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Formerly Great Britain: Can a nation remain itself if it forgets how it became itself? · Cultural Wars | America Out Loud News

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  Randall Park here to unpack myths, explore innovations and give you actual insights into the world of medicine and health.
• 0:45
  I came across him because uh you know he's an honest broker and uh a good bloke.
• 0:50
  So that makes him an honest, honest bloker, I guess.
• 0:53
  Um and and so you know, he's uh you know, willing to to talk about what it is to be English, and and uh you know, Robin, tell us a little bit about what your journey is and and why you have reached some little bit of uh popularity and notoriety, uh mild fame.
• 1:11
  Um so starting from the from now going backwards, um I was at uh Unite the Kingdom rally in uh February, which is run by Tommy Robinson, who I don't particularly support, but by the by I go to them, uh I've been to all of them because it's really nice to spend a day surrounded by Englishmen.
• 1:33
  So I go for that because I'm not generally surrounded by Englishmen in London.
• 1:37
  Um and I miss it, I miss my people.
• 1:40
  So I was there and I was walking through the crowd and I bumped into this guy, and we started talking, and we talked for about 10 minutes, and then he said, Oh, I'm a I I'm a street journalist.
• 1:48
  Do you want to do a an interview?
• 1:49
  You're an interesting guy, let's let's do an interview.
• 1:51
  And I said, Okay, let's do that.
• 1:53
  And that led to a few viral things happening in February, and and then somebody reclipped that uh a couple of weeks before the October uh Unite the Kingdom uh rally.
• 2:04
  So in sorry, September, sorry.
• 2:06
  Um so about the end of August on TikTok, two clips of that went very viral.
• 2:13
  And so I got in touch with that original reporter and asked him if I could do a follow-up interview to maybe correct some of the points and explain my thinking on how I'd move forward over the time since uh since February.
• 2:26
  And so we did uh another interview that was more um more serious, uh, a little bit more in-depth.
• 2:34
  He asked some some quite tricky questions, um, which I don't fear.
• 2:39
  Um and in the first instance, when I did the first interview, I I had in my mind that I wanted to rabble rouse.
• 2:45
  I wanted to inspire English people to feel a pride in in who they are, um, because we've got every right to feel proud in of who we are, and it seems the whole world wants to tell us we should feel guilty for who we are, and and I just don't feel that or agree with that.
• 3:02
  But the second issue, I really wanted to get more into the brass tax of things, and that's done really well.
• 3:08
  Uh I've had an extraordinary week, gained a lot of followers and acts, um, some quite big names, and I'm I'm very pleased, I'm very pleased with the result of it.
• 3:17
  It it's shown me that actually the the right wing of England is far closer to being cohesive than I thought.
• 3:25
  I I thought we had um quite a disparate set of positions that were quite different distance from each other.
• 3:33
  Uh, but it's turned out that actually a lot of people agree with what I said, even people that I would consider um further right than myself.
• 3:41
  Um what led me to all of this and why I'm doing it, is because um life's been hard, and I've I've not had um necessarily all the opportunities I might have expected out of life as a young person, and the life that I grew up in isn't doesn't match the life I now must lead.
• 4:05
  I no longer have access to the traditional pub.
• 4:08
  Um there isn't the same culture in the pub anymore, and so whereas as a young man, I would if I was in trouble and I needed somewhere to live, or I needed a job, or I needed any other help.
• 4:20
  I just go to the pub and I just say help, and there would be 15 blokes going, oh Robin, what's wrong?
• 4:26
  You know, let me help you.
• 4:27
  Here's a job, here's a house, it's something you know, you can stay on my floor, and that was basically how I lived all my first 30 years, and then it was kind of bit by bit taken from us.
• 4:39
  Uh and while I don't have anything against Bangladeshis or Nigerians or Indians or anybody else, they don't go to the pub, and they don't see me as their countrymen, and and they don't offer me the opportunities, they offer them to their own countrymen, and I can understand that, but it does withdraw from the local population, their rights in a sense, uh, to their own opportunities in their own land, and I've suffered somewhat to that, and it's led me to a place where I've become Christian uh a few years ago, and feel strongly that it's my duty to stand for my country as I have very little to lose.
• 5:18
  Many people have a lot to lose, they have wives, they have families, they have children and and homes that they own.
• 5:25
  I don't have any of that, and so I should stand up and speak for them because they're afraid, and rightly so that we're being attacked, and so that's what I've done.
• 5:40
  I mean, as far as my family history is concerned, I was I was born into a family of an English father and a half Welsh, quarter Irish, quarter German mother.
• 5:51
  All of this we only found out very recently from family history things.
• 5:54
  My family have never really been open-lipped about about who we are.
• 5:58
  So I didn't know any of this till the last five years or so.
• 6:00
  Some of it only literally weeks ago, I learned.
• 6:04
  But I've considered myself English and a Londoner, and I fight for England today.
• 6:10
  Um, I've got two siblings, one was born older than me, one younger than me, both in London.
• 6:15
  We just happened to be outside London when I was born.
• 6:18
  Uh, I was actually born in in Devon in Exeter, and I spent my very young life there.
• 6:24
  We came to London when I was about five or six, and I grew up in in a city west London, surrounded by people of Caribbean and Indian and Pakistani heritage and English heritage, and it was it was good.
• 6:36
  Uh I'm not I don't complain about it.
• 6:39
  Um but then Tony Blair changed everything.
• 6:42
  Uh we we were a multi-ethnic society with uh a policy of integration for those who didn't belong here and or hadn't been you know weren't from here as it were.
• 6:52
  Um that changed into a multicultural position, which is it it demeans the English culture to the same level as every other culture, and and so now we have enclaves as I'm sure you're you know about.
• 7:07
  I mean, you're an American, so you you have the same same sort of problems going on there.
• 7:11
  So I mean that's that's kind of why I'm here.
• 7:14
  Um now when you were growing up, I assume it was similar ethnic, but it was maybe just not the same proportions.
• 7:19
  I mean, I'm just not clear what what happened under Tony Blair?
• 7:22
  What's the thing that changed um under Tony Blair that um was uh different?
• 7:31
  So the major headline is that Tony Bear explicitly changed us from an integrationist multi-ethnic society, which no Englishman had agreed to in the first place, but we had sort of let happen um into a multicultural society, and multi-ethnic means one uh culture in primacy and all other cultures integrating into that one culture and multi-eth multicultural means all cultures are considered equal, and so you end up in it's sort of inevitably with with enclaves, uh, which is what happened to Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Lebanon, and now happening to the whole of Europe.
• 8:12
  But that was the main headline of it.
• 8:14
  But but he it did a lot of legal changes that back that up.
• 8:19
  Um the equality uh act, which is where we see the introduction of protected characteristics, um, such as is now you know, you you're protected if you're female, you're protected if you're gay, or protected if you're uh uh uh religious, you know, that these are protected crap characteristics under that law.
• 8:42
  But of course, everybody's protected except for white English men.
• 8:46
  Uh so by uh omission, they they base this law basically makes white Englishmen the villain in everybody's story.
• 8:55
  Um I mean there's various other laws that he pushed through, but basically Tony Blair destroyed the constitution of Britain and created a globalist hell.
• 9:08
  Yeah, well, that's uh that's interesting title right there, Globalist Hell.
• 9:12
  That could be the title of your book.
• 9:14
  Um, you know, we gotta get all your thoughts together.
• 9:17
  I'll need a ghost.
• 9:20
  No, seriously, it's not a bad title, Globalist Hell.
• 9:23
  Uh what what makes uh why why is globalism hell?
• 9:27
  Well, what what you know it all these things always sound great?
• 9:31
  Globalism, we're all part of the same earth.
• 9:33
  You know, if you're out in outer space, you see us just one little planet, all kind of stuff.
• 9:37
  But um, I mean anything top down is wrong.
• 9:43
  Anything top down is gonna be a hell for the people at the bottom, for the majority of people, they're gonna feel imposed upon, no matter what it is, because it's been imposed upon them by an elite.
• 9:55
  You know, if if we want to have a good world, we need to have it from the bottom.
• 10:00
  Them up.
• 10:00
  People need to feel they're heard, feel their voices mean something, feel that their country and their world matches somewhat where they would like it to be.
• 10:12
  And I don't have anything against uh internationalism.
• 10:15
  I don't think that there's any problem with you know having partnerships with people from all over the world.
• 10:21
  I I love people from all over the world.
• 10:23
  I just see that globalism, which is multiculturalism, um destroys people, it destroys cultures and creates an extraordinary amount of division and conflict.
• 10:38
  Um I mean, we're we're seeing now daily uh attacks on our people.
• 10:45
  And I mean, we had the other just the other day, uh, a guy on a train stabbed 10 people, and he was a black guy, he so he's not from here, and an Algerian guy got involved to stop him, and people are all jumping up and down this guy's a hero and so on.
• 11:02
  Yeah, okay, you know, he jumps up and he did what's right, good for him, well done him.
• 11:06
  But this problem wouldn't have needed him if either of those people weren't in the country.
• 11:11
  You know, if neither of them were in the country, we wouldn't have the stabbing to be saved from.
• 11:16
  And more and more we're seeing events like this where every player in the event is non-British.
• 11:24
  Well, those events just shouldn't be happening.
• 11:26
  They're not, it's not right to impose upon a quite small population.
• 11:32
  I mean, England and Wales has been 41 million people for about 120 years.
• 11:36
  We're very stable population, and it's only multiculturalism that's damaged our uh fertility rate, which is you know now a well-studied fact.
• 11:46
  Um I think that that is the globalist agenda.
• 11:49
  I think that they're trying to end Europe and the Anglosphere.
• 11:54
  I think they're trying to end civilized history, who you know, such that they can, they the globalist elite can uh dominate us forever in some technocratic hellhole.
• 12:07
  And I I'm not up for that.
• 12:08
  I'm really not up for that.
• 12:10
  I think uh I like France with French people in it, and I like Italy with Italians in it, and I like England with with English people in it.
• 12:18
  No, it's funny, that's not all we've got.
• 12:21
  Yeah, you know, the people um you know, a lot of people don't like nationalism as a term.
• 12:26
  They say, oh my god, that's so fascistic or whatever.
• 12:28
  But the nation state replaced tribes or city states, I mean, maybe in and uh on the way.
• 12:35
  But tribalism is probably worse than nationalism.
• 12:40
  And what you're seeing a lot of times when people want to make they want to make a false nation out of people who are just mixed together.
• 12:48
  You know, um when you cook, you mix a lot of ingredients, and there's the whole concept of the melting pot.
• 12:54
  I was in Salt Lake City over the weekend, and there's a restaurant there, Chinese uh or one of the hot pot Asian restaurants.
• 13:02
  It's called the melting pot, because you know, that's what they're gonna do, it's like a walk, and they were gonna put everything in melting.
• 13:07
  That's the old expression for the United States.
• 13:09
  Uh New York City was supposed to be the melting pot.
• 13:11
  And that I think it gets to your earlier point famously about the polyethnic society, and everyone's supposed to be there and melt together and form, you know.
• 13:19
  Uh I mean, if you if you make iron, excuse me, you make steel, you have a melting pot also, and you put all the you know, the metals in there and they kneel and they make a stronger uh steel than you would have from the iron or the tin or the nickel individually.
• 13:31
  And so there's a concept, but then they came up with this salad bowl concept instead.
• 13:36
  They learned from the melting part to the salad bowl, where you put all those things in, but they're you the cucumber separate from the tomato, separate from the um lettuce and all that kind of stuff, and and and every ingredients where you're supposed to savor every ingredient all in the same pot.
• 13:50
  And that's fine as long as the tomato doesn't want to kill the cucumber.
• 13:55
  Yeah, but it does.
• 13:57
  It does.
• 13:58
  And but it's not even it's not even that.
• 14:01
  I mean, that I agree with that entirely.
• 14:03
  Um, I've never heard this salad bowl analogy.
• 14:06
  This must be in a new American thing.
• 14:08
  Um, melting pot something that was tried, you know, people tried to impose that on London, and uh until they got rid of the cocknies.
• 14:16
  We we resisted that we didn't like that.
• 14:18
  Um I just think I think it's proven quite categorically that this does not work, that if you mix people together, then the more civilized people will be taken advantage of by the more barbaric people, and I don't mean that as a uh negative judgment on anyone.
• 14:40
  I just see that that peoples and cultures work um and develop in in different ways at different cases under different circumstances, and and what what happened in Europe is not what happened in Asia or South America, and so there's different levels of civilizational development, and obviously and clearly Europe is at the higher of those levels, and I don't think that you can mix civilized people with barbarians because barbarians think you're weak for being generous, they don't think that you're being generous, they just think you're weak, and they take from you and they think that that's right and proper and from their mentality, it is, and I don't blame them for that.
• 15:23
  They're just being who they are, but I don't blame a lion for being a lion, but I don't want him in my front room, you know.
• 15:31
  It's not the way it works.
• 15:34
  Um I really think the lions are majestic, but I don't want them in my front room, and I think that's fair enough.
• 15:42
  And now that London is 30% white English and much less percentage white Londoner, which obviously is what gives the character to London in the first place.
• 15:53
  Well, it doesn't feel like London.
• 15:54
  It doesn't, I don't feel at home, it doesn't even look like home anymore because they destroy all our beautiful buildings and replace them with horrible brutalists and glass blocks because these people are fascistic in themselves.
• 16:06
  Um they they really believe they know better than we do.
• 16:10
  Well, they don't.
• 16:11
  They're just human beings like you and me, and and I don't know better than them, but they don't know better than me either.
• 16:16
  And I'm kind of just had enough of it.
• 16:20
  So I'm standing up and I'm saying I've had enough of it.
• 16:22
  And I think that my brothers and sisters here, they've had enough too.
• 16:25
  And you better listen to us, or or you know, this is gonna get ugly.
• 16:30
  And English people don't want things to get ugly.
• 16:33
  We've spent a long time working towards being a peaceful nation of people.
• 16:39
  We don't want our uh more aggressive side to be brought to the fore.
• 16:49
  We spent a long time putting it in the back, yeah, and here they are.
• 16:55
  England, you know, has a has a long and and often bloody history.
• 16:58
  You know, there's all kinds of interesting wars between various factions and whatever and the Scots fighting the the English and you know, it goes back hundreds of years, and there's religious wars and all this kind of stuff, and I'm probably far less expert on these things than you are, but you know, you reached a point, you know, when I was younger, you know, the the typical Englishman was the politest person, you know, stand on a queue, and um, you know, nobody cuts cuts the line or whatever, you know.
• 17:28
  And uh oh, absolutely not.
• 17:29
  Yeah, I I grew up with cues being literally everywhere.
• 17:33
  You you would if if I if I jumped a Q in 1990 or 1985, eight people would stand and say, Ah, what are you doing?
• 17:43
  If I was a boy of 10 in 1986, I was a boy of 10, and I was walking down the street and I misbehaved, I could fully expect to clip around the ear from a stranger.
• 17:53
  That was normal.
• 17:54
  It was who we were and who we are.
• 17:57
  And and all those wars, all that blood, that's how you build civilization.
• 18:01
  You kill the nasty.
• 18:02
  We we we self-domestic.
• 18:04
  I mean, people don't talk think about what does civilization mean.
• 18:07
  They think it means technology or or high science or whatever.
• 18:10
  I think it means self-domestication.
• 18:12
  I think it means human beings domesticating human beings, and when you've when you've beaten the monstrous masculine out of the monstrous man, you're left with a civilized man who can still be that that violent man, but chooses that as a last recourse rather than a first recourse, which to me is the difference between civilization and barbarous.
• 18:33
  A barbarian will choose violence in the first, even if it only means uh a stronger negotiating position, whereas the civilized man will choose even the most unrealistic option before he chooses violence.
• 18:46
  With that, we're gonna take a break.
• 18:48
  We're gonna come right back, stick with us for a second segment with Robin Pickett.
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• 20:34
  Welcome back for our second segment with Robin Pickett over in the UK.
• 20:38
  Robin, tell us a little bit about the philosophical differences within Europe itself.
• 20:42
  The philosophical grounding of the Europeans mentality is that of Rousseau.
• 20:47
  And Rousseau believes that the state is where the sovereignty resides and the state protects its people with its power of sovereignty.
• 20:55
  Whereas the British believe the sovereignty resides in the individual, and that we lend that to our state, thus that they can they can fairly govern us.
• 21:04
  And this is a fundamental difference, and the cause for many wars in you know at its at its seat.
• 21:11
  So, yes, Europeans did help towards this.
• 21:15
  The arguments we had with them are how we got sharp.
• 21:19
  But we did this, not them.
• 21:21
  So I'm gonna put you off on that.
• 21:23
  It was us.
• 21:24
  That's why there's an Anglo Sphere, not a Francosphere.
• 21:27
  That's why there's an Anglo Sphere and an empire of commonwealth, because we won, and we won not just physically, we won morally and intellectually.
• 21:37
  We we dominated the entire of Europe with our philosophy, and part of what's going on with globalism is uh an attack specifically on the Anglosphere, because the Anglosphere is being attacked in a slightly different way to the other European nations.
• 21:52
  Um because they know if they don't destroy the English and all the English descendants everywhere around the world, then they can't destroy freedom because the Americans and the Australians and the New Zealanders and the Canadians who are my cousins feel as I feel, they are also born of personal sovereignty, they're also born of civil law, they're also born of all the things that I call English.
• 22:16
  So to my mind, that's why the Anglo Sphere is being particularly heavily attacked, although obviously the rest of Europe is also under deep attack.
• 22:27
  It has a different flavor.
• 22:29
  Um, you know, the the way things played out in the United States and Canada has a vastly different outcome from um the Latino sphere, if you will, you know, the the countries that were uh bequeathed, you know, settled by the Spanish and Portuguese and whatnot.
• 22:47
  Um the the basically there was the kind of the feudal, um, not futile, but but if he you know the the medieval feudal system was put upon uh South America, Latin America, uh, and there was not the uh free uh rights to the land.
• 23:05
  So there was a in in the American in the US and Canada, you had the ability to draw out the plots, and people could buy the land in the Spanish territories, uh Colombia, Mexico, um, and uh throughout the um you know South America, uh the the lords came over and uh they you know basically had they owned the whole land, and then you could only have the right to be on it by virtue of making an accord with with the uh you know royal lineage, and um, and so that slowed things down because people didn't have the the ownership of the land and the property, the farming and whatnot.
• 23:41
  They worked for for the for the feudal.
• 23:42
  This is why I hold the British Empire up as something extraordinary.
• 23:47
  We didn't just pillage, we didn't.
• 23:50
  We built, we created, we gave the Americans have personal property as a concept because we gave it to them.
• 23:58
  The most of the founding fathers were British, you know, something like 30 uh something like 60 percent of the founding fathers of America weren't born Americans, they were born English or Scottish or Irish.
• 24:09
  Or and they were they were of English lineage at the very least, but they were actually Englishmen, they they America didn't exist yet.
• 24:17
  They were they were about to forge America and they were born as Englishmen and as Scotsmen, so they actually were that, and yes, you know, they they were birthing a nation and they created and they became Americans, and I don't want to take anything away from the founding fathers, but clearly their ideas come from the homeland, clearly their thoughts and their ways of thinking come from the long tradition of these islands, and you can see it in the constitution, you can see it in the right to bear arms that we have, the the Bill of Rights that we have, the the idea of personal sovereignty that both of us share.
• 24:54
  The the the you know, we all we share these same core building blocks of freedom, and that's birthed in these islands.
• 25:04
  We fought each other like you can't believe the the the when I was growing up, it was before we had this incredible attack on our people, it was commonplace for a village in Yorkshire to have a uh a 500-year feud with another village in Yorkshire just two miles down the road, you know.
• 25:24
  This is normal throughout the country.
• 25:26
  You couldn't believe the amount of animosity between small, like tiny areas with the neighboring tiny areas is very, very big part of our history.
• 25:34
  We all fought each other, it's not just in wars, all the time, everywhere.
• 25:39
  We were very parochial people, and in doing so, we had to forge a system of of each person being equal, each person being free, you know, in a spiritual sense equal, you know.
• 25:51
  We had to, otherwise, we're just gonna murder each other forever.
• 25:54
  And so we civilized ourselves through through this action through basically murder and state sanctioned death through war and and and and uh capital punishment, and and we by doing so, as you do with dogs in a much more aggressive manner, we rooted out the bad genetics, and we ended up with good civilized genetics, and that's what we passed out into the world, and you can see it everywhere we ever went.
• 26:21
  Where is where in the empire have they said, oh, you're evil, we hate you.
• 26:26
  Let's just get rid of everything you ever did for us and start anew because you're evil.
• 26:31
  So obviously, your parliamentary system must be evil and your civil service must be evil and your your educational system.
• 26:37
  No, no, every country kept exactly the same thing and tinkered with it.
• 26:40
  So it's not that evil, then is it?
• 26:42
  It just can't be.
• 26:44
  It must be all right because most of the world is now running on these systems that we gave them, and they want to tell us that we're colonial.
• 26:52
  No, the Spanish were colonial, the Spanish have wiped all their records.
• 26:57
  You can't even look at what happened in South America because half of the records don't exist.
• 27:02
  Every single thing the British did in the empire is in the parliamentary logs.
• 27:07
  You can go and read every single action that took place in every country that we were in charge of throughout the whole history of the empire, and every single bad action that happened was admonished and punished at the very time that it happened in parliament.
• 27:21
  I've read them, it's very interesting.
• 27:23
  Reading, and you go to the Japanese Empire, the Portuguese Empire, the Spanish Empire, all of them destroyed records, so they couldn't be blamed in the future, and we get blamed because we're honest.
• 27:38
  Well, no, no.
• 27:47
  Five percent arrive into the Caribbean and the east coast of America, five percent of all of the of the Atlantic slave trade, and yet we're the evil ones, you and I.
• 28:01
  We and I, we're evil because we took five percent over 200 years and then spent 120 years trying to destroy slavery throughout the entire world.
• 28:11
  You know, the essence of stopping slavery, I think was William Wilberforce.
• 28:16
  Anyway, we'll yeah, yeah, yeah, that's right.
• 28:18
  But but you know, the the concept of stopping slavery, you know, slavery again.
• 28:23
  I mentioned this earlier, but slavery was the default position.
• 28:25
  So the economy, you know, the world's economy is 1.0 was all based on possessions.
• 28:31
  So if you had something, um, I could get that thing by taking it from you.
• 28:35
  So I could take your wife, I could take your girlfriend, I could take your, you know, whatever, and make them mind to mind.
• 28:41
  You know, we have harems and and all that stuff.
• 28:43
  You know, people also ignore the fact that the Arabs, you know, colonialized the the essence of of Islam is is subjugation, submission, and conquering, and it didn't spread by you know, like Mormon.
• 28:54
  No, they didn't like have a little, you know, like the Mormons have people in the jacket and tie go down and learn your language and and chat with you and so forth, and then you you know, you kind of have a civil society, you know.
• 29:04
  It was it was uh it was conversion by by the sword, and and frankly, it's on all the the flags and whatnot, you know, big sword, yeah.
• 29:12
  And so yeah, you know, you're either gonna get along or you're gonna stop living.
• 29:17
  And and so the the essence of of the economy is to to if somebody basically land-based and animals and flocks and all that kind of stuff.
• 29:24
  So if you have it, I take it, and then I have more of that thing.
• 29:27
  You know, the economy 2.0 is free is free trade.
• 29:32
  Yeah, they but the economy the difference is the kind of civilization economy is by trade that you can benefit from somebody who lives next to you rather than just killing him off and taking his stuff, you can benefit because he makes certain things like he, you know, if you have a southern country, you might be able to get oranges and bananas, you don't have them, but on the other hand, he doesn't have you know nails and hammers, and you make those.
• 29:53
  So you take your hammers, you guys have bananas, uh, and and they have the hammers now that they can build better, you know, farms for their
• 30:00
  Bananas.
• 30:00
  So it's a both both people benefit.
• 30:02
  So it's kind of a virtuous circle.
• 30:07
  Right.
• 30:08
  Well, zero sum is the lose from from so that that's kind of the more pillager comments.
• 30:14
  Non-zero sum.
• 30:15
  Yeah.
• 30:15
  So what you're doing is that the thing is.
• 30:16
  So it's a era, you know, and then we and civilization brings us to non-zero sum.
• 30:21
  So everyone wins rather than one losing one wins, one loses.
• 30:25
  Trade is about everyone trying to win.
• 30:27
  But trade isn't the only part of the equation on this question.
• 30:32
  Part of the reason that I mean it's an accident of history, really, the the beginning of the end of slavery as a concept in this country.
• 30:40
  Because when William the Bastard in 1066 conquered us and gained the name William the Conqueror, he did the doomsday book, which was a uh basically a catalogue of in cataloging of everything of value in the country, slaves, uh cattle, sheep, you know, buildings, everything, gold, everything.
• 31:00
  So he sent out men to just count everything in the country to see what he had won, you know.
• 31:05
  And this we call the doomsday book.
• 31:06
  You can go and read it now in the British Library, it's still there.
• 31:10
  And he noticed in the book in 1072, once it's finished and he's reading through it, that there was 10% of the population of England was slaves at that time.
• 31:20
  And so, in order to try and fill his coffers, having spent money on the war effort, uh, he levied a 200 guilda fine for the trading of slaves within the lands of England, and so over the next 20 years, every slave-owning Englishman surreptitiously either sold and paid the fine, or travel to France or or Scandinavia or or Holland or wherever, and just sort of quietly sold off the slaves and what that was done.
• 31:48
  So by 1092, there are no slaves in England, like zero slaves in England, and that remains the case up until we get mass migration, and slavery has now been brought back into our country by people from other countries.
• 32:05
  But the English have been slave-free from 1092 to I'd say uh 1970.
• 32:12
  Um there's a law that there's actually a very famous case in 1735, I believe, but certainly around there, where uh a young slave has escaped his master and arrived in England, and the master arrives in England and takes goes to court to try and claim his slave, and the slave argues, no, you freed me, and the man says, No, he is my property, and the judge listens to the case, and his ruling basically, and I have to paraphrase it, I'm not good enough to remember these things, but to paraphrase the the law the ruling was should a man arrive onto the free land of England and step one foot onto the free land of England and breathe one breath of the free air of England, then he is a free man, for there is no such thing as an enslaved man in the free land of England, and so while you may believe you own this man, you are wrong, for that is impossible within our country, and that was his ruling, and that was in 17, I believe 35, but it might be 53, you know.
• 33:15
  I'm I'm not good on dates, but definitely what happened, and that sort of pre-that whole history of not having slaves as just uh a thing is what leads us to the industrial revolution, it's what leads us to the enlightenment, it's what leads us to the emancipation of the slaves worldwide.
• 33:34
  Christianity does a lot to you know find a moral anchor for all those things, really.
• 33:41
  Um but really it's it's a long-standing history that we don't keep slaves, you know.
• 33:46
  We we can celebrate that history uh a thousand years of that in only sixty something years, and uh I won't be alive to celebrate it a thousand years of no slaves in England, but I I hope that we will celebrate it because I think it's uh a very fine piece of our history.
• 34:03
  Yeah, no, that's that's absolutely true.
• 34:06
  Um so you there was a huge rally.
• 34:10
  Uh you mentioned Tommy Robinson early on.
• 34:12
  Um he's been in and out of um prisons and whatnot.
• 34:16
  I think currently he's out.
• 34:18
  Um, but there was an enormous rally, people showed up with the flag, and there's been kind of a backlash to the English flag being put up and so forth.
• 34:27
  The kind of funny thing you can't have the English flag in England.
• 34:30
  Um, what is the mood of the country?
• 34:34
  You you have this um, you know, frankly, I think we kind of got the better end of it.
• 34:37
  We used a lot of English common law to develop our country.
• 34:40
  You mentioned the founding fathers, you know, English, yeah, in nationality or in heritage and whatnot, and a lot of the obviously writing in English and all kinds of stuff, but we came up with an actual written constitution.
• 34:50
  You have this, you know, unwritten kind of um evolving constitution, which is not a constitution, my view.
• 34:56
  Um, but you know, common civil law.
• 34:58
  No, no, no, no, no.
• 34:58
  Hang on, hang on.
• 34:59
  I'm gonna stop you.
• 35:00
  I gotta stop you there.
• 35:01
  No, no, no, no.
• 35:02
  Our constitution is written, it's it's all in writing.
• 35:06
  Uh there are some unwritten parts that are conventions, but they're very long-standing conventions, and there is a flexibility available to this kind of constitutional construction that isn't available to the American.
• 35:20
  Now, I admire the constitution of America above all other constitutions and consider it a masterpiece of legislative uh writing.
• 35:30
  It's it's simply some of the best civilizational output of the world, and and that's beyond doubt.
• 35:38
  Um, however, I do believe for us, our constitution is better.
• 35:45
  People think it's weak, people think it's terrible because they don't understand what Tony Blair did to us and how much he has destroyed a constitution that was very successful for 500 years, and that's that's one of the ultimate.
• 35:59
  If you don't have a kind of if you have something that's valuable, you know, and you don't you can't and anybody can take it and change it and deface it and so forth, it it takes away from the continuity.
• 36:10
  So, you know, and we it takes a lot of work to make an amendment for our constitution.
• 36:14
  I'm not sure there's been any recently in the last few decades, you know, and and so you can't.
• 36:18
  It doesn't mean that everyone's always going to follow it, hmm.
• 36:22
  I I'll be honest with you, I think both of our political systems have been pretty un degraded by terrible actors over the last 30 years, and for either of us to stand here and argue that this or that is better at this point is sort of not the argument of the day, as it were.
• 36:38
  Um, fair fairly happy to return to it once we've restored our nations.
• 36:42
  Yeah, no, I appreciate that.
• 36:43
  And that's that's the kind of the point I was getting at the restoration of your nation.
• 36:47
  You have a parliamentary system, and it's a it's kind of a you know, uh it's a checkerboard democracy.
• 36:52
  You have you know all these districts all over the country, and you want to come up with parliament.
• 36:55
  Uh it's kind of a unicameral approach that in the House of Lords is really kind of a vestigial thing.
• 37:00
  I don't think they have much power, you have a monarchy, I don't think they have any real power.
• 37:04
  So it really comes down to this democracy thing, which is okay.
• 37:07
  Um, but you know, from you know, we have we have more of kind of a republic here now where there's some things that that are not you know arbitrary, can't be uh arbited by a democracy, you know.
• 37:18
  So the the the insult the the kind of the the downside of a democracy is the concept of you know uh democracy is three wolves and a sheep voting on dinner, you know.
• 37:27
  And so you know we have maybe more preservation of rights, not minority American view, but but but so you have this democracy thing, and so whoever's holding sway is is can is all powerful, so you you kind of have like a almost a dictatorship of the democracy or a democracy of the dictator.
• 37:47
  I don't know if so so somebody who's in power, you know, elections can be called, but you know, ostensibly Keir Starmer can have like a five-year term or something like that, and you guys are gonna suffer.
• 37:56
  And you and he doesn't, he's not obligated to call for elections, and nor should he.
• 38:00
  I mean, if I were he, I wouldn't, because you know, you get slaughtered and like the sheep or whatever, but you know, I don't think they were that popular to be beginning with.
• 38:08
  It was a fraction, you know, fractionated opposition.
• 38:11
  So the question I have kind of on a political basis is you know, I know the reform UK is kind of gaining power, there's the conservative movement, whatever.
• 38:18
  You know, what do you do in the meanwhile when you don't really have any recourse to you know get um you know 10 Downing Street back again?
• 38:25
  And then how do people resist kind of this dilution of their rights, um, the danger in the streets, you know, the murders going on and being vilified in your own country.
• 38:35
  Carefully, very very carefully.
• 38:37
  Every word I say, I have to be very careful about how I say it.
• 38:40
  I have to be very considerate about what I am saying, and and the way I form everything I am saying, because a policeman could arrive at my door at any time to tell me that I'm going to the jail because I'm a white man who disagrees with things.
• 38:53
  Well, yes, the Americans have got a stronger protection for free speech, and I admire that and wish we had it.
• 39:00
  Um, but I do think that our system has worked and does work for British people, and the reason that it no longer works is because we're not any longer a British nation.
• 39:14
  We now have extraordinary numbers of very disparate groups who don't like each other in many cases, and very much so vote in their own interest.
• 39:26
  Um we've got areas that are entirely now Muslim, entirely uh Hindu, you know, it just it just is that way now, and that undermines democracy in a big way because democracy demands a homogenous uh culturally linked and genetically linked ethnic group of people, you because you you know broadly how each other are going to behave, you broadly know culturally what what your neighbor is likely to be like.
• 39:57
  Um you know the extremes.
• 40:00
  Of your people, be that good or bad.
• 40:03
  You know, you and I haven't got a clue.
• 40:05
  I I mean I grew up in London, so I have a clue about pretty much every culture.
• 40:09
  Um I've spent my only really real passion in life is human beings.
• 40:15
  I love human beings.
• 40:16
  I want to understand human beings.
• 40:18
  I think we're an amazing thing.
• 40:20
  Um I really do believe that we're made in the image of God, and uh we should treasure that.
• 40:26
  And and each and every human being is precious no matter who they are.
• 40:30
  But that doesn't mean there shouldn't be boundaries between us, such that we can describe ourselves in the ethnicities that and nations we exist within.
• 40:38
  Remembering, of course, that nation comes directly from the Latin to mean effectively the same thing as ethnicity.
• 40:45
  We just have replaced it because we created this thing called a nation state, nation became geographically linked, but it never used to mean that.
• 40:53
  You were a nation of people, and whether you had land or not was irrelevant.
• 40:57
  The the Jews have always been a nation, they just never had land, you know, but they've always been a nation, and the same for you know, nowadays the Kurds say in in Turkey and Iraq and Syria.
• 41:08
  This is all very enlightening.
• 41:09
  Thank you, Robin.
• 41:10
  Stick around with us for a third segment with Robin Pickett.
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• 43:21
  Welcome back for a third and final segment with Robin Pickett.
• 43:24
  I was in London back in 1980, and again more recently, it's a vastly different place.
• 43:31
  It was a nation of shopkeepers back then and safe place.
• 43:33
  So it's kind of like what say Barack Obama looks for when he goes buys a place in Martha's Vineyard.
• 43:40
  You can leave your bicycle out there, nobody's gonna steal it.
• 43:42
  It's kind of a different place now in the UK and most of the US as well, currently.
• 43:46
  Our country has been polyethnic for a long time, but people have to kind of buy into it.
• 43:51
  Um, you know, I forget who was who was, I think uh Milton Friedman said uh you you can either have an open border or a welfare state.
• 43:58
  You can't have both.
• 44:00
  You know, pick one.
• 44:00
  You want to have a welfare state final, but if you have a welfare state at an open border, then you would you become an attractant for everybody who wants to come there and not necessarily work.
• 44:09
  When the United States, you know, had this um you know, streets paved with gold concept.
• 44:14
  People came over, you know, in the 19th uh early uh 20th century and late 19th century, they came over with the expectation and the obligation to work.
• 44:23
  Um they they couldn't, there was no welfare system, no food stamps, there was no section eight housing, uh, there was no Medicaid, there was no this, you know, you you know, either had family, whatever, or you went back, whatever.
• 44:34
  It's so so you know, the concept.
• 44:36
  I mean, so the the people you know made something out of this place in the United States because become the wealthiest place on earth, and I think it continues to be so.
• 44:45
  Um, because for the most part, there's a work ethic, but but it's counter um it's a counterbalance or uh counterweight to the whole enterprise when you don't have people who are enterprising.
• 44:57
  And you know, it's not to say somebody from Afghanistan wouldn't do that, but you're not necessarily selecting people who are capable of doing that if you don't have any selection system to begin with, if you just have an open door, and people get there, they can kind of you know hang out and do stuff on the side or whatever, whenever they feel like, but have a guaranteed subsistence.
• 45:14
  You know, it's kind of you know, nobody wants to see anybody starve, but on the other hand, you know, you can't be the first entry point for everybody on earth.
• 45:23
  It's it's just that doesn't balance.
• 45:25
  You you can't take on the responsibilities of miserable, you know, countries everywhere else on earth and be the the exit um option when your own country will will you know suffer under the weight.
• 45:37
  Absolutely.
• 45:38
  Um my point of view on that is I'm a Christian, not a liberal, and I believe that Christian charity is the only charity that should be required.
• 45:49
  Um I think the welfare states bring about terrible outcomes.
• 45:52
  I think they're part of the globalist control.
• 45:56
  Um it seems to me that from my limited understanding of American history, uh, that black people were doing much better in America during Jim Crow than they were since than they are since the the welfare state was created.
• 46:11
  Seems to me that the that there were lots of I mean I've looked at the fatherless in the black communities in America.
• 46:17
  I've looked at the statistics over the last 100 and odd years of of fatherlessness in the home in America, uh of black families, and it just wasn't the case in 1930, 40 that black men left their families behind, but they do now.
• 46:33
  It was it was a creation of the quote unquote great society.
• 46:37
  You're absolutely right.
• 46:38
  The welfare state promoted the state because what happens is that the the government intentionally, in my view, pays women to get rid of their men in order that they can then, as the government, take control of the family.
• 46:54
  They become the father.
• 46:55
  The the authority of the government becomes the father figure.
• 46:58
  The children of that family see the government as the place to go to rather than a father.
• 47:04
  Yeah, the father's left because he's been ejected by by payments from a government.
• 47:09
  I think it's entirely intentional.
• 47:11
  Um and I've heard and and seen various snippets from various very rich people back in the day who who say it was intentional and that they did it.
• 47:19
  So I've actually read an article on this.
• 47:21
  I have an article in it's in a poor magazine called The Smoking Gun.
• 47:25
  And I I spent a lot of time researching this very topic uh of kind of the differential in crime in certain neighborhoods and by ethnicity and whatnot.
• 47:33
  But uh so inevitably you're gonna look at the great society in the UA in the US um 1960s.
• 47:38
  Uh Lyndon Baines Johnson um had taken over for JFK and he won his own huge majority in 1964.
• 47:45
  And in 65, he did the voting uh excuse me, the civil rights act, and uh along the way created um kind of the welfare state you're talking about.
• 47:54
  Now, you could you could argue the intentions, you know.
• 47:56
  Supposedly the intention was that you know, for single mothers, they they they might have difficulty with the children, and so money was grants for that.
• 48:04
  But but once it was there, it became an attractive nuisance, became kind of a moral hazard that you would get more money if you at least pretended to be single.
• 48:13
  So a long time, you know, people there were families.
• 48:15
  As you're you're absolutely right.
• 48:16
  In the 1950s, the uh black um American families, and they were called Negro then, had had huge cohesion.
• 48:24
  They were the most church-going population subgroup, and and they were actually on the calculus level, they were you know, their rate of increase was very high, and that tapered off when they were when everyone decided to help them.
• 48:38
  You know, the the old joke is we had the war on poverty and poverty went.
• 48:41
  Now I think it was helpful.
• 48:43
  Well, yeah, I mean, that was so to the point to the point you're making.
• 48:47
  So my LB LBJ was actually quoted as saying that an institution.
• 48:52
  Let me just finish this one point.
• 48:54
  Sorry, LBJ was actually quoted as saying is the outcome.
• 48:57
  Oh god, the lag is ruining us here.
• 49:01
  Sorry about that.
• 49:03
  So LBJ is actually quoted.
• 49:05
  You know, if we give them this welfare system, we will have, and he was the N-word.
• 49:10
  I can't because of statute, practically.
• 49:13
  He we'll have those N-words voting for us for the next century.
• 49:17
  And he wasn't quite wrong, you know, 1960 until now, you know, this huge the the Republicans actually were the ones who got rid of slavery, Abraham Lincoln.
• 49:27
  The Republicans were the one who did the basic Civil Rights Act and brought the end to Jim Crow law, but it was the Democrats who brought the welfare system on, and they did get the KKK the black population voting for them.
• 49:40
  The Democrats created the KKK.
• 49:43
  I think that's all you need to know.
• 49:47
  You know, it wasn't the Republicans who are the KKK, the clean cutscene were Democrats.
• 49:52
  And I think that's I think that's why I can that's why I say it was an attack, because I don't believe the stories.
• 49:58
  What I believe is the outcome.
• 50:00
  Outcomes.
• 50:00
  I believe in outcomes.
• 50:02
  I judge everything by outcomes.
• 50:04
  I don't believe that an institution produces anything but what it was intended to produce.
• 50:11
  The outcomes of an institution are the intentions of that institution.
• 50:15
  So the outcomes of welfare state are the intentions of the welfare state.
• 50:21
  I think for people who are not in the upper echelons of the elite, we all dance a false dance, imagining that everybody is like us, that they have a moral grounding from being human beings.
• 50:37
  But that's just not true in the upper echelons of the elite.
• 50:40
  They are disconnected from the rest of us morally and in every other way, spiritually, in every other way.
• 50:46
  And so when they attack us, they don't see it as an attack because they see it as mathematics.
• 50:50
  They see it as as the right thing to do because of some imagined future outcome that they think they're doing.
• 50:58
  They might fool themselves into imagining that their intention isn't evil, but they're evil people doing evil things.
• 51:04
  And the welfare state is an evil thing.
• 51:06
  It has destroyed black people in America and in Britain.
• 51:09
  It has destroyed white people in America and in Britain.
• 51:11
  It's literally disgusting.
• 51:13
  And I would do away with it if I had any ounce of power, I would demolish the entire thing.
• 51:18
  Britain and America were both great nations before we started giving money to people because you need to incentivize people to care about their own lives.
• 51:28
  And the thing that you find in America that's different, and Americans, it's very different from Britain, is that although you have a welfare state, it's it's very distant from your your bulk of your culture, it's not ingrained in it in the same way as it is here.
• 51:40
  Here we are borderline socialists, you know, you know, in our systems.
• 51:44
  So it's much more in your life than uh I'm told by my American friends it is in America.
• 51:51
  And the way I see Americans deal with each other is that they all have to make sure they've got a pot of money because they might need to help a friend out in a moment of need, and just so that they have a community of people that they can call upon for help if they need a bit of help.
• 52:05
  They're also much more willing to invest in a company of a new person.
• 52:09
  American people are much more willing to put their money into things because the welfare state is smaller, because it's less encroached into the lives of people.
• 52:18
  So everyone's looking after themselves and their community, which is what I mean by Christian charity being enough.
• 52:24
  We don't need more than Christian charity.
• 52:26
  If you do nothing, you should not eat.
• 52:30
  This is God's word.
• 52:31
  This is just right.
• 52:33
  Anybody who comes around saying, Oh no, but we've got to look after people who are starving.
• 52:37
  Why are they starving?
• 52:40
  Why?
• 52:41
  You know, I'm not interested in just helping every human being in the world.
• 52:46
  I haven't got the resources for that.
• 52:48
  No one has, no country has.
• 52:50
  Why should I take the moral judgment of somebody else's failing to do anything to make their life anything at all?
• 52:59
  And I'm I'm I'm kind of sick of the liberal idea that we should look after everybody.
• 53:04
  No, we should love everybody, and love in the sense of the Lord's word, not love in some romantic modern, oh, but I love my girlfriend rubbish.
• 53:13
  I mean, real love, where you tell people a hard truth because that's love, like you would your friend, like you would your mother.
• 53:19
  You say to her, Mum, I'm sorry, I know this is painful for you, but this is the truth.
• 53:24
  And even if it hurts her immensely, it's love to do that because to lie to your own mother is awful.
• 53:31
  And I strongly feel that we have made the error of turning our back on God, and in that era, we've created liberalism, we have created globalism, we have created welfare states, we have created all these lovely kind things.
• 53:45
  Well, God doesn't tell us to be kind, God tells us to be good and honest and beautiful, and so we should be good and truthful and beautiful, not kind.
• 54:00
  Kind is inherently directional and specific.
• 54:04
  Compassion is always about the person in front of you that you emotionally feel that you should look after because they're there in pain.
• 54:10
  Well, if looking after that person ends up consequentially killing a hundred other people because I looked after this person, I didn't look beyond my compassion for this person who's directly in front of me.
• 54:21
  This is why women should not be in power of politics, because their emotions rule them.
• 54:27
  And I love women, I think they've got great things about them, and they're wonderful people, and some of them are very good at being educators, very good at being CEOs, very good at even being politicians.
• 54:37
  But in my view, they're not, they're not generally good at politics because they're too emotional, they they're too drawn into protecting what's in front of them, and therefore fail to see what is beyond what is in front of them.
• 54:50
  Second order and third order consequences matter a lot, and the whole of Europe and the Anglo Sphere are learning that right now, as we die, and it's not on, like it's just not on.
• 55:02
  I'm sick of the emotional compassion of people around me, tone policing what is just right.
• 55:09
  No, I'm right.
• 55:11
  No, we shouldn't be sending all our money over there because our people are dying here.
• 55:16
  No, we shouldn't be taking these people in because our people haven't got homes.
• 55:20
  We need to look after our people so that we are strong, such that we can go and give to the world, like we always have.
• 55:28
  Like, I'm not saying that America and Britain haven't worked in their own interest throughout their history, of course they have, but can you name two other nations that have been more generous to the world than America and Britain?
• 55:38
  Really?
• 55:39
  I mean, it's ludicrous idea.
• 55:41
  Like America is literally put so much money into their military over the last 75 years such that everyone could trade freely, like so without piracy.
• 55:49
  I mean, incredible investment in the world for literally bugger all return, apart from uh endless sort of overdraft system of the uh of having the the currency, but you know it I don't you know I don't agree that it's not generous, it's generous, and and what did we do?
• 56:06
  We well, we ended slavery with 120 years of our money and our our lives, you know.
• 56:11
  Well, you know, I think we we've been pretty kind, pretty nice.
• 56:15
  I don't think we need to do any more, and now it's no, no, it really is just no.
• 56:19
  The tap needs to stop.
• 56:21
  This is ludicrous, the outcomes are terrible.
• 56:23
  We can all see the outcomes are terrible, and to be fair, everybody with any bloody sense in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s were screaming from the top of every mountain top that they can find that this was a terrible idea and we should stop doing it.
• 56:36
  Like we've got some famous people from back in the day um who who were vilified and called racists and called fascists, and they were our best parliamentarians, they they were our best men.
• 56:48
  Of course, they were warning us about this incredibly bad outcome.
• 56:51
  And look, they were right, they were absolutely right.
• 56:55
  So, no, I think uh we should end all welfare to all people, full stop.
• 57:04
  So we were kind of rounding out the hour, and I go I could let end the show there, but I I do have this nagging question, which is uh this NHS.
• 57:12
  You know, when the when the UK, when London had the Olympics, they had a special uh you know presentation, and they glorify the NHS, and I almost every British bloke I know right and left, they all defend the NHS, not me, not me.
• 57:29
  That's all for today.
• 57:30
  Remember, every myth has a solution, and every truth has the power to transform your health.
• 57:34
  Find us on America Out Loud Pulse Radio every Friday at 5 p.m.
• 57:37
  Eastern or on demand, wherever you get your podcasts, stay curious, stay informed, and we'll see you next week.
• 57:43
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