionary love for the old Charter, under which the colony had
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enjoyed popular liberty in large measure, and which was so thoroughly democratic that the
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men of the Tory School said there was not an ingredient of royalty in it.
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Under it, the people elected their governor and managed their exclusively local concerns.
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Since the reign of William and Mary, the New Charter had been the
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government, or the Constitution as it was called, which with the English Constitution,
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was regarded as guaranteeing the fundamentals of free institutions, representation, the right
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of the majority to rule, trial by jury, the heaviest corpus, the
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town meeting, freedom of the press, the immunities embodied in Magna Charta,
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and the Bill of Rights, in a word, civil and religious liberty.
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The people needed but to recur to Blackstone's commentaries to learn a line of precedence
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that maintained the superiority of the laws above the king. And it was an
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American idea that Parliament could not go in legislation beyond the limits fixed by the
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Constitution. It was said by the colonists that the authority of Parliament in its
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proper extent is justly supreme, and by the same ought to be said of
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the general Assembly of the colonies. And it was held as fundamental that the
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making of laws for internal police was essential to liberty. In the broken Hints
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which Joseph Hawley gave to John Adams when on his way to Congress, the
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regular Lating Act is characterized as calculated to introduce perfect despotism, as evil against
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right, utterly intolerable to every man who has any idea or feeling of right
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or liberty. A wanton violation of municipal charters is pronounced the great and leading
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justification of the event which drove King James from the throne. Hawley, in
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dwelling on the Regulating Act, said we must fight. When John Adams read
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this to Patrick, Henry, the Great Virginian solemnly exclaimed, I am of
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that man's mind. The state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time is described
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in the following letter as the public affairs. Here I shall only say that
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things seem to be running into confusion, and that all the ministerial measures that
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have been of late pursued here look as if they were designed to drive the
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people, if possible, into something which they might call rebellion. The late
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act from better regulating the civil government of this province has operated just as I
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expected it would. It has an effect dissolved the government. The people will
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never acknowledge the new councilors. Several of them refuse to take their places.
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The people in different parts of the country have obliged some others to resign,
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so that there are none now but what are in Boston. A stop is
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also put to holding the courts of justice upon the new plan. Thus we
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have neither legislative nor executive powers left in the province. There are but two
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possible ways to restore order and good government here. One is by repealing the
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acts which have been the sole occasion of these commotions, and this I firmly
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believe would quickly end them. The other by laying the country waste by fire
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and sword and extirpating the present inhabitants, leaving none to be governed. If
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that can be called restoring government. Any hostile measures short of this will never
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answer the end. They will not alter the sentiments of the people, whose
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spirit universally is now risen to a degree not easily to be conceived. Which
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part of the alternative the ministry will adopt. God knows the people expect and
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are determined to abide even the horrors of a civil war rather than give up
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their just rights. This temporarily written account of the condition of the province will
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not agree either with the contemporary exaggerated relations of the Tories or of the Whigs.
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The former described the province as being in anarchy, and the latter as
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in a state of nature, but as still and peaceable as it was when
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the government was in full vigor. The people were far from being in a
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state of nature, for a body of local law was as much respected as
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ever, and the police of the towns had full authority to arrest violators of
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the peace. And there were many disturbances and invasions of personal rights which the
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popular leaders deplored and endeavored to redress. General, the affairs of society went
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on as before. Individuals enjoyed security, even though they differed from the public
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sentiment, if they accommodated themselves. So far to the times as to restrain
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their temper and observe a neutrality in repelling the charge of being rebels and hypocrites,
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and claiming to be true to the King. The Whigs asked, can
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it be said of any other part of all the British dominions, what is
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known to be true of New England, that in all the four provinces so
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called, there never was known so much as one single native Jacobite. And
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could we catch the pretender or any other usurper here, we would soon give
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a good account of him at the court of Great Britain. The Patriots did
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not intend to deal blows upon the Royal oak, but they meant at every
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hazard to keep their native soil clear for the roots of the tree of liberty.
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There were now among the Whigs a party ripe for extreme measures, who
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impatiently waited for the action of the other colonies, the same element that was
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seen in the town meetings six years before, who were for declaring Massachusetts to
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be separated by the King from the Empire, raising the Pine Tree flag,
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and fixing on the terms on which they would continue to be of the old
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nationality, offering them for the King to accept or reject, as he might
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think fit. In a word, they would leave the General Congress nothing to
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do but to prosecute the work which they might inaugurate. Another class kept steadily
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in view the necessity of a unity of the colonies as the requisite element for
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success our slidation, Joseph Hawley now said, depends upon an established, preserving
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union of the colonies. All possible devices and endeavors must be used to establish,
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improve, brighten, and maintain such union. This class were not willing
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that Massachusetts should go any further than there was reason to believe she would be
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supported by the other colonies. Warrens led show in a striking manner his appreciation
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of this consideration, his words are, nothing can be more important than this.
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On the day after he sent the Suffolk resolves to the Massachusetts delegates,
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he wrote to them the following weighty letter, stating the public feeling and anxiously
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asking how far Congress would support Massachusetts. Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston,
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September twelfth, seventeen seventy four, Gentlemen, I wrote yesterday by mister
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Revere, and requested your advice concerning our public affairs. But I wrote in
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so much haste that I believe I was not explicit enough. Many among us,
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and almost all in the Western counties, are for taking up the old
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form of government according to the First Charter. It is exceedingly disagreeable to them
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to think of being obliged to contend with their rulers and quarrel for their rights
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every year or two. They think this must always be the case in government
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of so heterogeneous a kind as that under which they have lived. They say,
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too, that no security can be given to them, that they shall
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enjoy their estates without molestation, even if the Late Charter should be again restored
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in all its parts, since the possession of their lands may be rendered precarious
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by any alterations in the Charter which the Parliament shall think fit to make.
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Other persons, more especially in the Eastern counties, think that it will be
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trifling to resume the old Charter. They say that the connection between the King
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and the people is dissolved by his breaking the compact made between them, and
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they have now a right to take what form of government they please, and
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make such proposals of certain limited subjection to the King as they shall judge convenient,
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which he may accept or reject as he pleases. I know you are
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deeply engaged, but nothing can be more important than this subject, and I
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beg you would give me immediate advice. Pray do not fail to inform how
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far the other colonies will be likely to favor us, and what conduct is
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necessary to ensure at least their approbation. Our General Assembly is called to meet
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on the fifth day of October. The County of Essex, in their County
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Convention, have resolved to instruct the representatives of their several towns, when met
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agreeably to the precept at Salem, to resolve themselves if it could be obtained
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in the House into a provincial convention. I would gladly know whether it is
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probable that we can have any service from you at that time, and inter
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knows let me know whether it will be agreeable to elect mister and mister Adams.
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I subscribe myself your known friend. The following letters in reply to this
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letter are so important that I print them entire One of them seems to be
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incomplete. It will be seen that the one without date was written on the
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twenty fourth of September. Samuel Adams to Joseph Warne, Philadelphia, September seventeen
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seventy four. My dear sir, your letter of the twelfth Instant, directed
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to mister Cushing and others, came duly to hand. The subject of it
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is of the greatest importance. It is difficult at this distance to form a
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judgment with any degree of accuracy of what is best to be done. The
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Eastern and Western counties appear to differ in sentiment with regard to the two measures
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mentioned in your letter. This difference of sentiment might produce opposition in case either
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part should be taken. You know the vast importance of union. That union
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is most likely to be obtained by a consultation of deputies from the several towns,
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either at a House of Representatives or provincial Congress. But the question still
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remains which measure to adopt. It is probable the people would be most united,
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as they would think it is safest to abide by the present form of
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government, I mean, according to the Charter. The governor has been appointed
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by the Crown according to the Charter, but he has placed himself at the
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head of a different constitution. If the only constitutional council chosen last may have
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honesty and courage enough to meet with the representatives chosen by the people by virtue
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of the last Writ, and jointly proceed to the public business. Would it
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not bring the Governor to such an explicit conduct as either to restore the General
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Assembly or give the two houses a fair occasion to declare the chair vacant,
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in which case the Council would hold it till another governor should be appointed.
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This would immediately reduce the government prescribed in the Charter, and the people would
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be united in what they would easily see to be a constitutional opposition to tyranny.
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You know there is a charm in the word constitutional. Samuel Adams to
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Joseph Warrene, Philadelphia, September twenty fifth, seventeen seventy four. My dear
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sir, I wrote you yesterday by the post. A frequent communication at this
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critical conjuncture is necessary, as the all important American cause so much depends upon
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each colonies acting agreeably to the sentiments of the whole. It must be useful
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to you to doe the sentiments which are entertained here of the temper and conduct
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of our province. Heretofore, we have been accounted by many intemperate and rash,
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but now we are universally applauded as cool and judicious, as well as
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spirited and brave. This is the character we sustain in Congress. There is,
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however, a certain degree of jealousy in the minds of some, that
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we aim at a total independency, not only of the mother country, but
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of the colonies too, and that as we are a hardy and brave people,
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we shall in time overrun them all. However groundless this jealousy may be,
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it ought to be attended to, and is of weight in your deliberations
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on the subject of your last letter. I spent yess yesterday afternoon and evening
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with mister Dickinson. He is a true Bostonian. It is his opinion that
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if Boston can safely remain on the defensive, the liberties of America, which
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that town has so nobly contended for, will be secured. The Congress have,
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in the Resolve of the seventeenth Instant, given their sanction to the resolutions
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of the County of Suffolk, one of which is to act merely upon the
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defensive, so long as such conduct may be justified by reason and the principles
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of self preservation, but no longer. They have great dependence upon your tried
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patience and fortitude. They suppose you mean to defend your civil constitution, they
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strongly recommend preseverance in a firm and temperate conduct, and give you a full
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pledge of their united efforts in your behalf. They have not yet come to
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final resolutions. It becomes them to be deliberate. I have been assured in
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private conversation with individuals that if you should be driven into the necessity of acting
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in the defense of your lives or liberty, you would be justified by their
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constituents and openly supported by all the means in their power. But whether they
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will ever be prevailed upon to think it necessary for you to set up another
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form of government, I very much for the reason I have before suggested.
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It is of the greatest importance that the American opposition should be united, and
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that it should be conducted so as to concur with the opposition of our friends
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in England. At you, Samuel Adams. Before these letters could have been
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received by Warren, he was chosen at a meeting of the Freeholders at Faniel
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Hall one of the delegates to the proposed provincial Congress. The Boston delegation consisted
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of the four representatives Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock, and William Phillips,
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with Warren, Benjamin Church and Nathaniel Appleton. The instructions which the town gave
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to the delegates dot im, probably prepared by Warren, are so brief and
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important that I copy them. It will be seen that they come fully up
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to while they do not go beyond the resolution of the General Congress passed on
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the seventeenth Gentlemen, as we have chosen you to represent us in the Great
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and General Court, to be holden at Salem on Wednesday, the fifth day
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of October next ensuing, we do hereby instruct you that in all your doings
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as members of the House of Representatives, you adhere firmly to the Charter of
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this province, granted by their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary, And
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that you do no act which can possibly be construed into an acknowledgment of the
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validity of the Act of British Parliament for altering the government of the Massachusetts Bay.
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More especially, that you acknowledge the Honorable Board of Councilors elected by the
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General Court at their session in May last, as the only rightful and constitutional
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council of this province, and we have reason to believe that a conscientious discharge
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of your duty will produce your dissolution as a house of Representatives. We do
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hereby empower and instruct you to join with the members who may be sent from
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this and the other towns in the province, and to meet with them at
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a time agreed on in a general provincial Congress, to act upon such matters
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as may come before you, in such a manner as shall appear to you
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most conducive to the true interests of this town and province, and most likely
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to preserve the liberties of all America. The following card from Warren was printed
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in the Boston Gazette of the twenty sixth of September. It is one of
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a class of facts which show the absence in the great movement of the American
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Revolution of the theological element, which in the old world had played so great
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a part in the wars and dealings of the nations. September twenty fourth,
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seventeen seventy four, Messrs Printers, as I have been informed that the conduct
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of some few persons of the Episcopal denomination, in maintaining principles inconsistent with the
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rights and liberties of mankind, has given offense to some of the jealous friends
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of this country. I think myself obliged to publish the following extract of a
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letter dated September ninth, seventeen seventy four, which I received from my worthy
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and patriotic friend, mister Samuel Adams, a member of the Congress now sitting
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in Philadelphia, by which it appears that, however injudicious some individuals may have
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been, the gentlemen of the Established Church of England are men of the most
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just and liberal sentiments, and are high in the esteem of the most sensible
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and resolute defenders of the rights of the people of this continent. And I
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earnestly request my countrymen to avoid every thing which our enemies may make use of
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to prejudice our episcopal brethren against us, by representing us as disposed to disturb
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them in the free exports size of their religious privileges to which we know they
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have the most undoubted claim, and which from a real regard to the honor
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and interest of my country and the rights of mankind, I hope they will
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enjoy unmolested as long as the name of America is known in the world.
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Jay Warren, after settling the mode of voting, which is by giving each
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colony and equal voice, it was agreed to open the business with prayer.
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As many of our warmest friends are members of the Church of England, I
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thought it prudent, as well on that as on some other accounts, to
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move that the service should be performed by a clergyman of that denomination. Accordingly,
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the lessons of the day in prayer were read by the reverend mister Duchet,
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who afterwards made a most excellent extemporary prayer, by which he discovered himself
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to be a gentleman of sense and piety, and a warm advocate for the
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religious and civil rights of America. The journals of the Committee of Correspondents attests
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the continuous labors of Warren in its business. We meet daily church a member
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rites daily occurrences demand our attention. An armed truce is the sole tenure by
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which the inhabitants of Boston possess life, liberty, or property. And John
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Pitts, another member, wrote to Samuel Adams, in your absence, there
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have been, as usual the improvement of the ready pens of a warren and
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church, the criticism of a green leaf, the vigilance and industry of Amano,
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and the united wisdom of those who commonly compose the committee. The following
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letter shows the state of things at the time of the assembling of the Provincial
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Congress. Joseph Warren to Samuel Adams, Boston, September twenty ninth, seventeen
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seventy four. Dear Sir, my last letter of the twenty sixth Instant,
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you will doubtless have received by the posts before this reached you. Since then
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there have been rivals from England, by which we learn that the ministry are
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still inflexible and obstinate. The consequence, then, is that if America sees
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better days, it must be the result of her own conduct. The fortifications
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on Boston Neck are carried on without intermission. The troops are availing themselves of
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every opportunity to make themselves more formidable and render the people less able to oppose
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them. They keep a constant search for everything which will be serviceable in battle,
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and, whenever they aspire, any instruments which may serve or deserve them,
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whether they are the property of individuals or the public is immaterial. They
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are seized and carried into the camp or on board the ships of war.
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Mister Joseph Scott of this town has sold them a number of shells, cowburns,
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chain shot, etc. To the amount of five hundred pounds sterling,
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and yesterday about noon they were carried on board one of the ships. The
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people are enraged against mister Scott, and he keeps incognito. About two hundred
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carpenters were employed last week in providing barracks for the troops. This week the
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works are entirely forsaken. A few hands, indeed, are raised from the
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regiments, but by no means enough to carry on the buildings with expedition.
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The employment was profitable to the tradesmen, and drew cash from the King to
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circulate in this impoverished town. But in consequence of the proceedings of the committee,
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they desisted and discovered a greater version to do anything displeasing to their brethren
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in the country, or that could possibly be injurious to the cause of American
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freedom. The treatment which the inhabitants received from the soldiery makes us think that
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they regard us as enemies rather than as fellow subjects. Some of our warm
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advocates can hardly brook the many private insults we receive. And were it not
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that your August body had cautioned us against any engagement with them, I fear
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bloodshed would have ensued before this. When they carried the machines from mister Scott's,
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it made us tremblingly alive all over. And it is as much as
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our grave serious people can affect to keep people from action. At some particular
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times. The determination of the Congress is weighted with much impatience that we expect
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will be decisive. In your letter from England were enclosed to pamphlets. But
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as I knew you had one of them at Philadelphia some time ago, and
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that Doctor Winthrop had sent you the other, I did not think it worthwhile
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to burden the carrier with them. Mister Samuel Phillips Junior of Andover was this
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day carrying about a dozen firearms over Charleston Ferry. The Sloop of War lying
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in the river, dispatched a boat and seized them. A load of straw,
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said to be the property of Major Goldthwaite, was this day bringing to
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town for the use of soldiers, but the high Suns of Roxbury gave it
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to the flames, your worthy fan or all well, and would have you
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informed that they think of you, though they are not with Youjsiah Quincy Esquire
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sailed for London last Monday. People were so rapacious for the intelligence bought from
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the Congress by mister Revere that I thought myself bound to publish an extract from
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your letter. And although it was done without your permission, I know you
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will forgive it. Please let mister Cushing know that I should not have published
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his letter, but at the earnest request of a number of our most valuable
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friends. These publications I think you would approve if you were sensible of the
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animation they give to our dejected friends. The inconnection and want of form in
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this hasty production pleads for its excuse that mister Revere waits for it. I
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am, dear sir, with the utmost sincerity, your friend and humble servant,
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Joseph Warren, mister Adams. The action of the Committee of Correspondence referred
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d to in this letter related to work in building barracks for the army.
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The committees of thirteen towns met in Vaniel Hall agreed upon a systematic plan in
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relation to a refusal of supplies, and declared all to be inveterate enemies to
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their country who furnished any materials whatever that would enable the troops to distress the
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inhabitants. The journals also contained a particular account of an interview which Warren now
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had with Governor Gage in relation to the new fortification and the purchase of stores.
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General Gage, at his official letters dwelt on the difficulties he encountered in
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consequence of the action relative to labor and supplies. The Governor now had to
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meet the more serious movement of a provincial Congress. He issued a precept on
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the first of September for a return of representatives to the General Court, to
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be convened on the fifth of October at Salem. But he says, when
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he saw the resolves passed by some of the counties, and the instruction given
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by the town of Boston and some other towns to their representatives, he issued
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a proclamation on the twenty eighth of September, declaring a General Court inexpedient,
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discharging all persons elected from giving their attendants, and announcing his intention not to
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be present at the time and place he had named. Agreeably to the plan
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agreed upon, ninety of the representatives elect met on the fifth of October at
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Salem. After waiting a day for the appearance of the constitutional governor, they
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resolved themselves into a provincial Congress, elected John Hancock their chairman and Benjamin Lincoln
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their secretary, passed a series of resolves, and adjourned to meet at Conquord.
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The action of the governor, as it was neither a dissolution nor a
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prorogation of the legislature, was declared by the patriots to be without the warrant
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of law. The provincial Congress assembled on the eleventh of October at Conquord.
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Many towns that did not choose report presentatives elected delegates to this congress. There
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were two hundred and eighty eight members, all but twenty present who were sent
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by two hundred and twelve towns. John Hancock was elected their president and Benjamin
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Lincoln their secretary. The congress met first in the courthouse, but adjourned to
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the meetinghouse. Many of the delegates had taken part in the county conventions and
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subsequently were distinguished in civil or military life. There were returned from the towns
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in Suffolk County. Besides Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and Warren, William
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Heath and Benjamin Lincoln, generals throughout the Revolutionary War. From Essex were John
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Pickering, Azor Orne, Jonathan Greenleaf and Elbridge Jerry. Who were distinguished in
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political life. From Middlesex were Nathaniel Gorham, a prominent member of the Convention
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that formed the Federal Constitution, William Prescott and Thomas Gardner, colonels in the
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Bunker Hill Battle, Richard Devins, an active member of the Committee of Safety,
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James bare the commander of the militia it conquered on the nineteenth of April,
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James Prescott, subsequently a judge, and Henry Gardner, soon to be
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the Treasurer. Hampshire returned Seth Palmeroy, a veteran of Louisbourg fame, and
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Joseph Hawley, a patriot of decidedly the largest influence in the western part of
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the province. Plymouth sent James Warren, a pioneer patriot who became President of
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the provincial Congress. Bristol Robert treat Payne, the poet and jurist, and
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York sent James Sullivan, the scholar, statesman and future governor. From Worcester,
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came Artemis Ward, the first commander of the colonial army, and Moses
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Gill and timoth E Bigelow, distinguished in political life. The memories of many
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other delegates are cherished for their character and intelligent public service. The Congress was
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a fine representation of the great interests of the province, as well as of
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its patriotism. The proceedings of this body show that Warren shared largely in its
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confidence and in its life labours. His letters indicate that he felt the responsibility
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of the hour and meant to act with caution. He and his associates from
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Boston had before them a difficult role, for they found themselves by far the
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most moderate men of the Congress, the members in general being in favor of
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forming a new government, and it was a duty not to fall in with
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what was popular, but to do what was right. The shallow declaimers of
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the day were rash, but the thinkers said, these are great and profound
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questions. We are grieved to find ourselves reduced to the necessity of entering into
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the discussion of them. The last letter of Warren shows his feeling on the
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vital question of taking up a new local government, or of proceeding without outside
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advice or authority as a separate, independent, sovereign state. The resolve of
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Congress on the seventeenth of September was a recommendation to defend in a firm and
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temperate way the civil Constitution, and and in doing this, to use so
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much of the law as remained. This also was the advice of Samuel Adams
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and John Adams. After he had learned with certainty the views of the members,
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wrote the proposal of some among you of reassuming the old Charter is not
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approved here at all. The proposal of setting up a new form of government
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of our own is less approved. Still, he wrote of the future in
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the following warning tone. They the members will not at this session vote to
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raise men or money, or arms or ammunition. Their opinions are fixed against
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hostilities and ruptures, except that they should become absolutely necessary, And this necessity
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they do not yet see. They dread the thoughts of an action because it
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would make a wound which would never be healed. It would fix and establish
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a ranker which would descend to the latest generations. It would render all hopes
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of reconciliation with Great Britain desperate, it would light up the flames of war,
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perhaps through the whole continent, which might rage for twenty years and end
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in the subduction of America as likely as her liberties. Such language must have
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increased the anxiety of the popular leaders in the Provincial Congress. A close inspection
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of its preceding shows that little of a positive character was done for ten days,
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or until after a med at Cambridge. It was evidently awaiting the final
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action of the Grand American Congress. As the Philadelphia Body was termed, it
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was now said that the whole attention and conversation were wrapped up in the Congress.
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An intelligent Boston patriot, John Pitts, in a letter to Samuel Adams,
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relative to the views of the members of the Provincial Congress on the question
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of a subordinate government, said, without doubt they would be cautious to take
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the sense of your body, from whose wisdom we hope for relief. In
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fact, it had long been an understanding, reached through the organization of commit
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of correspondence, that the patriots of one colony should take no important step without
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the concurrence of the patriots of the other colonies. In this spirit, the
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proceedings relative to the Tea had been carried on. In this spirit, the
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people had refused to obey the officials acting under the Regulating Act. In this
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spirit, the wise popular leaders meant to proceed in the formation of a new
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government. Man had not attained to perfection. In Massachusetts. There were mobs,
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personal insults, and silly gasconade, and the violent talked as though they
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were ready at the head of a town, or a county or a colony
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to brave the British Empire. This was the effervescence of the hour. It
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was the material which for years supplied what truth there was in the wanton misrepresentations
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of the patriots by the Tories, who said that this was the patriot cause.
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To the statesmen of that day in all the colonies, who, amidst
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the unavoidable confusion in up holding this cause, held on to social order and
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national unity. Is the world indebted for the American Revolution. Warren, in
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the letter just printed, said that the determination of Congress was awaited with much
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impatience, and that would be decisive, and that people were rapacious for intelligence
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from it. It is said in the newspapers that Congress continued in private solemn
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deliberation, and as the members were under some honorary ties of secrecy, nothing
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had transpired of their proceedings. Ten days later, nothing had transpired from this
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body, but it was reported that Paul Revere, who went as an express
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from Boston to the delegates, was waiting in Philadelphia for the result of the
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determinations of Congress. A week later, on the twentieth of October, the
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Massachusetts Gazette contained this announcement. A gentleman last evening favored us with the following
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resolves just come to hand, and from Philadelphia. They were five in number.
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The first, having been passed on the eighth of October, resolved that
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this Congress approve of the opposition made by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay to
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the execution of the late Acts of Parliament, and if the same shall be
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attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case, all America
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ought to support them in their opposition. The four other resolves were designed to
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meet the condition of the affairs in the province. One recommended that the people
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continue peaceably and firmly in the line they are now conducting themselves on the defensive.
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Another substantially advised a suspension of action relative to instituting a new government until
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the effect was known of an application for a repeal of the Act by which
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their charter rights were infringed. End of Chapter twelve, Part one,