Latest / Unshaken & Unafraid with Joe Pags / Martin Luther King Jr.: The Documentary That Challenges the Official Story

Transcript

Martin Luther King Jr.: The Documentary That Challenges the Official Story · Unshaken & Unafraid with Joe Pags

0:00
Speaker 1: What if I told you everything that you think you
0:02
Speaker 1: know about a major historical figure could be wrong. It's
0:06
Speaker 1: being challenged. I'm talking about MLK Martin Luther King Junior
0:09
Speaker 1: by a guy named Chad O. Jackson. He's out there
0:12
Speaker 1: making videos and I saw him doing that, invited him
0:14
Speaker 1: on my show, and what you're about to see is
0:17
Speaker 1: going to blow your mind. I'm fifty nine years old,
0:19
Speaker 1: so I wasn't around for much of MLK. I certainly
0:23
Speaker 1: have learned what we've been told we should know about MLK,
0:26
Speaker 1: and what we should know is that we should judge
0:29
Speaker 1: our children by the content of their character, not the
0:31
Speaker 1: color of their skin. That sounds really good to me. Chad,
0:34
Speaker 1: what am I getting wrong?
0:36
Speaker 2: You're not wrong. The problem is that when you look
0:39
Speaker 2: at King, you look at the Civil rights movement, and
0:42
Speaker 2: you look at the communists, the communist influences of the movement,
0:46
Speaker 2: you begin to understand that a lot of what we understand,
0:50
Speaker 2: or what we think we understand about King is a
0:53
Speaker 2: fabrication and a concoction that was meant not to bring
0:57
Speaker 2: about racial equality, but in a real sense, to sayvia
1:00
Speaker 2: ties the United States of America. Much of his work
1:03
Speaker 2: was plagiarized, including the famous wanting his children to be
1:07
Speaker 2: judged not by the color of their skin but by
1:10
Speaker 2: the content of their character. I mean that was lifted
1:13
Speaker 2: from a article written in a Soviet newspaper in eighteen
1:18
Speaker 2: seventy two, where South South Carolinian journalist wrote that surely
1:23
Speaker 2: a day will come when the men of South Carolina
1:26
Speaker 2: will not be judged by the color of their skin
1:29
Speaker 2: or their golodness of tongue, but by their conduct and
1:32
Speaker 2: their character. And it's interesting because when you look at
1:35
Speaker 2: the I have a dream speech, it was heavily written
1:37
Speaker 2: and edited by King's advisors, most of whom were Communists
1:41
Speaker 2: or had affiliations with the Communist Party, whether it was
1:43
Speaker 2: Stanley Levison or Clarence B. Jones's attorney, or Byrd Rustin
1:48
Speaker 2: or any of the others. Staine Levison in particular was
1:52
Speaker 2: a very wealthy Communist financier and advisor. He held two
1:58
Speaker 2: law degrees, a very well read man. So a lot
2:01
Speaker 2: of the plagiarism that is in King's speeches begins to
2:05
Speaker 2: make sense when you understand the background of of his
2:08
Speaker 2: advisers as ghostwriters and those who influenced him.
2:12
Speaker 1: Well chat I've got to ask you, why was he
2:14
Speaker 1: the vessel then? I mean, obviously he delivered these speeches masterfully,
2:18
Speaker 1: what a great orator. But you're saying they weren't even
2:20
Speaker 1: his words, So how did they even identify him as
2:23
Speaker 1: the right guy?
2:26
Speaker 2: Well, the King family, I mean, if you look at
2:28
Speaker 2: his father, who was affectionately, affectionately nicknamed Daddy King. From
2:35
Speaker 2: a very early age, he says that he was a
2:37
Speaker 2: proponent of the Social Gospel. And anybody who knows anything
2:40
Speaker 2: about the Social Gospel understands that it's not the gospel
2:43
Speaker 2: at all. It's what the Apostle Paul would have called
2:46
Speaker 2: a counterfeit gospel. And in addition to that, the Apostle
2:50
Speaker 2: Paul said, let anyone who preaches the counterfeit gospel, or
2:53
Speaker 2: a gospel that's not what we preach to you, let
2:55
Speaker 2: them be a cursed And so Daddy King, from a
2:58
Speaker 2: very early age he was oponenter of the of the
3:01
Speaker 2: Social Gospel. He say as much in his unpublished memoir.
3:05
Speaker 2: He would frequent events and social gatherings that were put
3:10
Speaker 2: on by an organization called the Southern Negro Youth Congress,
3:14
Speaker 2: which was a Communist front group back in the nineteen
3:17
Speaker 2: thirties and forties. And it was interesting because the Southern
3:21
Speaker 2: Negro Youth Congress was a subsidiary of what was called
3:25
Speaker 2: the National Negro Congress, which was the preeminent civil rights
3:29
Speaker 2: movement of the nineteen thirties under FDR. The FDR and
3:34
Speaker 2: the FEDS had an interest in using the civil rights
3:37
Speaker 2: movement to further and to expand its own power and authority.
3:42
Speaker 2: This has always been the intention of the civil rights movement,
3:45
Speaker 2: dating as far back as the Reconstruction, to expand federal authority.
3:49
Speaker 2: By the time you get into the thirties, FDR will
3:52
Speaker 2: put forth the Commission which would become the National Negro Congress,
3:58
Speaker 2: and the National Negro Congress was helped with the It
4:02
Speaker 2: was started with the help of the Soviet Union, Joseph
4:04
Speaker 2: Stalin himself, So he had and he had the communists
4:07
Speaker 2: who had an interest in the civil rights movement, and
4:10
Speaker 2: their goals were aligned, which were to centralized power, centralized authority,
4:16
Speaker 2: to usurp it from the States because there was a
4:18
Speaker 2: raging debate over federal authority versus States rights. And so
4:22
Speaker 2: to answer your question, you know, King was kind of
4:25
Speaker 2: born into this milieu, this kind of hegemony, if you will,
4:29
Speaker 2: where there was already communist activity going on in Montgomery,
4:33
Speaker 2: in Atlanta and Birmingham dating as far back as the
4:37
Speaker 2: nineteen twenties, and so he kind of carried the baton,
4:40
Speaker 2: if you will. I mean, when you even look at
4:42
Speaker 2: his name, he wasn't born Martin Luther King. He was
4:44
Speaker 2: born Michael King. His father's name was Michael King. After
4:48
Speaker 2: taking a journey to Germany in the nineteen thirties late thirties,
4:54
Speaker 2: I believe his father learned about the sixteenth century reformer
5:01
Speaker 2: Martin Luther, and what he perceived Martin Luther to be
5:04
Speaker 2: doing was, in a sense, wrestling away authority from the
5:08
Speaker 2: Catholic Church and starting Protestantism. That's what King perceived Luther
5:13
Speaker 2: to be doing. And he thought to himself, I can
5:16
Speaker 2: actually do that in the United States, basically wrestle away authority,
5:19
Speaker 2: wrestle away leadership from the religious order in America, and
5:25
Speaker 2: use it to really advance the social Gospel. So he
5:28
Speaker 2: would come back to the United States, change his name
5:30
Speaker 2: to Martin Luther King Senior, and change his name his
5:33
Speaker 2: son's name of Martin Luther King Junior. Because he saw
5:36
Speaker 2: himself and his progeny as the kind of vehicle, if
5:40
Speaker 2: you will, to usher in the social gospel, which is
5:43
Speaker 2: rooted in Marxism.
5:45
Speaker 1: Chadow Jackson is his name. Go to at Chadow Jackson
5:48
Speaker 1: on all of the social media, Go follow what he does.
5:50
Speaker 1: Go to Chadowjackson dot com and check out the MLK project.
5:53
Speaker 1: There's a lot there. Chat, there's a lot there. I
5:56
Speaker 1: know a little bit about history. I know in the
5:58
Speaker 1: nineteen thirties, Blackmericans were generally speaking Republican. They generally speaking
6:03
Speaker 1: had the family unit, the Western family unit, like most
6:06
Speaker 1: white people did. That didn't start being denigrated until the
6:09
Speaker 1: nineteen sixties. But if you don't mind, just answer a
6:13
Speaker 1: simple question for a guy who thought he knew something
6:15
Speaker 1: about something until I started watching your stuff and you
6:17
Speaker 1: made me think I don't know anything about anything. Why
6:20
Speaker 1: why do this? How does it benefit black people in
6:23
Speaker 1: America to do this, to separate them, to bring in
6:26
Speaker 1: a communist influence. Was it about making things worse for
6:30
Speaker 1: black Americans? Because the Civil Rights Acts of nineteen sixty four,
6:34
Speaker 1: as you say very eloquently, didn't help blacks, actually hurt them.
6:37
Speaker 1: And I think a lot of what we've done since
6:38
Speaker 1: then has hurt them as well. The family unit is
6:41
Speaker 1: decimated in the black community now. And I saw a
6:43
Speaker 1: video where you talked about the pride poor black people
6:46
Speaker 1: had in the South had before they moved to the North.
6:48
Speaker 1: And I want to get into all those things, but
6:49
Speaker 1: can you answer the simple question why would they want
6:51
Speaker 1: to hurt the black community the way they did through
6:53
Speaker 1: putting up leadership that really was steering them the wrong way?
6:57
Speaker 2: Well, I'll try to answer it as simply as a
6:59
Speaker 2: possible can. I can't help but to bring history into it.
7:03
Speaker 2: But if you look at the Communist common Tern, the
7:07
Speaker 2: Second Congress common Tern, the Communist International, which was a
7:12
Speaker 2: convention I guess you could call it that they would
7:14
Speaker 2: have each year in Moscow, and I think it was
7:18
Speaker 2: nineteen twenty or nineteen twenty one. There was a white
7:20
Speaker 2: journalist by the name of John Reid who was a delegate,
7:23
Speaker 2: an American delegate to the Communist Party International, and they
7:28
Speaker 2: were trying to figure out the best way to help
7:31
Speaker 2: usher end Communism into the United States, and John Reid
7:34
Speaker 2: believed that the way to do that was through the
7:36
Speaker 2: American Negro and he was lamenting the fact that the
7:40
Speaker 2: American Negro in the nineteen twenties or the late nineteen
7:43
Speaker 2: tens going to the nineteen twenties were making their way
7:47
Speaker 2: in America through capitalistic means that they were still putting
7:51
Speaker 2: forth the efforts that men like Booker T. Washington put forth,
7:55
Speaker 2: which is, if you want to be successful, the way
7:57
Speaker 2: to do it is through conventional means, by hunting your craft,
8:00
Speaker 2: by starting families, by starting businesses, by building homes. Black
8:04
Speaker 2: Americans by and large were doing this in the South.
8:07
Speaker 2: This is well documented even by originally skeptical journalists of
8:12
Speaker 2: black journalists by the name of George Schuyler, who was
8:15
Speaker 2: a northern journalist who visited the South and saw all
8:19
Speaker 2: these so called black wall streets all across the South
8:22
Speaker 2: and would write about it regularly and the Pittsburgh Courier,
8:28
Speaker 2: which was the publication he was writing for at the time.
8:31
Speaker 2: And so as a result of John Reid's input that
8:37
Speaker 2: the American Negro is our catalyst of ushering communism to
8:41
Speaker 2: the United States, he said that we need to raise
8:45
Speaker 2: the political consciousness of the American Negro, to turn them
8:48
Speaker 2: against capitalism, to turn them against Western civilization innocence. And
8:53
Speaker 2: so Vladimer Lyn and himself greenlit the utilization of any
8:57
Speaker 2: means necessary to raise a political consciousness of the American
9:01
Speaker 2: Negro And so as a result of this, over the
9:05
Speaker 2: course of the nineteen twenties, you saw all these race
9:07
Speaker 2: riots springing up seemingly out of nowhere. Nobody could figure
9:10
Speaker 2: out what what the hidden hand was, what the communists
9:13
Speaker 2: were doing, where they were purposely instigating turmoil and friction
9:18
Speaker 2: between Southern Negroes and Southern whites, because the idea and
9:24
Speaker 2: the objective was to destabilize the negro Because if I'm
9:28
Speaker 2: Joe the shoe store owner, and I'm selling shoes to
9:31
Speaker 2: my local townsmen and women, the local miners, and the
9:34
Speaker 2: school teachers and the children, and there's a race riot
9:38
Speaker 2: that springs up, and tomorrow I don't have a business
9:40
Speaker 2: to go to because it's burned down. But then I
9:42
Speaker 2: opened up my newspaper. I mean, you can look at
9:44
Speaker 2: these articles that were written around this time. Tired of
9:48
Speaker 2: racial discrimination, joined the IWW, which was the communist front group,
9:52
Speaker 2: join this organization, and joined that organization. The idea was
9:55
Speaker 2: to chase Negroes into the bosom of radical groups because
9:59
Speaker 2: they can sustain themselves through capitalistic means. That was the objective.
10:04
Speaker 2: The second part of the objective was to cost so
10:07
Speaker 2: much unrest, so much friction, so much turmoil, so much reactionaryism,
10:12
Speaker 2: that it would make the states and the local communities
10:17
Speaker 2: seem as though they were incapable of self governance, such
10:20
Speaker 2: to where the public will cry out for a federal response,
10:24
Speaker 2: and in so doing, here comes a big, bad federal
10:26
Speaker 2: government passing legislation, expanding its power all the more at
10:30
Speaker 2: the expense of the states, the local communities, and the
10:33
Speaker 2: individuals and the families.
10:35
Speaker 1: So there, chat, if you don't mind, let me stop
10:37
Speaker 1: it there, because I mean, you're on a roll and
10:38
Speaker 1: it's great, But I want to reiterate from my audience
10:41
Speaker 1: and from my brain because I've born in nineteen sixty six.
10:44
Speaker 1: I was brought up to believe the things that most
10:47
Speaker 1: people in America believe, and you are shooting holes in
10:50
Speaker 1: all of that. So just to reiterate, because I've seen
10:53
Speaker 1: this on your videos, and if you don't want to
10:54
Speaker 1: expand upon this, please do. There were complete enclaves of
10:59
Speaker 1: black America that were doctors and dentists, and the shoemaker
11:03
Speaker 1: has just said, and the whole infrastructure was there, it
11:06
Speaker 1: was working, it had many black wall streets all over
11:08
Speaker 1: the place, and Black Americans were succeeding. If I'm right.
11:12
Speaker 1: I think I'm right. The first female millionaire in this
11:14
Speaker 1: country was a black woman. So I'm not sure I
11:17
Speaker 1: understand why it worked. Why did it work that suddenly
11:21
Speaker 1: some outside hand or maybe the federal government itself wanting
11:24
Speaker 1: a more socialist society, but certainly motivated by the Soviet
11:27
Speaker 1: Union in Lenin. Why did it work when they could
11:30
Speaker 1: have said, wait, my life is pretty good. What are
11:32
Speaker 1: you talking about. I don't want to join some weird
11:34
Speaker 1: group that hates my country. Why was somebody able to
11:37
Speaker 1: make the Black community victimized or victims when they weren't well.
11:42
Speaker 2: What we're talking about when we talk about communism and
11:45
Speaker 2: Marxism and all these other isms, is a group of
11:48
Speaker 2: people who've invested large portions of their lives and to
11:53
Speaker 2: studying the soft sciences, the cognitive sciences, studying group behavior,
11:59
Speaker 2: trying to figure out how to destabilize and how to
12:01
Speaker 2: capitalize on the destabilization and the fodder and the friction
12:05
Speaker 2: that comes out of that. And they were hell bent
12:08
Speaker 2: on it. I mean, these are people who are basically
12:11
Speaker 2: like honey badgers they're going to try to find a
12:14
Speaker 2: way to get an inception, to get an endpoint, and
12:17
Speaker 2: again it's through friction. It's what we call cultural Marxism. Marxism,
12:23
Speaker 2: as you know, was popularized in the nineteenth century and
12:27
Speaker 2: they were trying to get it to spread. Carl Marx
12:29
Speaker 2: and Friedrick Engles were trying to get it to spread
12:31
Speaker 2: across Europe, but they had a difficult time doing it
12:34
Speaker 2: because of one man. And of course there's more to
12:38
Speaker 2: the story, but if you follow the history, you'll see
12:41
Speaker 2: that Carl Marx and Friedrich Ingles were contemporaries of not
12:46
Speaker 2: only Charles Darwin, who you know they all lived in
12:48
Speaker 2: London at the same time, but also Charles Spurgeon. So
12:51
Speaker 2: while Darwin was writing on the Origin of Species, and
12:55
Speaker 2: while Marxian Ingles were writing the Communist Manifesto, here was
12:58
Speaker 2: Charles Spurgeon at the Metropolitan Taberna and London preaching the gospel,
13:02
Speaker 2: and a lot of the urban poor were flocking to
13:05
Speaker 2: hear the gospel. And this disappointed for Drick Engels and
13:08
Speaker 2: Carl Marx that they weren't able to galvanize the working poor,
13:15
Speaker 2: the urban poor to the extent that they wanted to.
13:19
Speaker 2: And so by the time you get to the end
13:20
Speaker 2: of the nineteenth century, you get people like Walter Rossi
13:24
Speaker 2: and Bush who figured out that the way to jump
13:28
Speaker 2: this hurdle, this gospel hurdle, is to subvert it, and
13:32
Speaker 2: that's where you get the social Gospel. And so again
13:36
Speaker 2: you have this kind of trial and error and certain
13:40
Speaker 2: successes that comes out of trying to figure out just
13:43
Speaker 2: how to destabilize a Negro. And I can't really give
13:46
Speaker 2: you an answer, and you know, one little quick second
13:50
Speaker 2: only to say that there were incremental kind of inroads
13:54
Speaker 2: that were taken, but it wouldn't really come to a
13:56
Speaker 2: climactic point until the nineteen fifties and six under the
14:01
Speaker 2: behest of such leaders as Martin Luther King and his contingent.
14:05
Speaker 2: Because I mean again, Marxism, communism, this is something that
14:08
Speaker 2: blocks were flocking to in small numbers since the nineteen twenties.
14:12
Speaker 2: But what they figured out is if they really want
14:15
Speaker 2: to push their agenda forward, you can't call it communism,
14:18
Speaker 2: you can't call it Marxism, especially at the heart of
14:20
Speaker 2: the Cold War. You have to do it through clandestine
14:23
Speaker 2: and subversive means. And they figured out that, you know,
14:27
Speaker 2: through a man who's well polished, a Southern Negro minister,
14:32
Speaker 2: a great Ora tour, And there's a lot of redeeming
14:34
Speaker 2: qualities about King, to be sure. But it's through that
14:38
Speaker 2: mechanism that we can in a sense push Americans, not
14:42
Speaker 2: just Black Americans, but Americans in general, neutralize them, cause
14:46
Speaker 2: them to let down their guard and being more open
14:49
Speaker 2: to socialist type policies which will incrementally become communist policies.
14:53
Speaker 2: That was the agenda.
14:55
Speaker 1: It's Chado Jackson. Go to Chadowjackson dot com check out
14:58
Speaker 1: his docum series The MLK Project Motives Unmasked. You mentioned
15:02
Speaker 1: something there about there are some redeeming qualities about Martin
15:05
Speaker 1: Luther King Junior. Obviously great Order certainly was able to
15:08
Speaker 1: grab a crowd and hold them for as long as
15:11
Speaker 1: he wanted them. Why was he, though the individual, okay
15:15
Speaker 1: with being the vessel. Why was he okay with using
15:18
Speaker 1: the gospel and making its social gospel and then and
15:21
Speaker 1: then basically pushing an entire race of people in America
15:24
Speaker 1: to become reliant on the central government that doesn't even
15:27
Speaker 1: like them. It doesn't make sense to me because the
15:29
Speaker 1: black community, i think is more socialized in this country
15:32
Speaker 1: than any other community, because there are so many people
15:34
Speaker 1: reliant on the government dole and the government controls everything
15:38
Speaker 1: they do, where they work, how much money they have,
15:40
Speaker 1: how many kids they have, how much food they eat,
15:41
Speaker 1: where you know, where they live, whether they have heat
15:44
Speaker 1: or internet. It doesn't make any sense to me. So
15:46
Speaker 1: why was he okay with leading that his own race,
15:49
Speaker 1: his own people, so to say down that path? Or
15:52
Speaker 1: was he not smart enough to know what was happening.
15:55
Speaker 2: He was definitely smart enough to know what was happening.
15:57
Speaker 2: And you're absolutely right. I mean, according to a twenty
15:59
Speaker 2: nineteen Cato Institute study, over sixty percent of blacks in
16:03
Speaker 2: America have a more favorable view of socialism than a
16:06
Speaker 2: free market enterprise. No other ethnic group has a higher
16:10
Speaker 2: view of socialism except for blacks. And that's according to
16:13
Speaker 2: that twenty nineteen Ko Institute study. To answer your question,
16:17
Speaker 2: which is a fantastic question, the reason King was so
16:20
Speaker 2: impressionable to Marxist ideology is that he rejected the Gospel
16:26
Speaker 2: from a very early age. I mean, he writes in
16:28
Speaker 2: his papers that I have all the volumes of his
16:30
Speaker 2: papers here in my studio, but you know he writes
16:34
Speaker 2: that by the age of twelve. He rejected the resurrection
16:37
Speaker 2: of Christ. He rejected the deity of Christ. He said
16:40
Speaker 2: that he shocked his Sunday school class at the age
16:42
Speaker 2: of thirteen by rejecting the resurrection. He wrote also that
16:49
Speaker 2: he rejected the literal existence of Hell. He rejected the
16:54
Speaker 2: virgin birth, he rejected the fundamental tenets of Christianity. And
16:58
Speaker 2: he thought that he was actually small harder than his
17:00
Speaker 2: Sunday school teachers, who he said were in the fundamentalist
17:03
Speaker 2: line of the faith. He actually didn't want to become
17:06
Speaker 2: a pastor. He wanted to become a lawyer or a doctor,
17:10
Speaker 2: but he was talked into becoming a pastor, uh in
17:13
Speaker 2: order to advocate and to further the so called social gospel. Because,
17:17
Speaker 2: I mean, if you if you read his college papers,
17:20
Speaker 2: you really get a sense of the fact that he
17:22
Speaker 2: genuinely believed in Marxist Marxist ideology, and he was a
17:28
Speaker 2: he called himself a Hegelian. He subscribed to the Hegelian dialectic.
17:32
Speaker 2: He believed that that was a tactical way to really
17:35
Speaker 2: spread Marxism amongst blacks, uh in in America at large.
17:40
Speaker 2: When asked, you know, why was it so easy for
17:42
Speaker 2: you to to get a foot hold in the black community.
17:46
Speaker 2: By a reporter, King said, because you know, Black Southerners
17:50
Speaker 2: by and large go to church. So he had a
17:52
Speaker 2: captive audience as far as as Black Southerners were concerned.
17:57
Speaker 2: But he was preaching. I mean, if you look at
17:59
Speaker 2: his Easter sermon, he preached an Easter sermon where he's
18:02
Speaker 2: basically casting doubt in the resurrection of Jesus. So he
18:06
Speaker 2: would he would do a lot of precautionary things that
18:09
Speaker 2: are fitting for a pastor in terms of conducting a sermon,
18:12
Speaker 2: but he would never call people to repentance. He will
18:15
Speaker 2: never call people to turn their lives around and to
18:18
Speaker 2: turn to Christ. He was instead infusing a liberal political
18:24
Speaker 2: ideology in his sermons, much the same as people like
18:28
Speaker 2: Jamal Bryant today or Raphael Warnock today using the polpit
18:32
Speaker 2: as a kind of prop to clandestinely and subversively push
18:37
Speaker 2: an agenda that he genuinely believed in. He was a
18:40
Speaker 2: genuine believer in Marxist ideology, and he was deceptive in
18:44
Speaker 2: how he spread it under the guise of a Christian pastor.
18:49
Speaker 1: I was today years old when I found out that
18:51
Speaker 1: doctor brought Luther King Junior, the reverend that were all
18:53
Speaker 1: told to hold up on high didn't believe in the resurrection.
18:56
Speaker 1: He didn't believe in the existence of Hell. I had
18:58
Speaker 1: no idea. So why were they so successful and tricking
19:01
Speaker 1: people like me? Because my next question down the line
19:04
Speaker 1: here is going to be why do you know all this?
19:06
Speaker 1: And why did you look into it? Why didn't you
19:07
Speaker 1: believe the colloquial story? But what are they gained by
19:11
Speaker 1: having both sides fighting over the memory of doctor King today?
19:14
Speaker 1: And why does a Raphael Warnock, who thinks he's King,
19:17
Speaker 1: you know two point zero probably in his own mind?
19:20
Speaker 1: Why does he want to continue to keep black people
19:22
Speaker 1: in the box that they're in. Why not get back
19:24
Speaker 1: to where black people can flourish alongside everybody else and
19:27
Speaker 1: enjoy capitalism because it's the best way of life, because
19:30
Speaker 1: socialism has never worked in a successful way. Do they
19:33
Speaker 1: want black people to continue killing each other in the
19:35
Speaker 1: streets of Chicago? Do they want black people to continue
19:38
Speaker 1: being under the thumb? If so, what do they gain?
19:40
Speaker 1: Does a Warnock get more power out of that? There's
19:42
Speaker 1: a lot there. Chat I get it, but I'm going
19:44
Speaker 1: I'm learning from you right now even more that I've
19:46
Speaker 1: seen from your short videos, and I love it that
19:47
Speaker 1: we're having this conversation. But what do the contemporary the
19:51
Speaker 1: modern black leaders, and I'm putting that in air coach
19:53
Speaker 1: for those who are listening on the radio, what do
19:55
Speaker 1: they gain just their own power, their own control? What
19:58
Speaker 1: is it?
19:59
Speaker 2: No, that's absolutely what it's for. It's for power. It's
20:02
Speaker 2: the same reason why Satan was cast out of heaven.
20:05
Speaker 2: And I don't want to isolate the civil rights movement
20:08
Speaker 2: as being solely responsible for a lot of the disabilization
20:12
Speaker 2: that we've seen over the course of the last half
20:14
Speaker 2: century or more. I mean, when you look at a
20:18
Speaker 2: lot of these social justice movements that were going on
20:21
Speaker 2: around that time, the nineteen sixties going into the seventies,
20:24
Speaker 2: whether it's second wave feminism, whether it's gay liberation which
20:27
Speaker 2: would later become the LGBT movement, or whether it's the
20:31
Speaker 2: hippie movement or the free love movement. I call it
20:34
Speaker 2: the era of indulgence. We began to have less children,
20:39
Speaker 2: not just blacks, but also whites and other ethnic groups
20:42
Speaker 2: as well. We began to turn our focus inward. We
20:46
Speaker 2: became a more self centered people. This is a result
20:50
Speaker 2: of a lot of the distabilization that came to us
20:52
Speaker 2: by way of the social justice movements. This was talked
20:55
Speaker 2: about by Yury Besmanov in a famous nineteen eighty four
20:59
Speaker 2: interview with one G. Edward Griffin where he talked about
21:03
Speaker 2: ideological subversion and how they were intentionally trying to set
21:08
Speaker 2: the baby boomers against the adult society of their day.
21:13
Speaker 2: You saw it in publications like Mad Magazine, You saw
21:15
Speaker 2: it in a lot of film and entertainment that was
21:18
Speaker 2: coming out at the time. And basically, when you look
21:22
Speaker 2: at I'm going to try to answer your question this way,
21:25
Speaker 2: when you look at the Civil Rights movement, and then
21:27
Speaker 2: you look at the next phase which came immediately after
21:30
Speaker 2: after the assassination of King, which was the Black Power movement,
21:34
Speaker 2: which was more militant, which was more in your face,
21:36
Speaker 2: which was you know, gun toting, and you know Honky
21:40
Speaker 2: this and Whitey that. When you look at when you
21:44
Speaker 2: look at those two organizations, the Civil Rights movement and
21:46
Speaker 2: the Black Power movement, one looks relatively conservative or moderate
21:52
Speaker 2: and the other looks militant and very far left. But
21:56
Speaker 2: the reality is both of these organizations are funded by
21:59
Speaker 2: the same people, and not only that they have the
22:01
Speaker 2: same ideological undergird The idea behind the Black Power movement
22:07
Speaker 2: was to make the civil rights movement look more stomachable,
22:12
Speaker 2: look more tolerable, so on and so forth, to where
22:16
Speaker 2: by the time King is assassinated and the propaganda campaign
22:20
Speaker 2: unleashes a lot of Americans who were none the wiser
22:26
Speaker 2: began to look at the civil rights movement as more sanitized,
22:30
Speaker 2: as more you know, this is something you know, we
22:32
Speaker 2: should do it that way. That's that's real liberalism, that's
22:35
Speaker 2: real progress. What King was doing was was was genuine
22:40
Speaker 2: and affectionate, whereas what these other guys are doing, they
22:43
Speaker 2: want to tear America down. And so it was. It
22:45
Speaker 2: was kind of a bait and switch kind of situation.
22:47
Speaker 2: And it's interesting because in the aftermath of King's assassination,
22:51
Speaker 2: we now have the MLK federal Holiday, we have you know,
22:56
Speaker 2: the forty foot statue erected in his honor there and
22:59
Speaker 2: Watchington d C. And anytime a politician, be he right
23:03
Speaker 2: or left, wants to push some socialist type, you know,
23:09
Speaker 2: policy in Congress, they invoke the name of Martin Luther
23:13
Speaker 2: King Junior, so as to signal, you know, King would
23:16
Speaker 2: want this, this is something that King would want, and
23:19
Speaker 2: that is meant to destabilize and to neutralize the public,
23:21
Speaker 2: and to be embracing and accepting of this policy which
23:25
Speaker 2: is pushing us further and further and further away from
23:28
Speaker 2: true Western values, from true Christian values. Quite frankly, the
23:32
Speaker 2: idea is once again like it's a very gradual thing.
23:35
Speaker 2: And I'll say this real quick. I know I've been
23:37
Speaker 2: rambling on for a while ago, but when you look
23:39
Speaker 2: at the Communist manifesto, Carl Marx ends it by saying,
23:44
Speaker 2: you know, workers of the world unite. What he's invoking
23:47
Speaker 2: is this sudden uprising, this sudden revolution where the workers
23:52
Speaker 2: across the world, you know, uniting against the bourgeoisie, where
23:56
Speaker 2: the proletariat is is coming up against the bourgeoisie. This
24:01
Speaker 2: was attractive to some people, but not all when it
24:04
Speaker 2: came to a lot of the European elitists who believed
24:08
Speaker 2: in what Marx was trying to do but disagreed with
24:12
Speaker 2: the tactics that he wanted to use to pull it off.
24:16
Speaker 2: They they didn't like the whole idea of a sudden uprising,
24:20
Speaker 2: a sudden revolution, because they understood that a large portion
24:24
Speaker 2: of society will resist it because they're used to a
24:28
Speaker 2: certain status quo and a certain way of doing things.
24:31
Speaker 2: And so for a group of radicals to, you know,
24:35
Speaker 2: suddenly rise up, you'll have this war in the streets,
24:38
Speaker 2: you'll have this friction. And so what these European elitists
24:42
Speaker 2: decided to do was to start something called the Fabian
24:44
Speaker 2: society that had a lot of the same views, shared
24:48
Speaker 2: a lot of same views with the Marxists. They just
24:50
Speaker 2: disagreed with the tactics, and they believe that the way
24:52
Speaker 2: the proper way to cause a revolution is through a
24:55
Speaker 2: slow burn, a slow march through the institutions, where they
24:59
Speaker 2: were patient enough to say, look, we might not enjoy
25:02
Speaker 2: the fruits of our labor, but our children's children's children will.
25:05
Speaker 2: And so they envision a slow, gradual, long marshal the institutions,
25:11
Speaker 2: little by little, bit by bit, passing this policy, then
25:14
Speaker 2: passing that policy, then passing this policy on and into
25:17
Speaker 2: the future. So when you look at a lot of
25:21
Speaker 2: what the civil rights movement was doing, it was an
25:23
Speaker 2: incremental step into a Soviet direction. You look at the
25:27
Speaker 2: Civil Rights Act in nineteen sixty four, for example, which
25:30
Speaker 2: is you know, not which is naively praised today. What
25:34
Speaker 2: did it do? It gave the federal government more of
25:37
Speaker 2: a foothold into the way that businesses are run. Small
25:40
Speaker 2: businesses are run. This isn't keeping with the Marxist strategy
25:43
Speaker 2: of the government controlling the means of production. So, you
25:47
Speaker 2: know a lot of these things that we celebrate and
25:50
Speaker 2: that we as conservatives say, Okay, we're okay with that.
25:54
Speaker 2: We'll tolerate that because we don't want to be racist,
25:56
Speaker 2: or we don't want to be Uncle Tom's or whatever
25:58
Speaker 2: the case may be, to the extent that we embrace
26:02
Speaker 2: these things instead of standing on our values, to the
26:04
Speaker 2: extent that we plead guilty to the charges that are
26:10
Speaker 2: lobbed against us by these radicals, where we're giving them
26:15
Speaker 2: an inch and then they take the mile. And that's
26:17
Speaker 2: what we're experiencing here now.
26:19
Speaker 1: Chadow Jackson go to Chadojackson dot com. He's an independent filmmaker.
26:23
Speaker 1: Go check out his docu series The MLK Project Motives Unmasked.
26:27
Speaker 1: Did the BLM group, the actual organization called Black Lives Matter,
26:31
Speaker 1: did that rip the band aid off of this and
26:33
Speaker 1: expose a lot of it. And here's what I mean.
26:35
Speaker 1: They took down this part of their website after people
26:38
Speaker 1: like me started exposing it, it said that they're in
26:41
Speaker 1: their charter they were looking to disrupt the Western nuclear family.
26:44
Speaker 1: It's not really a black organization at all. It's an
26:46
Speaker 1: lgbtq XYZ organization. It's an organization that enriched a few
26:51
Speaker 1: top people in the organization who happened to be gay,
26:54
Speaker 1: to buy themselves a bunch of engines all over the place.
26:56
Speaker 1: It wasn't about saving anybody's life or making anybody's life better.
27:00
Speaker 1: They just saw an opportunity, one would imagine because of
27:02
Speaker 1: George Floyd and that situation. Was that part of what
27:07
Speaker 1: made you sort of on steroids, really look into what's
27:10
Speaker 1: going on? Or did this start a long time ago
27:11
Speaker 1: for you? So let's start with the first question. Did
27:13
Speaker 1: BLM wake a lot of us up to go?
27:15
Speaker 2: Hold on?
27:16
Speaker 1: This isn't about black lives at all. This is about control,
27:19
Speaker 1: This is about pushing an agenda. This is about the
27:21
Speaker 1: EI EESG, this is about LGBT. Did that wake a
27:25
Speaker 1: lot of us up? It did?
27:27
Speaker 2: Me? Yeah, we it woke a lot of people up,
27:29
Speaker 2: that's to be certain, And make no mistake about it.
27:32
Speaker 2: I think you're hitting them now, right on the head
27:34
Speaker 2: that the Black Lives Matter is not a deviation. It's
27:39
Speaker 2: not a distinction from the civil rights movement, or the
27:42
Speaker 2: black militant movement in the seventies, or the black intellectual
27:46
Speaker 2: movement or the black hip hop movement, which you know,
27:50
Speaker 2: all of these are heading in the same direction. They're
27:53
Speaker 2: not contradictions of each other or distinctions from one another.
27:57
Speaker 2: They are all kind of a caring of the baton
28:00
Speaker 2: on and into the future. So the problem with Black
28:04
Speaker 2: Lives Matter is they kind of got a little ahead
28:06
Speaker 2: of their skis. They grew more impatient, and so doing
28:11
Speaker 2: they were able to kind of pull back the curtain,
28:16
Speaker 2: so to speak. That did wake a lot of people up.
28:18
Speaker 2: For me, I used to be a fan of King.
28:21
Speaker 2: I used to be an admirer of him until around
28:24
Speaker 2: two thousand and eight or nine when I heard the
28:28
Speaker 2: late pastor Vide Bacam say that King was a socialist,
28:32
Speaker 2: which rocked my world. What are you talking about King
28:34
Speaker 2: as a socialist? And of course Villia Bakam at the
28:37
Speaker 2: time with somebody whom I admired, someone who I gleaned
28:41
Speaker 2: a lot from in terms of learning about the scriptures.
28:44
Speaker 2: So to hear him say he was a socialist. I
28:47
Speaker 2: had no reason not to believe him other than the
28:49
Speaker 2: fact that I was trained and conditioned to believe that
28:52
Speaker 2: he was an American hero.
28:55
Speaker 1: As it were, to that point, I want you to
28:58
Speaker 1: continue it to that point. Those hit listening need to understand,
29:01
Speaker 1: I'm a conservative guy. I've been co opting King forever.
29:04
Speaker 1: I thought he was a conservative guy that people in
29:06
Speaker 1: the Democrat Party have been co opting him forever. He
29:08
Speaker 1: was a Democrat, and he was a liberal, and he
29:10
Speaker 1: was at this end to that, Like you said earlier,
29:12
Speaker 1: we've all figured out a way to take what he
29:14
Speaker 1: said and did and fit our agenda. I wanted to
29:18
Speaker 1: be more like King. So when you hear this, when
29:20
Speaker 1: you hear the pastors say it, you say, wait a second,
29:24
Speaker 1: that's my hero. What are you talking about? And what
29:27
Speaker 1: would he say that made you say let me do
29:29
Speaker 1: more research. Was it just the fact that he was
29:31
Speaker 1: of authority and you said, well, I might as well
29:33
Speaker 1: just not tell him he's wrong. Let me go figure
29:34
Speaker 1: out why I think he's wrong.
29:36
Speaker 2: That was That's exactly it. I mean, Because again, while
29:40
Speaker 2: I was conditioned and trained to believe I mean, we
29:42
Speaker 2: grew up listening to that I have a dream speech
29:44
Speaker 2: every year. Yes I'm Martin Luther King Day and during
29:49
Speaker 2: during Black History Month. Growing up in Mansfield, Texas, it
29:53
Speaker 2: was just something that you didn't question. And so for
29:55
Speaker 2: me doctor Vodie Bacham, who again earned my respect early
29:59
Speaker 2: on just with his with his handling of the scriptures.
30:04
Speaker 2: For someone like me who grew up in a church
30:06
Speaker 2: where it was not exactly doctrinally sound to become a
30:10
Speaker 2: you know, a late teenager, and to come across doctor
30:13
Speaker 2: Vodibackam sermons, here was somebody who was different, and he
30:17
Speaker 2: earned my respect really quickly. So for him to say
30:20
Speaker 2: doctor King was a socialist, again, that that caused me
30:25
Speaker 2: a kind of cognitive dissonance because how how could you
30:27
Speaker 2: say such such a thing? You know, King is an
30:29
Speaker 2: American hero, and I wanted to look into it to
30:33
Speaker 2: just see if there was any truth to what Vodi
30:37
Speaker 2: Bakam was saying, and he was absolutely one correct. In fact,
30:41
Speaker 2: I would later get to meet doctor Vodi Bacham and
30:43
Speaker 2: we became good friends, and he was in a film
30:47
Speaker 2: that I produced back in twenty twenty two. And yeah,
30:52
Speaker 2: it's it's it's something that I there's not any degree
30:57
Speaker 2: of pride in revealing this information. It's actually quite disappointing,
31:01
Speaker 2: but the reality of it is King wasn't the first
31:05
Speaker 2: to do the kind of Trojan horse thing that he did,
31:08
Speaker 2: will nor will he be the last. There's other demogogues
31:11
Speaker 2: among us, and there will continue to be demogogues among us.
31:13
Speaker 2: The purpose of doing a film like the MLK Project
31:17
Speaker 2: is to show what this trojan horse look like, what
31:20
Speaker 2: the purpose of the Trojan horse was, in order that
31:23
Speaker 2: we might be equipped to not be so gullible and
31:26
Speaker 2: so credulous and susceptible to that kind of demagoguery. Again,
31:30
Speaker 2: we have to become principled, especially as conservatives on Christians,
31:33
Speaker 2: understanding what it takes and what it means to preserve
31:36
Speaker 2: Western civilization. And we have to be able to distinguish
31:41
Speaker 2: when someone is saying something and they're in a position
31:43
Speaker 2: of leadership and authority that is actually antithetical to those
31:47
Speaker 2: Western values. And we can defend those values without necessarily
31:53
Speaker 2: being you know, without being annoying out it, or without
32:01
Speaker 2: you know, without giving.
32:03
Speaker 1: I'm kind of annoying about it, or let's be honest,
32:05
Speaker 1: when I defend the Western values, I'm kind annoying about him. No,
32:08
Speaker 1: but I get what you're laying down. Let me let
32:10
Speaker 1: me ask you this, because I obviously MLK was very
32:14
Speaker 1: successful and very good at what he was doing, extremely
32:17
Speaker 1: whether it was his words or not. Boy, he could
32:19
Speaker 1: sell him and may he again all sides wanted to
32:22
Speaker 1: he's ours. We're all claiming him, we have for a
32:24
Speaker 1: long time. Why did he become expend Why did he
32:27
Speaker 1: become expendable? I mean, obviously you would have to think
32:30
Speaker 1: there was a socialist faction in the deep state, alphabet
32:33
Speaker 1: agencies whatever in this country that were really cool with
32:36
Speaker 1: what he was doing because he was getting to the
32:38
Speaker 1: end goal. So why was he expendable? Why was he killed?
32:42
Speaker 2: Well, the problem with King is that as great of
32:45
Speaker 2: an orator as he was, as great as at memorizing
32:49
Speaker 2: speeches as he was, when you look at Stale Levison,
32:54
Speaker 2: who was his handler, his speech writer, his pr person
32:57
Speaker 2: for all intents and purposes, Stanle Levison was the one
33:00
Speaker 2: who organized the press, you know, interactions with King, the
33:06
Speaker 2: interviews that he would do with certain publications and journalists
33:10
Speaker 2: who basically were the ones who make King look larger
33:13
Speaker 2: than life. Because a lot of people don't realize that
33:16
Speaker 2: King actually was not that popular in his day.
33:19
Speaker 1: Really.
33:20
Speaker 2: I think by the time he died his approval rating
33:23
Speaker 2: was around thirty percent. I mean, Jager Hoover had a
33:26
Speaker 2: significantly higher approval rating than did King. But you know,
33:31
Speaker 2: we live in a time now where the tables have turned.
33:34
Speaker 2: There was a there was a black minister by the
33:36
Speaker 2: name of Joseph H. Jackson who was far more popular
33:39
Speaker 2: than King. And when you look at Joseph H. Jackson,
33:41
Speaker 2: he was he was among that kind of booker Y
33:44
Speaker 2: Washington tradition. For example, there was a time where black
33:49
Speaker 2: sharecroppers were being kind of cheated out of their wages
33:52
Speaker 2: and white share croppers were two for that matter. But
33:55
Speaker 2: you know, rather than protesting the government or picking up
33:58
Speaker 2: picket signs, Joseph H. Jackson bought four hundred acres of
34:02
Speaker 2: land in Tennessee and allowed the sharecroppers to work the
34:05
Speaker 2: land rent free and so long as they were saving
34:09
Speaker 2: their money to buy their own land, to become farmer,
34:13
Speaker 2: to move from sharecroppers to farmers. These are the kind
34:14
Speaker 2: of things that Joseph Jackson did. Jackson was a president
34:18
Speaker 2: of the National Baptist Convention, which boasted around five million
34:24
Speaker 2: Negro churchgoers under the umbrella of the National Baptist Convention
34:29
Speaker 2: was of course Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, which King preached at,
34:33
Speaker 2: and Ebudezer Baptist Church, which his father preached at. King
34:37
Speaker 2: and his contingent wanted to remove Jackson from his post
34:40
Speaker 2: as president, so they came up with this scheme where
34:44
Speaker 2: they would elect Gardner C. Taylor, who was a seasoned
34:48
Speaker 2: veteran in the National Baptist Convention who was also a
34:50
Speaker 2: proponent of the Social Gospel. So they tried. They tried
34:54
Speaker 2: to run him, and he was overwhelmingly rejected in favor
34:58
Speaker 2: of Jackson, and his contingent demanded a roll call. They
35:03
Speaker 2: rushed the stage and in this kerfuffle, a minister was
35:07
Speaker 2: pushed off the stage, cracked his head and died. As
35:10
Speaker 2: a result of this, King and his friends were kicked
35:13
Speaker 2: out of the National Baptist Convention, and the following year
35:15
Speaker 2: they started what was called the Progressive National Baptist Convention
35:18
Speaker 2: King and his friends and so this kind of gives
35:22
Speaker 2: you insight into who King really was. He wasn't this
35:24
Speaker 2: non violent figure that we are made to believe he was.
35:29
Speaker 2: And the reason I bring that up is because you
35:31
Speaker 2: know again, that just gives you also insight into how
35:35
Speaker 2: unpopular King was. He was made popular by the press,
35:40
Speaker 2: who many of whom were fellow travelers, many of whom
35:45
Speaker 2: believed in this kind of liberal interpretation of the Constitution,
35:48
Speaker 2: this liberal interpretation of America. And so they had a
35:51
Speaker 2: vested interest in making King larger than life, making him
35:55
Speaker 2: look like there was no rivals to him or whatever.
35:58
Speaker 2: And not only that he was able to get into
36:00
Speaker 2: the White House and to have meetings with Kennedy and
36:03
Speaker 2: then subsequently with LBJ. The problem is that King was
36:09
Speaker 2: living a double life. He was having extra marital affairs.
36:13
Speaker 2: He was participating in orgies and drinking and things of
36:16
Speaker 2: this nature. And the Feds were afraid that if the
36:21
Speaker 2: public found out about that, it would embarrass the Kennedy administration.
36:28
Speaker 2: It would embarrass the White House, because the White House
36:31
Speaker 2: had an interest in passing this legislation to expand executive
36:34
Speaker 2: and federal authority. Right and so there were internal memos
36:38
Speaker 2: in the FBI, And what you get from these internal memos,
36:43
Speaker 2: which are now available today, is that the Feds wanted
36:48
Speaker 2: the civil rights movement to exist. There's a lot of
36:50
Speaker 2: podcasters and a lot of people who don't know what
36:51
Speaker 2: the heck they're talking about, saying, oh, the FBI was
36:54
Speaker 2: against the civil rights movement. No, they wanted the civil
36:56
Speaker 2: rights movement to exist. They just didn't want King at
36:59
Speaker 2: the head of it because they were afraid that he
37:02
Speaker 2: was a liability to the movement, so they ruin it.
37:06
Speaker 1: He would stop it. I mean if they found if
37:07
Speaker 1: people found out he wasn't who he said he was,
37:09
Speaker 1: it would be over. Well, why would we were following
37:11
Speaker 1: this false to this for this false tidle. It's Chad
37:13
Speaker 1: O Jackson chadowm almost out of time. But there are
37:15
Speaker 1: two things. I want to get to you, or get
37:17
Speaker 1: two with you before I let you go. And you
37:19
Speaker 1: got to promise she'll come back on because we just
37:21
Speaker 1: scratched the surface here. The docum series is called MLK
37:23
Speaker 1: Project Motives on maask go to Chadojackson dot com. Follow
37:27
Speaker 1: him at Chado Jackson Everywhere. Two things. One, I'm very
37:30
Speaker 1: good friends with doctor Carol Imswain. I think she's amazing.
37:33
Speaker 1: But on I show a million times we met in
37:34
Speaker 1: person tomorrow ago. She's just a lovely lady. She wasn't
37:38
Speaker 1: having you, she was she wasn't putting up with it,
37:40
Speaker 1: and you convinced her, and that's one of the smartest
37:42
Speaker 1: people I know. What was it that made her go,
37:46
Speaker 1: wait a second, maybe he's onto something, Because again, she's
37:49
Speaker 1: very contemplative, she's very smart, she does her work, she's
37:51
Speaker 1: an incredible author. So I know that once she heard
37:54
Speaker 1: the facts. But what what helped you break through that
37:58
Speaker 1: first initial push where she said, this guy is out
38:00
Speaker 1: of his mind?
38:02
Speaker 2: Now just consistency. Quite frankly, this is a drum that
38:05
Speaker 2: I kept beating, and Caroly and I had talks early
38:10
Speaker 2: on when I was first revealing these information, this information,
38:15
Speaker 2: of these facts.
38:16
Speaker 1: And right she was telling you, you're not right about this.
38:20
Speaker 2: Well partly, the other part of it was that you know,
38:25
Speaker 2: a lot of these things are known, but it doesn't
38:27
Speaker 2: make sense to dethrone King, to remove him from his pedestal,
38:31
Speaker 2: because he's the only figure that can bring the right
38:33
Speaker 2: and the left together, to which I responded, you know,
38:37
Speaker 2: I don't want to come together with the left on
38:39
Speaker 2: false pretenses, on a lie, quite frankly, because to the
38:42
Speaker 2: extent that you do that, I mean, ironically, King himself
38:45
Speaker 2: said a lie can't live forever. To the extent that
38:48
Speaker 2: we build build coalition on false pretexts, on false premises,
38:54
Speaker 2: that foundation will soon crumble. And for me, like my
38:57
Speaker 2: slogan has worship God, not man, I'm not going to
38:59
Speaker 2: put any man on a on a pedestal at all, right,
39:01
Speaker 2: And I'm and I'm for the truth. And so, you know,
39:03
Speaker 2: Carol Swain eventually came on and she's invited me to
39:07
Speaker 2: speak at some of her events that her nonprofit have
39:10
Speaker 2: put off, and in fact, she invited me to to
39:13
Speaker 2: be a guest of hers, to share the stage with
39:15
Speaker 2: her next month when she speaks at the University of Dallas.
39:20
Speaker 2: So so Carol's a good friend and she she's she
39:24
Speaker 2: showed me just in her you know, extending the olive
39:28
Speaker 2: oil or the olive branch and inviting me to these
39:32
Speaker 2: events with her. She showed me that she's someone who
39:34
Speaker 2: genuinely is interested in truth and not just placating and
39:38
Speaker 2: putting on a front.
39:39
Speaker 1: Chad, did you say olive oil because I'm Italian? Is
39:41
Speaker 1: that what that was? Just Just just check him. I'm
39:45
Speaker 1: in all right, let let's let's finish with this. As
39:48
Speaker 1: I'm watching this unfold, I saw a bunch of your
39:51
Speaker 1: videos which made me say to my bookers. We got
39:53
Speaker 1: to get Shadow Jackson on and I'm so glad that
39:55
Speaker 1: we spent the time. You tell a story, and maybe
39:58
Speaker 1: we'll save this for next time. Just give me a
40:00
Speaker 1: if you don't mind, just giving the cliff notes of
40:02
Speaker 1: black Americans in the South who were poor, who still
40:06
Speaker 1: were so pride filled. Still, if they had a rip
40:08
Speaker 1: in their pants, they put a perfect patch on the row.
40:10
Speaker 1: She couldn't go. Things were clean, you smelled good, you
40:13
Speaker 1: look good, You took care of yourself. Your home was
40:16
Speaker 1: perfectly quap, no matter or not not quap, but perfectly maintained,
40:20
Speaker 1: no matter how much money you did or didn't have.
40:22
Speaker 1: There was a real sense of pride. And once they
40:25
Speaker 1: started migrating north to places like Chicago, that was almost
40:28
Speaker 1: beaten out of them.
40:29
Speaker 2: Why yeah, I mean it's a Southern pride that existed
40:34
Speaker 2: not only amongst blacks, but also amongst whites as well.
40:36
Speaker 2: I mean, there's a teacher. I mean she's no longer
40:40
Speaker 2: with us today, she passed away, But her name was
40:41
Speaker 2: Marbara Collins, and she actually tells the story in her
40:45
Speaker 2: book called the Marble Collins Way, where in Mississippi she
40:48
Speaker 2: grew up in poverty. But you know, people didn't people
40:51
Speaker 2: didn't complain about being poor, they didn't feel sorry for themselves.
40:55
Speaker 2: They still took care of what little they had. And
40:57
Speaker 2: then there was a mindset shift that she recognized in
41:00
Speaker 2: Chicago where people kind of wore their poor, their their
41:04
Speaker 2: poverty kind of on their sleeve. And I think it
41:08
Speaker 2: flies in the face of a lot of the sociologists
41:11
Speaker 2: today who believe that poverty breeds crimes like no culture,
41:15
Speaker 2: culture breeds crime, not poverty.
41:17
Speaker 1: There.
41:17
Speaker 2: I mean, there's poor people all over this kind, all
41:19
Speaker 2: over this world who aren't committing the kinds of crimes
41:21
Speaker 2: that you see in some of these democrat major cities
41:24
Speaker 2: that are implementing the very socialist policies that we're talking
41:27
Speaker 2: about here. So we can see the logical conclusion of
41:30
Speaker 2: the kind of policies that people like King were advocating for.
41:33
Speaker 2: It doesn't end.
41:34
Speaker 1: Well, what was it was the difference, Chad again, we'll
41:37
Speaker 1: we'll pick this up next time. Was the difference the
41:40
Speaker 1: fact that the government said, you don't have to have
41:43
Speaker 1: pride and take care of everything, will take care of
41:45
Speaker 1: everything for you. And that's where it ended.
41:47
Speaker 2: Yes, that's the end. Again, it's indicative of this of
41:50
Speaker 2: the civil rights kind of mindset shift where we move
41:54
Speaker 2: from being a trying race to a crying race. Again,
41:57
Speaker 2: the difference in a large, major city is you have
42:01
Speaker 2: all of these politicians who are grand standing, who are
42:03
Speaker 2: putting forth all these policies, are getting all this money,
42:06
Speaker 2: whereas in a rural southern town where people are kind
42:09
Speaker 2: of left to their own ways of moving forward, you
42:13
Speaker 2: can see a distinctive cultural difference between the two. And
42:17
Speaker 2: so again that's well documented, and you say, next time
42:21
Speaker 2: we'll be able to flush the story out more. But
42:24
Speaker 2: as as for now, I do recommend people go and
42:27
Speaker 2: read Marvel Collins's book Marvel Collins Way to learn more
42:30
Speaker 2: about that.
42:30
Speaker 1: Go and get it. Go check out his movie The
42:32
Speaker 1: MLK Project Motives Unmasked. Go to Chadojackson dot com and
42:35
Speaker 1: follow chat everywhere. Man, just a great conversation. I could
42:38
Speaker 1: talk to you for the next three hours. Let's do
42:39
Speaker 1: this again very soon. Okay, let's do it. Really appreciate you.
42:43
Speaker 1: That's it for Unshaking and Unafraid with Joe PAGs this
42:45
Speaker 1: time another one to drop very soon. Make sure you
42:47
Speaker 1: subscribe