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Chapter 9 - Conclusion · History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution

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Section thirty five of History of the Rise, Progress, in Termination of the
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American Revolution, Volume one. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings
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are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit
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LibriVox dot org. Read by Ted Leinhardt. History of the Rise, Progress
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and Termination of the American Revolution, Volume one by Mercy Otis Warren, Chapter
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nine conclusion. If these traits of the character of the British commander are just
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and impartial, as said to be by one of his former associates, the
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world need be at no loss why such instances of shameful outrage and rapine appeared
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wherever his army entered, or why, when he had driven the Americans over
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the Delaware, he did not pursue and complete the business by a triumphal entrance
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into Philadelphia and the total destruction of Washington and his remaining troops. Note see
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Letter of General Lee appendix note number eighteen, which discovers the temper and character
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of the writer, as well as of Sir William Howe. Note number eighteen.
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Copy of a letter from General Lee to doctor b. Rush. See
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Life and Memoirs of General Lee. Quote Camp at Valley Forge, June fourth,
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seventeen seventy eight. My dear Rush, though I had no occasion for
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fresh assurances of your friendship, I cannot help being much pleased with the warmth
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which your letter delivered to me by mister h breathes. And I hope it
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is unnecessary to assure you that my sentiments with respect to you are correspondent.
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You will think it odd that I should seem to be an apologist for general
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Howe. I know not how it happens, but when I have taken prejudices
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in favor or against a man, I find it a difficulty in shaking them
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off. From my first acquaintance with mister Howe, I liked him. I
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thought him friendly, candid, good natured, brave, and rather sensible than
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the reverse. I believe still that he is naturally so, but a corrupt
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or more properly no education. The fashion of the times, and the reigning
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idolatry amongst the English, particularly the Soldiery, for every sceptered calf wolf or
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ass have so totally perverted his understanding and heart that private friendship has not forced
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sufficient to keep a door open for the admittance of mercy towards political heretics.
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He was besides persuaded that I was doubly criminal, both as a traitor and
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deserter. In short, so totally was he inebriated with this idea that I
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am convinced he would have thought himself both politically and morally damned, had he
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acted any other part than what he did. He is, besides the most
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indolent of mortals, never took further pains to examine the merits or demerits of
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the cause in which he was engaged than merely to recollect. That Great Britain
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was said to be the mother country George the third King of Great Britain,
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that the Parliament was called the representatives of Great Britain, that the King in
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Parliament formed the supreme power, that a supreme power is absolute and uncontrollable,
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that all resistance must consequently be rebellion. But above all, that he was
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a soldier and bound to obey in all cases. Whatever. These are his
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notions, and this is logic. But through these absurdities I could distinguish when
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he was left to himself, rays of friendship and good nature breaking out.
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It is true he was seldom left to himself, for never poor mortal thrust
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into high station, was surrounded by such fools and scoundrels. Mackenzie, Balfour,
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Galloway were his counselors. They urged him to all his acts of harshness.
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They were his scribes. All the damned stuff which was issued to the
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astonished world was theirs. I believe he scarcely ever read the letters he signed.
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You will scarcely believe it. But I can assure you as a fact
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that he never read the curious proclamation issued at the head of Elk till three
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days after it was published. You will say that I am drawing my friend
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how in more ridiculous colors than he has yet been represented in. But this
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is his real character. He is naturally good, humored, complaisant, but
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illiterate and indolent to the last degree, unless as an executive soldier, in
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which capacity is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius Caesar.
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His understanding is, as I observed before, rather good than otherwise, but
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was totally confounded and stupefied by the immensity of the task imposed upon him.
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He shut his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had his
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little blank advised with his counselors, received his orders from North in Germain.
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One more absurd than the other, took Galloway's opinion, shut his eyes,
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fought again, and is now I suppose to be called to account for acting
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according to instructions. But I believe his eyes are now opened. He sees
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he has been an instrument of wickedness and folly. Indeed, when I observed
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it to him, he not only took patiently the observation, but indirectly assented
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to the truth of it. He made at the same time, as far
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as his mauvais BoNT would permit, an apology for his treatment of me.
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Thus far with regard to mister how you are struck with the great events,
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changes and new characters which have appeared on the stage since I saw you last,
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But I am more struck with the admirable efficacy of blunders. It seemed
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to be a trial of skill which party should outdo the other. And it
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is hard to say which played the deepest strokes, But it was a capital
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one of ours, which certainly gave the happy turn which affairs have taken upon
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my soul. It was time for fortune to interpose, or we were inevitably
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lost. But this we will talk over another time. I suppose we shall
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see one another at Philadelphia very soon in attendance. God bless you yours affectionately,
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Charles Lee. And note no military character ever had a fairer opportunity,
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as observed above, to place the martial laurel on his brow than was presented
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to General Howe on the banks of the Delaware. But he suffered it to
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weigh at a distance without the resolution to seize it, and instead of a
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chaplet of glory, he reaped only the hatred of America, the loss of
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esteem and reputation in England, and disgrace and censure from his parliamentary masters.
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The negligence of Sir William Howe gave an opportunity to the Americans to recover the
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energies of their former courage. The hopeless prospect that had beclouded their minds vanished
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on the successful termination of a single enterprise projected by the commander in chief and
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executed with resolution and magnanimity by officers who had been almost reduced to despondency.
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The surprise of Trenton saved the army, the city, and in some degree
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the reputation of the commander in chief, which frequently depends more on the fortunate
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exigencies of a moment than on superior talents. The world, ever, prone
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to neglect the unfortunate. However, brave, amiable, or virtuous generally pays
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its idolatrous homage to those elevated by the favors of the ideal deity to the
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pinnacle of honor. Yet real merit usually commands the plaudit of posterity, however
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it may be withheld by contemporaries from rivalry or envy. Perhaps there are no
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people on earth in whom a spirit of enthusiastic zeal is so readily enkindled and
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burns so remarkably conspicuous as among the Americans. Any fortuitous circumstance that holds out
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the most distant promise of a completion of their wishes, as pushed with an
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ardor and unanimity that seldom fails of success. This characteristic trait may in some
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measure account for the rapidity with which everything has been brought to maturity there from
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the first settlement of the colonies. The energetic operation of this sanguine temper was
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never more remarkably exhibited than in the change instantaneously wrought in the minds of men
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by the capture of Trenton, as so unexpected a moment from a state of
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mind bordering on despair, courage was invigorated, every countenance brightened, and the
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nervous arm was outstretched, as if by one general impulse. All were determined
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to drive the hostile invaders that had plundered their villages and dipped the remorseless sword
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in the bosom of the innocent victims of their fury, from off the American
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shores. But we shall see in the subsequent pages of these memoirs that they
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had yet many years to struggle with the dangers, the chances, and the
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miseries of war, before an extensive country, convulsed in every part, was
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restored to tranquility, agonizing amidst the complicated difficulties of raising, paying, and
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keeping an army in the field. It is easy to conceive it was not
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with much facility that money was drawn from the pockets of the rich for the
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support of the public cause. At the hazard of receiving a scrip of depreciated
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paper in lieu of silver and gold, a nominal substitute for specie is often
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its temporary advantages, and, when not extended too far, its permanent ones,
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but is oftener attended with a great balance of evil. Its deceptive value
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often plunges a great part of the community into ruin and corrupts the morals of
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the people before they are apprehensive of the danger. Yet without the expedient of
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a paper currency, the Americans could never have supported an army, or,
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if procured the necessaries of life from day to day. Experience had before taught
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them the pernicious effects of a paper medium without funds sufficient for its redemption.
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But the peculiar exigencies of their situation left them no other resources. The United
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States had engaged in a hazardous enterprise in which all was at stake. Deficient
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as they were in the means necessary to support a war against a wealthy and
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potent nation, they yet stood alone, uncertain whether any other power would aid
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their cause or view them with that degree of consideration that might obtain a credit
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for foreign loans. It was an interesting spectacle to all such nations, as
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said colonies of their own, to view such an unexpected spirit of resistance and
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revolt in the Americans as might be contagious and probably produce commotions as much to
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be dreaded by them as the alienation of the Thirteen Colonies was by England.
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The most judicious statesmen in America were sensible that much time must elapse and many
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events take place before any foreign stipulations could be effected. They were therefore impelled
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by the peculiar shines circumstances of their situation to resort to this dangerous expedient or
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relinquished the contest. No wise legislator, no experienced statesman, no man of
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principle, would have recourse to a measure fraught with such uncertain consequences. But
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from that necessity which in human affairs sometimes precludes all deliberation between present utility and
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distant events which may accrue. In consequence of this dilemma, Congress had admitted
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sums to a vast amount in paper bills, with a promise on the face
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of the bill of payment in specie at some distant period. This circumstance was
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alarming to the avaricious and the wealthy, who immediately withdrew their gold and silver
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from circulation. This and other combining circumstances, among which the immense sums counterfeited
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in New York by the British and thrown into the colonies produce used an immediate
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and an astonishing depreciation. At the same time, the widow and the orphan
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were obliged to receive the interest of their property deposited for security in the public
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treasuries according to the nominal sum on the face of the bills by which they
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and other classes were reduced to extreme necessity. The operative effects of this paper,
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medium, its uses, its depreciation, and total annihilation will be seen
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hereafter. When a credit of the circulating paper had sunk so low that no
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one presumed to offer it in barter for any commodity, all public demands were
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consolidated by government at a very great discount, and public securities given to those
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who had demands for services or loans, and the fate of Congress pledged for
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their payment and full value as soon as practicable note see Appendix Note number nineteen
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nineteen. The iniquitous conduct of speculators and swindlers to secure to themselves the possession
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of most of the public securities will leave a stain on a large class of
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people, who, by every art endeavored to sink the fate of Congress.
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Indeed, their attempts to injure the credit of all public bodies were attended with
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the most pernicious consequences to the honest and unsuspecting holders of public paper. By
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every insidious practice, they induced the ignorant and necessitous to part with their securities
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for the most trifling considerations to supply their immediate wants. Thus, afterwards,
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when a new constitution of government was formed and a funding system created, no
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discrimination was made in favor of the original holders who had dispossessed themselves of the
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public securities. Those who had gained them by their artificial deception were enriched beyond
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all calculation by subsequent circumstances. They afterwards received the nominal value in specie,
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while many of the former holders were reduced to extreme poverty. It was pathetically
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observed by one who felt these inconveniences that quote the public securities, tired of
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their humble abodes, had soon fled to the splendid seats of wealth and greatness,
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And that while they remained with a class who had dearly earned them by
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their services, no interest was promised. No time, place or person ascertained
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to direct our application for payment, they fell into disgrace, which, concurring
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with our necessities, as they could yield no present comfort or future hope,
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induced us to part with them for the most trifling considerations. But when they
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had chosen their elevated residents, their credit revived and provision was made for the
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payment of interest upon them. An event literally sold them for nothing, and
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are obliged to pay their present holders an annual sum for keeping them in possession.
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For many of us have or must soon pay for the interest of them
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a sum nearly or quite equal to the money given to purchase them, and
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still be annually taxed to discharge the interest and principle of said securities. And
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this is an anticipation of what literally took place afterwards. Though it is but
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justice to observe that mister Madison of Virginia, a distinguished member of Congress,
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and several others of that body, left no rational argument untried to procure a
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discrimination when the funding system was about to be introduced in one thousand, seven
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hundred and seventy eight that would have made some equitable compensation to the original holders
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of public securities and prevented a sudden accumulation of wealth to a class of men
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who had, many of them never earned by their own private industry or their
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services to the public sufficient for competent support. They grew rich on the property
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of those who had suffered in the service of their country, who were left
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to complain without a possibility of redress. And note, the honor and the
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fate of the commander in chief had been daily hazarded by the unrestrained license of
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soldiers with whom it was optional to stay a few days longer, or to
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withdraw after the short term of their enlistment had expired, however imminent the dangers
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might be that threatened their country. Yet the establishment of a permanent army was
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not more ardently wished by General Washington than by every judicious man in America.
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But the work, though not insurmountable, was attended with complicated difficulties. The
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reluctance felt through that class of men from which an army was to be draw
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on to enlist for an indefinite term was apparent to all. The precarious resources
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for the support of an army, which at that time depended only on a
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depreciating medium, could not be concealed and were discouraging. Indeed, at the
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same time it was a subject too delicate to expatiate on. As the more
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it was conversed upon, the greater was the danger of defeating the desired object.
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But the firmness of Congress unshaken, and the legislatures of the individual states
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equally zealous, while the people at large were convinced of the utility of the
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major, the object was in time obtained, though not so rapidly as the
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exigencies of the day required. End Section thirty five, end Chapter nine, Conclusion