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Louie Gohmert: Why This Scandal Was Worse Than Watergate · Unshaken & Unafraid with Joe Pags

0:00
Speaker 1: This is information you're not gonna hear anywhere else. This
0:02
Speaker 1: scandal makes Watergate look like a traffic ticket, makes it
0:05
Speaker 1: look small. I mean, I'm talking about arctic frost. You've
0:08
Speaker 1: heard about it, but only in the periphery. We're gonna
0:11
Speaker 1: get in detail with former Congress and Louis Gomert. You know,
0:14
Speaker 1: he says, the DOJ and FBI secretly spot on lawmakers,
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Speaker 1: ces phone records, silence whistleblowers without any warrants. That is
0:22
Speaker 1: a violation of the constitution. It's not speculation. Louis Gohmert,
0:27
Speaker 1: former judge, prosecutor and twenty year member of the House
0:29
Speaker 1: of Representatives, explains what he says actually happened. And by
0:34
Speaker 1: the way, if they can do this to members of Congress,
0:36
Speaker 1: what's to stop them from doing it to you and
0:38
Speaker 1: to me? I mean, we wouldn't even know it. The
0:40
Speaker 1: telecom companies were told by a judge, a judge whose
0:43
Speaker 1: name you've heard a lot lately. You don't have to
0:45
Speaker 1: tell anybody. In fact, don't tell anybody that you're spying
0:48
Speaker 1: on or whose records you're turning over for a year.
0:51
Speaker 1: When you get this information, you're gonna find out how
0:53
Speaker 1: deep it goes how serious this scandal was and how
0:57
Speaker 1: close we came to losing our country. Gomert says this
1:00
Speaker 1: country was one election away from becoming a one party
1:03
Speaker 1: state and explains how close we actually came. Information you
1:07
Speaker 1: haven't seen, you haven't heard here now former representative, former judge,
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Speaker 1: former prosecutor Louis Gommert.
1:14
Speaker 2: But we're in one hundred percent agreement on this. Arctic
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Speaker 2: frost is so much bigger than Watergate, anything that we've
1:23
Speaker 2: ever seen. I think it's so much bigger than anything
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Speaker 2: I know in history, where you have the executive branch,
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Speaker 2: the DOJ that's out to destroy one of.
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Speaker 3: The two parties. It's just incredible to have.
1:45
Speaker 2: Gone after hundreds of members of Congress of the other party,
1:52
Speaker 2: Republican organizations, and members of Congress and senators. There's nothing
1:58
Speaker 2: like that in history.
2:00
Speaker 3: It's just profound it is.
2:04
Speaker 1: And Watergate, if you break it down, was a bunch
2:06
Speaker 1: of idiots breaking into the DNC to find out what
2:08
Speaker 1: the campaign strategy was. Richard Nixon made it exponentially worse
2:12
Speaker 1: by lying about it. He should have just stayed the course.
2:14
Speaker 1: He might have been fine. It probably was really an
2:16
Speaker 1: operation to get rid of him and he fell for it.
2:18
Speaker 1: But that just on the action that was taken at
2:22
Speaker 1: the Watergate Hotel was nothing compared to this. This Jack
2:25
Speaker 1: Frost guy was brought in, in my opinion, as a
2:27
Speaker 1: political executioner. He was brought in to get to take
2:30
Speaker 1: out Donald Trump and anybody who even liked Donald Trump.
2:32
Speaker 1: He was brought in to take you out, take me
2:34
Speaker 1: out of it. If he couldn't shut me up. Anybody
2:37
Speaker 1: who was on the political right, anybody who loved the constitution,
2:39
Speaker 1: anybody who was gonna make sure government didn't have all
2:42
Speaker 1: this power. We were all in the target, weren't we.
2:45
Speaker 2: Yeah, we all were. You nailed it, We all were.
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Speaker 2: And if Donald Trump had not won the election, God
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Speaker 2: bless him. I mean, he weathered through all the law
2:59
Speaker 2: fair that they the executioners, the going after his family,
3:06
Speaker 2: the d banking, everything they threw add him.
3:11
Speaker 3: Joe.
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Speaker 2: I don't know anybody else in this country that could
3:14
Speaker 2: have weathered the storms that he did. If he doesn't
3:19
Speaker 2: win the election, then I think we're a one party country,
3:25
Speaker 2: and that party is a Marxist party party, and we
3:29
Speaker 2: we we elect to go Marxist. Uh. It was that dangerous,
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Speaker 2: and Jack Frost Smith would have been a party to that,
3:43
Speaker 2: taking us all down.
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Speaker 3: There would be no coming back from that.
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Speaker 2: They would have gone after the stolen expression of show
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Speaker 2: me the man, and in essence, we'll find a crime
3:57
Speaker 2: to take him down. They make them up that they
4:00
Speaker 2: have to, and we've seen that they did that with Trump.
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Speaker 1: It's a constitutional crisis. He writes about this in Front
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Speaker 1: page mag dot com. Go check out what louisgum Gohmert
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Speaker 1: wrote there. I didn't said your name in a long time.
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Speaker 1: I keep messing it up, Lewis. Just go to gomert
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Speaker 1: dot com, gomert dot com and find out more about that.
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Speaker 1: But frontpagemag dot com is where the latest article is. Constitutionally,
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Speaker 1: I know how it works. You have to have probable cause,
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Speaker 1: you have to have a reason. You go to a
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Speaker 1: judge and you say, here's my probable cause. The judge says, yeah,
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Speaker 1: here's your warrant. Go do what you want to do.
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Speaker 1: But this judge Bosburg, who I think thinks he's the president,
4:37
Speaker 1: who told the president turned two planes around with illegal
4:40
Speaker 1: aliens on them, or you're gonna be in trouble with me.
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Speaker 1: That this guy who every single chance he gets sits
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Speaker 1: and presides over a Trump case and always takes the
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Speaker 1: opposite side. Does he have any ability whatsoever, in your opinion,
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Speaker 1: or even constitutionally to say to Jack Frost, tell At
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Speaker 1: and T Sprint Verizon, they're not allowed to tell the
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Speaker 1: members of Congress for a year that they're being spied
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Speaker 1: on or that all their records are being turned over.
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Speaker 1: Who does he have that right.
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Speaker 3: To do that? Oh? No, absolutely not.
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Speaker 2: And and you know, especially when you look at what
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Speaker 2: he said, he was saying that, and of course somebody
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Speaker 2: had to take an oath and swear that if people
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Speaker 2: like me, uh you know, Ted Cruz all these others,
5:29
Speaker 2: that that they went after Jim Jordans, that if we
5:35
Speaker 2: were told that they were turning over all our records
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Speaker 2: to them, that we were a threat to flee the country.
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Speaker 1: Where were you going, yeah, one of those well known people,
5:51
Speaker 1: Where are you going?
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Speaker 3: My gosh, where would I go?
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Speaker 2: I've only had one home, you know, I've lived in
5:57
Speaker 2: Tyler ever since I finished the four years the Army.
6:00
Speaker 2: I've got nowhere else to go. And then or we
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Speaker 2: would have been Hillary Clinton and started destroying evidence, or
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Speaker 2: like the January sixth committee, we would have started destroying
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Speaker 2: evidence but it was more insidious than that too. They
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Speaker 2: didn't use probable cause. They used a subpoena, a grand
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Speaker 2: jury subpoena. Now, with a grand jury subpoena, you know,
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Speaker 2: and having been a prosecutor and a felony judge, you
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Speaker 2: know who handled grand juries, a prosecutor can go in
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Speaker 2: and and abuse this process so badly. And that's what
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Speaker 2: Jack Smith did, and I can see the abuse here.
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Speaker 2: He must have gone in with stacks of papers and
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Speaker 2: told the grand jury, look, we're going after all this evidence.
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Speaker 2: I just need the foreman here to sign off on
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Speaker 2: these subpoenas. Now, with a subpoena, you don't have to
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Speaker 2: prove probable cause or anything. You just have to say
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Speaker 2: we need this evidence, and they sign off and you
7:14
Speaker 2: go gather the evidence.
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Speaker 3: But they they went before Judge.
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Speaker 2: Bozburg, and then they further got this order that you
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Speaker 2: couldn't tell anybody about this. You couldn't tell us those
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Speaker 2: of us whose records were being sieged. Now, thankfully AT
7:34
Speaker 2: and T and other of the phone companies, when they
7:38
Speaker 2: saw that this was just a subpoena without a warrant,
7:42
Speaker 2: without probable cause, they backed off and said, wait a minute,
7:46
Speaker 2: you know, this looks like something that ought to be
7:50
Speaker 2: fought over in court. But one of my providers of Averizon,
7:56
Speaker 2: they just said, oh, a subpoena. Oh sure, here's all
7:59
Speaker 2: his records, and we won't tell them, we won't let
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Speaker 2: them know. That is so outrageous, it's so violentive. And
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Speaker 2: I know, back in two thousand and six when William
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Speaker 2: Jefferson had committed crimes and they got a legitimate warrant
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Speaker 2: to search his home, they got a legitimate warrant to
8:21
Speaker 2: search his office. But for the whole history of Congress,
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Speaker 2: the executive branch, the prosecutors, and then the DOJ when
8:32
Speaker 2: it came into existence, and they always understood that there
8:36
Speaker 2: is a congressional privilege. And some said, all you people
8:40
Speaker 2: in Congress think you're a blah blah blah. No, no,
8:42
Speaker 2: but there is a privilege there because we have whistleblowers
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Speaker 2: come to us, and Jim Jordan and I back in
8:50
Speaker 2: those days, Joe, we're saying, we got FBI, We've got
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Speaker 2: people coming to us and whistle blowing about people in
8:59
Speaker 2: the FBI or DOJ suborning perjury. They're trying to get
9:03
Speaker 2: FBI agents to sign false half of David, so they
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Speaker 2: can get warrants. And you know, can you imagine the
9:10
Speaker 2: chilling effect if you're an FBI agent and you've called
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Speaker 2: me or Jordan or our committee and now they're going
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Speaker 2: and grabbing those phone records without letting us know.
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Speaker 3: I mean, holy cow.
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Speaker 2: It destroys the ability of us to have legitimate oversight
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Speaker 2: over the DOJ, over the FBI. And that's one of
9:36
Speaker 2: the huge checks and balances. So it's not about being
9:40
Speaker 2: above the law. So ever since you know, there's been
9:43
Speaker 2: a constitution, if you warrant to search an office of
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Speaker 2: a congressman our stuff, you didn't tell the congressman or
9:55
Speaker 2: you went straight to house counsel and they came in
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Speaker 2: and grabbed everything, and they went through with their lawyers
10:03
Speaker 2: and they determined what was privileged, what was const constituent
10:09
Speaker 2: stuff that was privileged, what was whistleblower stuff that was privileged,
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Speaker 2: and then they turned over what was appropriate under the warrant.
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Speaker 2: But in this case, in Moeller's case, director of the
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Speaker 2: FBI back in two thousand and six, he wanted to
10:25
Speaker 2: set an example and show congress ask or you, we're
10:29
Speaker 2: going to take it to you. It would stick it
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Speaker 2: to you. They didn't bother with House counsel. You just
10:34
Speaker 2: went in and grabbed everything. And the DC C Court
10:37
Speaker 2: said you can't do that, even though there was a
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Speaker 2: federal DC judge that said, yeah, yeah, it's okay if
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Speaker 2: you just sort through it at the DOJ and then
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Speaker 2: let them have back what's privileged.
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Speaker 3: You can't do that.
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Speaker 2: It's got to be a third party that sorts out
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Speaker 2: the privileged stuff. And so here they are again. It's
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Speaker 2: even worse than what Moller did did in two thousand
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Speaker 2: and six. And I was shocked back in six. You know,
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Speaker 2: Jefferson appeared to be guilty of sin. Why would you
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Speaker 2: risk a slam dunk case like they had back then
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Speaker 2: by taking this constitutional risk like he did, Well, it
11:19
Speaker 2: was just to slam in your face to Congress. In fact,
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Speaker 2: you know, Mora had said something back in those days
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Speaker 2: like maybe I need to put four hundred agents on Congress,
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Speaker 2: you know, get after them. It was a threat to us,
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Speaker 2: and this is this is really uh, this was what
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Speaker 2: Jack Smith was doing. The DOJ was coming after Republicans
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Speaker 2: at every level organizations, and if God blessed Donald Trump,
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Speaker 2: if he had not won, this would be a Marxist country.
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Speaker 3: Today.
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Speaker 1: Yeah, no doubt. It's Louis Gomert, former Congress and currently
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Speaker 1: Senior Fellow at the Political Statesmanship with the David Horrowitz
12:03
Speaker 1: Freedom Center. David Horror was on my show a lot.
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Speaker 1: I really liked the guy. I'm so so sad to
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Speaker 1: find out about his passing not too long ago. When
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Speaker 1: it comes to everything you just said, I of course
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Speaker 1: agree with all of it. But let me ask you
12:14
Speaker 1: something very specifically. Why doesn't Congress do what it can do.
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Speaker 1: Defund the FBI till it gets in line, Maybe defund
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Speaker 1: the district that Boseburg sits on, or maybe just remove
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Speaker 1: that court. Congress created that court. They can get rid
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Speaker 1: of that court. The only court that is Article three
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Speaker 1: in the Constitution is the Supreme Court. As you know,
12:33
Speaker 1: is it up to the Supreme Court Chief Justice to say, hey, Boseburg,
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Speaker 1: you're out of here. You suck at your job. Why
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Speaker 1: allow somebody to feel like he's got the power of
12:40
Speaker 1: God sitting on a bench like that? And can't you
12:43
Speaker 1: when the FBI is getting out of line, can't Congress
12:46
Speaker 1: say we'll just take the purse strings away, and then
12:48
Speaker 1: you're gonna have to get in line and do what
12:50
Speaker 1: your original charter was you investigate stuff. You're not the
12:54
Speaker 1: boss of us. You're not a deep state, you know,
12:56
Speaker 1: cabal that gets to rule Louis Gilmert's life. Why does
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Speaker 1: in Congress do what I think it has the power
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Speaker 1: to do.
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Speaker 2: Joe, you're singing my song. I sang that song for
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Speaker 2: eighteen years. I was so frustrated when we had the
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Speaker 2: majority during my eighteen years. I was so frustrated over
13:18
Speaker 2: and over. And it wasn't just the FBI, and it
13:21
Speaker 2: wasn't just the DOJ that we should have called in.
13:25
Speaker 2: I was going, we have oversight over these judges. We
13:29
Speaker 2: can subpoena them and call them in and say, look,
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Speaker 2: Article three, Section one says you only get to serve
13:37
Speaker 2: during your good behavior. We're concerned about your behavior. And
13:41
Speaker 2: haven't been a judge in chief Justice. I know you
13:43
Speaker 2: can't get into minutia of cases, but we can talk
13:46
Speaker 2: about your behavior, and we can grill them on their
13:50
Speaker 2: bad behavior because they are violating the law that Congress
13:57
Speaker 2: set out many decades ago. Recuse yourself if there's any
14:02
Speaker 2: question at all about whether or not you may be
14:04
Speaker 2: biased in a case. And we have seen that over
14:07
Speaker 2: and over, and I kept going we have got to
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Speaker 2: bring these guys in, We got.
14:11
Speaker 3: To hold them accountable.
14:13
Speaker 2: And in fact, you know, I made comments about, look,
14:17
Speaker 2: you know, the FBI may be so far gone, we
14:19
Speaker 2: may need to just defund this FBI and start over
14:24
Speaker 2: and create a group just to go through and and
14:30
Speaker 2: interview the FBI agents and see who might be okay
14:34
Speaker 2: to go into this new federal entity.
14:39
Speaker 3: It was that bad.
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Speaker 2: Because there were that many FBI agents that we were
14:46
Speaker 2: going along. Some of them may not have been instigating it,
14:50
Speaker 2: but they were going along with what were constitutionally prohibited things.
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Speaker 2: And and you look at the the practices they had
15:02
Speaker 2: devolved to.
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Speaker 3: Back when I was.
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Speaker 2: Litigating and even during the nineties when I was on
15:09
Speaker 2: the bench as a judge, you know, I knew FBI
15:12
Speaker 2: agents and these were good people, Joe.
15:15
Speaker 3: And when they knew.
15:19
Speaker 2: Especially if somebody had a lawyer and they got an indictment,
15:24
Speaker 2: normally they would call the lawyer and say, your clientsman
15:28
Speaker 2: had died it he's got to show up at the jail.
15:30
Speaker 3: Tomorrow at nine ten am.
15:33
Speaker 2: And they knew if he didn't show up that they
15:36
Speaker 2: were going to get him, and then it would look
15:38
Speaker 2: like he was running away.
15:40
Speaker 3: And you can.
15:42
Speaker 2: Introduce that at trial many times that they ran off
15:46
Speaker 2: instead of reporting, and you don't want that coming in
15:49
Speaker 2: at your trial.
15:51
Speaker 3: So they would report.
15:53
Speaker 2: And instead of knocking down doors like Roger Stone people
15:58
Speaker 2: that they weren't a threat to anybody, and having all
16:01
Speaker 2: the machine guns automatic weapons around them and the swhite teams.
16:07
Speaker 2: Those were Gestopo tactics. And I don't say that likely.
16:11
Speaker 2: You can go back and read what the Gestapo did
16:14
Speaker 2: the early morning tactics that they wanted media there, they
16:19
Speaker 2: wanted to see it, They wanted everybody to see and
16:22
Speaker 2: be threatened. High FBI devolved into that. And so it
16:28
Speaker 2: scared me that you know, maybe exactly what you were saying, Joe,
16:33
Speaker 2: So when I say you were singing my song, you
16:35
Speaker 2: really were. But people in the Congress and our party
16:41
Speaker 2: would go, Louis, you know, we don't want to overreact
16:43
Speaker 2: and going we're losing the republic. It's not an overreaction.
16:48
Speaker 2: We've got to do something. So you're exactly right. But
16:55
Speaker 2: until Mike, Mike Johnson say, for thirty years, you know,
17:02
Speaker 2: you know, we didn't have a speaker who was willing
17:05
Speaker 2: to fight, was willing to do anything to put up
17:09
Speaker 2: a fight, and you know, like Bayner would want sound bites,
17:13
Speaker 2: we'd have hearings like on Big Gazie and other things.
17:16
Speaker 2: Just give me good soundbites, but we're not going to
17:19
Speaker 2: do anything about it. And that's that's how you lose
17:23
Speaker 2: a country when the party that can do something and
17:28
Speaker 2: knows they should do something, does nothing but look for
17:32
Speaker 2: political soundbites.
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Speaker 3: And that's what we've been.
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Speaker 1: Through Gohmert dot com. It's Louis Gomert. We appreciate the
17:37
Speaker 1: time and the access. So what happens now, Louis, is
17:39
Speaker 1: Merek Garland on the hook? Is Joe Biden on the hook?
17:42
Speaker 1: Is we know Jack Smith is certainly on the hook?
17:45
Speaker 1: There should be hell to pay for what they did
17:47
Speaker 1: in violating the civil rights of all of these people
17:50
Speaker 1: you included. I might be on the list. I don't know.
17:52
Speaker 1: They were going up to conservatives. They haven't released everybody,
17:55
Speaker 1: but at the end of the day, a lot of
17:57
Speaker 1: Americans did not have the civil rights they're supposed to
17:59
Speaker 1: have afforded by the Constitution. Who's on the hook? Who
18:03
Speaker 1: should face the music, and by music, I mean behind bars?
18:07
Speaker 1: Who should be gone here?
18:09
Speaker 2: Well, that's what there needs to be a complete investigation
18:14
Speaker 2: into the Merrick Garland do OJ, into the Christopher Ray
18:18
Speaker 2: FBI and bring these people to justice. That we're violating
18:24
Speaker 2: people's constitutional rights who were committing crimes under the color
18:31
Speaker 2: of their positions, abusing their positions, maliciously prosecuting people. This
18:41
Speaker 2: is serious stuff and if nobody is made to pay,
18:45
Speaker 2: then all we've done is have a little reprieve in
18:49
Speaker 2: our slide to the end of this wonderful republic.
18:54
Speaker 3: So people have got to be made to pay.
18:57
Speaker 2: The jury still out on whether Mike Johnson will be
19:00
Speaker 2: strong enough to go ahead and make sure that people
19:04
Speaker 2: are brought to justice. But for thirty years, since Newt
19:10
Speaker 2: Gingrich's first term as Speaker, we hadn't had a speaker
19:14
Speaker 2: that was willing to do that, and so the jury
19:18
Speaker 2: is still out on whether or not we have one.
19:20
Speaker 3: Now.
19:20
Speaker 2: I hope and pray Mike Johnson is that person that
19:24
Speaker 2: will allow people to do it.
19:26
Speaker 3: But I tell you, you get you get.
19:31
Speaker 2: In these committees and most people, yeah, they want to
19:35
Speaker 2: make a fuss, but they're not willing to take the
19:39
Speaker 2: next step and hold people accountable. And you know, at
19:46
Speaker 2: one point Ted Poe and John Carter and I were
19:54
Speaker 2: sitting during votes talking and Ted Poe said, have you
19:58
Speaker 2: noticed that those of us that have been district judges
20:02
Speaker 2: before seem to have less trouble just going ahead and
20:05
Speaker 2: doing what needs to be done? Whereas people that have
20:09
Speaker 2: never had to sit there and look people in the
20:13
Speaker 2: eye and send them to prison, they seem to have
20:16
Speaker 2: a harder time actually doing what needs to be done.
20:22
Speaker 2: And I said, well, you know, I never thought about it, Ted,
20:24
Speaker 2: but you're right. When you're a district judge and you're
20:28
Speaker 2: looking people in the eye, you can't say I'm really sorry.
20:31
Speaker 2: You know, my core reporter made me do it. You
20:33
Speaker 2: have to just do what you got to do. But
20:36
Speaker 2: there are a lot of people in Congress that don't
20:39
Speaker 2: have the nerve to do what needs to be done.
20:42
Speaker 2: But we're talking about preserving this union, and there's got
20:46
Speaker 2: to be some prices to pay for how closely they
20:50
Speaker 2: took us to the brink of losing the republic.
20:53
Speaker 1: Ted Poe's a good friend of mine. We go and
20:55
Speaker 1: we get lunch every so Offen. He comes out at
20:56
Speaker 1: least once a month. I hear him say that when
20:58
Speaker 1: you said it. I can actually hear his voice saying that,
21:00
Speaker 1: And he's right. Of course, you're right. And here's the problem, though, Louis,
21:04
Speaker 1: and I wonder if you'll give you a comment on this.
21:05
Speaker 1: I like Mike Johnson. He seems to be a stand
21:07
Speaker 1: up guy. When he was not the speaker, I felt
21:09
Speaker 1: like he had more teeth that he has now maybe
21:11
Speaker 1: he's playing more politics. Who knows. But it bothers me
21:14
Speaker 1: that you can't even censure a person like Elon Omar
21:18
Speaker 1: who said Charlie Kirk was Frankenstein and Frankenstein's monster killed him.
21:23
Speaker 1: You couldn't censure a person like this Plasket who was
21:26
Speaker 1: literally texting Jeffrey Epstein as she was on oversight or
21:30
Speaker 1: judiciary whatever she was on questioning. You know, in the
21:33
Speaker 1: impeachment hearings of Donald Trump, she's texting with the guy
21:37
Speaker 1: who was already a convicted sex offender to find out
21:40
Speaker 1: what question she should ask next. Guess what, we couldn't
21:43
Speaker 1: censure her either. We couldn't censure Rashida Talib for saying
21:47
Speaker 1: river to the sea. So you can't even do a censure,
21:50
Speaker 1: which is like a reprimand it's like a slap on
21:52
Speaker 1: the wrist. How are you going to do something like
21:54
Speaker 1: get rid of a district judge. How do you do
21:56
Speaker 1: something like defund a doj organized that isn't following the rules?
22:02
Speaker 1: You know what I mean. I'm with you. I hope
22:04
Speaker 1: he's that guy, but so far we're not seeing that
22:06
Speaker 1: from the Republicans.
22:09
Speaker 2: I know, Joe, I know, uh, And that's why I'm
22:13
Speaker 2: saying I think the jury's still out, but the indications
22:17
Speaker 2: are not good. But he's got a rise to the occasion.
22:22
Speaker 2: He knows, he knows what has to be done, but
22:25
Speaker 2: he's got to rise to the occasion.
22:27
Speaker 1: Now.
22:27
Speaker 2: When he first became speaker, I felt like he got
22:32
Speaker 2: played by him Jeffers and uh, you know, Mitch McConnell
22:37
Speaker 2: and Schumer. I felt like he just got played by him,
22:41
Speaker 2: and you know, got pushed into stuff he shouldn't have
22:44
Speaker 2: agreed to. But but he's a smart guy. He knows
22:49
Speaker 2: what surely knows. I know, he knows what needs to
22:52
Speaker 2: be done. And and one of his staff is one
22:55
Speaker 2: of my smartest guys that ever worked for me, and
22:58
Speaker 2: he's helping him, and I know he.
23:01
Speaker 3: Knows what needs to be done.
23:03
Speaker 2: But they've got to step up and let people do
23:06
Speaker 2: it and push them into doing it. And that means
23:10
Speaker 2: Jim Jordan, especially at the Judiciary Committee. But it was
23:15
Speaker 2: one of the reasons that they would not want me
23:18
Speaker 2: to be chairman ever of the Judiciary Committee, is because
23:24
Speaker 2: as one of the Bainter's best friends in the party
23:32
Speaker 2: that was in Congress, he had a great sense of humor.
23:36
Speaker 2: But every time he'd see me, he'd say, Louis, you
23:39
Speaker 2: scare the hell out of me.
23:42
Speaker 1: And that's a good thing. That's a good thing for
23:44
Speaker 1: the American people and the people of Texas. Louis, before
23:47
Speaker 1: I let you go, I hate to not go here.
23:50
Speaker 1: I know that you were in the house, but you've
23:51
Speaker 1: got I'm sure you've got a great opinion on this.
23:53
Speaker 1: What do you think about this philibuster? You and I
23:55
Speaker 1: both know the pilibuster was only there because I think
23:59
Speaker 1: it was James Polk was the president when it happened.
24:02
Speaker 1: He said, you guys are taking too long. I need
24:04
Speaker 1: this on my desk. Okay, you can filibuster, but as
24:06
Speaker 1: soon as you're done arguing, you gotta pass this thing
24:09
Speaker 1: and get it to me. And that worked out. But
24:11
Speaker 1: in nineteen seventy five, for some reason, they decided to say,
24:14
Speaker 1: you don't even have to filibuster anymore. They took it
24:17
Speaker 1: from a super majority, they took it from a two
24:19
Speaker 1: thirds majority to a supermajority, which is sixty. And when
24:23
Speaker 1: they did that, they said, you can just say you're
24:25
Speaker 1: gonna filibuster. You don't have to actually argue anymore. And
24:28
Speaker 1: that's all they do is say, hey, we're gonna filibuster.
24:29
Speaker 1: Then they go to lunch. Nobody even argues anymore. And
24:32
Speaker 1: it stays that way, and the minority party literally is
24:35
Speaker 1: controlling what the Senate can do. The argument to get
24:37
Speaker 1: rid of it makes sense to me. It goes back
24:39
Speaker 1: to what it used to be, and you've got a
24:41
Speaker 1: simple majority, get it to the president and get it signed.
24:43
Speaker 1: But the argument is, well, then they're gonna pack the court.
24:45
Speaker 1: They're gonna add Puerto Rico and DC estates, gonna add
24:49
Speaker 1: four new senators. The court's gonna have fifteen members. It's
24:51
Speaker 1: always going to be liberal. Our side, I'm not a Republican,
24:54
Speaker 1: I'm a conservative. Our side is always afraid of what
24:57
Speaker 1: the Democrats would do should we take it the action
25:00
Speaker 1: at all. So what would you do with the filibuster?
25:03
Speaker 3: Well, what would I do?
25:06
Speaker 2: I would eliminate the filibuster when it comes to confirming
25:09
Speaker 2: people in office. Yes, they should have gone into recess
25:15
Speaker 2: in August. It's ridiculous that John Thune and Mike Johnson
25:19
Speaker 2: didn't do that so that we could at least have
25:21
Speaker 2: recess appointments. But get rid of the filibuster on confirmations
25:27
Speaker 2: so that we can get all of President Trump's nominations confirmed.
25:31
Speaker 2: That just needs to be done. And if you want to,
25:35
Speaker 2: I'm okay if you want to keep the philibuster for
25:39
Speaker 2: the other things. But because you've got reconciliation where you
25:43
Speaker 2: can use if it relates it all to the budget
25:47
Speaker 2: and you can tie things in there, and because so
25:51
Speaker 2: many things affect the budget, keep it for that. But
25:54
Speaker 2: exactly like you said, Joe, if you're going to filibuster,
25:58
Speaker 2: you get your rear end down there to the Senate floor,
26:01
Speaker 2: and when you're dragging and you can't speak again, then
26:05
Speaker 2: the filibuster ends and we go ahead and vote. Now,
26:09
Speaker 2: Ted Cruz, he beat the record and I think he
26:14
Speaker 2: went like twenty six hours something like that. That's a filibuster.
26:18
Speaker 2: I think it was twenty four hours before that. Strom
26:23
Speaker 2: Thurman Democrat, he was filibustering. You know, one of the
26:29
Speaker 2: things that did need to pass back in the sixties.
26:32
Speaker 2: But uh, and and there are some of the things
26:37
Speaker 2: he did, like keeping one foot on the on the
26:39
Speaker 2: Senate floor and one fulling foot in the.
26:46
Speaker 3: Well.
26:47
Speaker 2: I won't get into how he took care of his
26:49
Speaker 2: personal needs. But anyway, but you have to be on
26:56
Speaker 2: the Senate floor. You can yield to somebody else, but
26:59
Speaker 2: you have to be on the Senate floor while they speak.
27:04
Speaker 2: And the minute you no longer can speak, the minute
27:07
Speaker 2: you no longer can be on the Senate floor, then
27:10
Speaker 2: your filibuster is over.
27:12
Speaker 3: And go ahead and vote.
27:13
Speaker 1: And it wouldn't have gone forty three days, Louis, that's
27:17
Speaker 1: my point. It would not have gone anywhere. And maybe
27:20
Speaker 1: I don't want to hear. Please, I don't want to
27:21
Speaker 1: hear about snap. I don't want to hear about food stamps.
27:23
Speaker 1: I don't want to hear about wick. Now, none of
27:24
Speaker 1: that would have been on the table. They were using
27:26
Speaker 1: the leverage Joe handed to them in nineteen seventy five.
27:29
Speaker 1: Ye I mean, yeah, go back to it.
27:32
Speaker 2: Because you can't live forty three days. And by the way,
27:36
Speaker 2: I remember when rand Paul was doing a filibuster and
27:41
Speaker 2: uh he somebody uh was going to encouraging one of
27:46
Speaker 2: the other senators, and I was helping rand I was,
27:50
Speaker 2: you know, getting the stuff and bringing for him to read.
27:54
Speaker 2: And uh, one of the other senators brought him an
27:58
Speaker 2: apple and thermos of tea like Jimmy Stewart had in
28:02
Speaker 2: the movie mister.
28:04
Speaker 3: Smith goes to Washington.
28:06
Speaker 2: Well, when the senators objected, you know, it violates the
28:10
Speaker 2: Senate rules, he's got an apple. You can't have an
28:12
Speaker 2: apple under the Senate rules. Well, it does violate. So
28:16
Speaker 2: President and Senate said, okay, violating the rules.
28:19
Speaker 3: Take the apple.
28:20
Speaker 2: And then in a little bit he said, wait, he's
28:22
Speaker 2: got tea in that thermost.
28:24
Speaker 3: He can't have anything but water.
28:26
Speaker 2: So they take the thermos, and then Graham took a
28:30
Speaker 2: sip from the little cup and wait, wait, he's still
28:34
Speaker 2: got some tea in. Then they took the couple of Well,
28:37
Speaker 2: that's the way you do it. You can't have anything
28:40
Speaker 2: but water, and you're going to stand there and do
28:42
Speaker 2: the filibus or forever long you can do it. And
28:45
Speaker 2: then we voked, and it doesn't last more than two days.
28:49
Speaker 2: Maybe you can go seven days without eating anything at all,
28:53
Speaker 2: because you're not going to eat anything on the Senate floor.
28:56
Speaker 2: Right right, Because the Senate holds people to the Democrats
29:01
Speaker 2: sold people to the rules. Your Republicans need to do
29:04
Speaker 2: that too, and then we can end the debate and
29:09
Speaker 2: get on to the vote.
29:11
Speaker 3: That's not exactly Joe, You're so right about that.
29:13
Speaker 1: Well, you and I agree wholeheartedly. I just want us
29:15
Speaker 1: to go back to what it was. The philibuster isn't
29:17
Speaker 1: a philibuster anymore. It's just we don't feel like voting.
29:20
Speaker 1: You're not getting our vote. That's just the way it's
29:21
Speaker 1: going to be. As they make this weird case to
29:24
Speaker 1: the American people that somehow the Republicans are the one
29:26
Speaker 1: that shut it down. It's Louis Gohmert, former congress and
29:28
Speaker 1: currently Senior Fellow for Political Statesmanship with the David Horwitz
29:31
Speaker 1: Freedom Center. Go to Gohert dot com. Thank you for
29:34
Speaker 1: all the time today. I missed you. I'd love to
29:36
Speaker 1: have you on again very soon, my friend, because there's
29:38
Speaker 1: so much going on and I think we need your
29:40
Speaker 1: knowledge and your presence more than ever.
29:42
Speaker 3: Thanks Joe, thank you so much.
29:44
Speaker 1: I think he spot on. Louis Gummert nails it. We
29:46
Speaker 1: were that close to losing the United States of America
29:49
Speaker 1: as we know it. Here's hoping those who are responsible
29:52
Speaker 1: are held to account and that justice will prevail. That's
29:55
Speaker 1: it for Unshaken and Unafraid with Joe Paggs. This time,
29:58
Speaker 1: it's a full playlist. This is almost eighty episodes now.
30:01
Speaker 3: If you're just.
30:02
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30:03
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30:06
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30:10
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30:20
Speaker 1: of Unshaken and Unafraid with Joe Pegs.