Latest / Dangerous Laughter / Who Can Rally the ONLINE RIGHT? WHITEPILL v. BLACKPILL | Scott Greer with A.J. Rice

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Who Can Rally the ONLINE RIGHT? WHITEPILL v. BLACKPILL | Scott Greer with A.J. Rice · Dangerous Laughter

• 0:01
  Speaker A: Dangerous laughter.
• 0:04
  Speaker B: Laughter.
• 0:06
  Speaker A: Dangerous. Danger.
• 0:10
  Speaker B: Laughter. Dangerous laughter. Danger. Laughter.
• 0:27
  Speaker A: Sam. Day 8.
• 1:09
  Speaker B: The Emergency Destruct system is now activated.
• 1:14
  Speaker A: The option to override detonation procedure has now expired.
• 1:20
  Speaker B: The ship will automatically destruct in E minus one minute.
• 1:36
  Speaker A: We are back on the DL. Welcome to Dangerous Laughter. I am A.J. rice. We are unfit for polite society, ladies and gentlemen. We believe in the equal distribution of mockery. And I've got a great guest for you guys today. It's a guest. You know this book he wrote, I. I couldn't put it down. I kept waiting for myself to appear in this book. I was, I was. You know, we get a lot of books, we do a lot of books on this show, but this one I felt like I was. I was inside of like the Truman show that I actually lived through. You know, it was like ED TV with rice. Okay, my next dangerous guest is Six Two, with an IQ of 187. And like Snoop Dogg, he's doing a 187 on the insane Clown party. He hosts the highly respected podcast, is a columnist for the American Conservative. He was proudly the first customer for the Marjorie Taylor Greene cameo account. He beat me to it. His new book, White Pill, the Online Right and the Making of Trump's America. Ladies and gentlemen, I give you Sanity's Power Forward. Six two. Scott Greer, everybody.
• 2:48
  Speaker B: Thanks for having me.
• 2:49
  Speaker A: What's going on, Scott? How are you?
• 2:51
  Speaker B: I'm great. How are you about yourself?
• 2:54
  Speaker A: Doing good. Doing good, brother. I gotta. I gotta be honest with you. I do. We got a lot of books here. I write them myself. I don't even read my own. I tell you, I could not put this down because I lived this. Now I predate you. Hopefully you didn't Google me. You'll find out afterwards or you'll find out in the middle of the show. I predate your arrival to D.C. by almost eight years. Exactly. So I showed up right around Bush defeating John Kerry, spent a hot second on Capitol Hill, and then proceeded to go buy Laura Ingram leg tanning lotion and coffee for about three months. And then I became her associate producer and then I became her executive producer. And from that position in these sort of pre Obama eight years, you know, I was fighting some of the same fights and inside of some of the same battles you describe in White Pill. I find it interesting. I mean, you pretty much start with the Romney campaign and I could give you some stories on that. I'm kind of like Zelig, if you remember the old Woody Allen movie where he just. He's inserted in all these historical events. I was standing next to Romney when he dropped out of the race in 08 at CPAC. I'm responsible for Harriet Myers not being on the Supreme Court. Uh, I helped, uh, impugn the McCain Feingold bill. I helped torpedo the McCain Kennedy bill. So. And look, I was Laura Ingram's executive producer, and then Monica Crowley's right around up until even after you showed up in D.C. so here's the thing. People need to know this story. They need to know what a white pill is. But before we do that, what is the Scott Greer origin story? Everyone wants to know the origin story of all their heroes. Today, you're mine. How did you get to dc? I know you were at the Daily Caller for a little while. Give it to us.
• 5:05
  Speaker B: So I graduated college from Tennessee in December 2012. I was in Tennessee Chattanooga. And then I come up to D.C. i get an opportunity to come up and intern at the Leadership Institute, which some of your listeners might be familiar with. Leadership Institute is a conservative nonprofit dedicated to developing conservative youth leaders on campuses across the country. They work with TPUSA now and a couple of different groups like that.
• 5:33
  Speaker A: That's. That's actually how I ended up with the. The Ingram gig.
• 5:36
  Speaker B: Let's go. That's a similarity. Leadership Institute has developed a lot of different people that a lot of people have their origin story within the Leadership Institute. So I come up to D.C. i have no earthly idea what I'm doing and an internship for the Leadership Institute. But I get here, and then they're saying, you're writing stories. It's like, okay, I've got a lot of great experience writing stories. I have zero journalism experience whatsoever from college. And then the first story I write is about how a majority of millennials. Millennials were young people at the time. They were not yet middle age, but they were young people at the time in 2013. And this is at the height of the Sandy Hook shooting. This is everyone you know on Capitol Hill wanting to do gun control and all this nonsense. And I find a study saying that a majority of millennials plan on owing owning firearms. So I write that up, and then Drudge Report picks that up. Which Drudge Report was a much bigger deal at the time for conservative media. He hadn't gone full anti world factor. It had gone live liberal at the time. So my first story gets picked up by Drudge Report. That was a huge deal for conservative media, and the rest is history. And then I also worked on Capitol Hill for a hot second in the summer of 2013. And then I went to a place called World Net Daily, which.
• 6:59
  Speaker A: Oh, yeah, Joey boy.
• 7:01
  Speaker B: Oh, yeah, those are the Pharahs. They also published my first book, no Canvas for White Men. But I was there for a few months, and then I went to the Daily Caller, and the rest is history. So I began writing columns, opinion columns of the Daily Caller in summer of 2015. Yeah. Around Memorial Day, so. And then I've been writing columns ever since, for 11 years. Under my own name.
• 7:27
  Speaker A: Yeah, yeah, no, I remember your stuff. And you know Joe Farah's daughter who. Who doesn't speak to him, she's sitting there on the View. She's the token meat puppet. Now, all the way down there on the right, that would be Alyssa Farah.
• 7:40
  Speaker B: Yes. And she worked in the first Trump admin.
• 7:42
  Speaker A: She did, she did. I was looking for a way to tell everyone on how she disapproved of everything that was going on.
• 7:49
  Speaker B: Oh, absolutely. Yeah, yeah, yeah. But there was a lot of people like that in conservatism back in the 2010s that seemed always ready to live out as soon as they got the opportunities to. So there was.
• 8:02
  Speaker A: Sure.
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  Speaker B: Like that.
• 8:03
  Speaker A: Sure. So the book White Pill, you focus on the online, Right. Really, over the last decade, but you. You kick it back a little bit to this autopsy that was done after Romney lost. I would submit that, you know, Romney lost because he couldn't land a punch. You know, he couldn't land a punch on Candy Crowley. He wasn't willing to go to certain places that, you know, Trump in the future would eventually go. Kind of a linguini spine guy. Nice man. You know, father was a politician in Michigan, you know, but, but, but, you know, he had his magical underwear on, and he wasn't gonna. He wasn't gonna allow certain things to happen or do certain things. He just was that guy that was, you know, at the one yard line and couldn't figure out. He had four downs. He couldn't. Couldn't push it in. Couldn't push it in. I mean, he had Benghazi at his fingertips. Couldn't land a punch. Right. I was there.
• 9:02
  Speaker B: Absolutely.
• 9:02
  Speaker A: Believe me, brother, I was there. So I was in the talk radio world of this. So I was interacting with Rush and Savage and Beck and all the Salem guys. I was running Laura and Monica. We were interacting with Lavin a little bit. And. And, you know, that was one part of what was occurring in this sort of history that you're laying out in your book. Drudge had a show on wabc. This is back when him and Annie Coulter, they hadn't, like, walked off into the jungle together. Wherever the hell they went, nobody can find them now. You know, Drudge used to text me or, or email me and ask if he can come on the show, Laura's show, and he would basically connect his board to Laura's board. He was basically co hosting it with Laura. He would only do this every once in a while. He was always an enigmatic guy. There's different theories on what happened there. I've got some info on maybe what happened, you know, Trump. You know, him and Trump had a falling out and all the rest of it. And turns out Trump was able to win without him in, in 24. So the book is called White Pill, the Online Right in the Making of Trump's America. You know, I. Speaking of Drudge, I was kind of brought up by both Laura and Monica, but the third person that kind of helped invent A.J. rice, PR agent, A.J. rice, author and host, is Andrew Breitbart. And I was in the mix of. In that. In that mix, especially with the Tea Party. And you touch on that here in a second, and we're going to get to that. But for those who don't know, I don't like assumed knowledge. Let's talk about. We'll Paige Morpheus here. Let's talk about what a red pill is, what a blue pill is, what a white pill is, which is the title of your book, and what a black pill is. So people use this phrase, red pill comes from the matrix, right?
• 11:01
  Speaker B: Yeah, it comes to the matrix. There's a lot of medication here. You got to be careful about what you're taking here.
• 11:07
  Speaker A: That's right. Scott and I aren't taking any birth control today, though. So there, at least there's that.
• 11:12
  Speaker B: None of that. No, no. So, yes, the red pill and the blue pill come from the matrix. How it's used in online parlance is that the red pill, similar to the matrix, is that you wake up and you realize what's the truth around you, and you are not a blue pill, Normie. So the blue pill is you choose to ignore what's going on around with you. You know, blue pill would be something like immigrants make America or like, we need more open borders are good for us.
• 11:39
  Speaker A: Family values don't stop at the Rio Grande, right? Family values don't stop at the Rio Grande. Remember that one?
• 11:45
  Speaker B: Oh, yeah, that's a. That's a big one. So that would definitely be a blue pill take. That would almost be a blue pill overdose with that you got to go see your doctor if you're saying that stuff. So the red pill is waking up and like realizing like, hey, there's something else going on here. It's actually all the stuff that the normie lives are saying, there's something else going on here. So red pill is waking up, blue pill is going back to sleep. Now once you accept the red pill, there's two pills that a lot of people take from this. There's the black pill which then you wake up and then you're like, wow, all these things are going on and they're really bad. But then you're like, there's no hope. We're never going to win. We're, it's all lost, everything is gone. There's nothing we can do. Black pill is pessimism, but the white pill is saying, hey, actually we can actually change these things. There's actually some positivity, there's some chance, there's some opportunities for us to make things better. So the white pill is optimism. So that's a simple way of expressing it is that red pill is waking up to what's going the world around you. Blue pill is going to sleep and voting for Kamala Harris. Black pill is waking up to what's going around you, but then feeling that you can't do anything. All bleak, all pessimism, while the white pill is saying, hey, we can do something and, and has a positive optimistic outlook.
• 13:05
  Speaker A: Yeah, the other thing too, I think people that are white pilled sort of understand the world as it is and not necessarily the world that they project their utopian onto. The left is not the only person that uses purity tests and utopia tests. There are groups of people and it's out throughout history, whether it's the Jacobins or the Bolsheviks or whoever, where the, and we even had some here in the United States after we defeated the British. They want to stay in a perpetual revolution. There's a, it's, it's constant that, that no one passes the purity test. The Robespierre helped cut off Marie Antoinette's head. A couple years later he gets the guillotine himself after a failed suicide attempt. So this, you know, Trotsky ends up having a fleet of Mexico. Stalin hunts him down. So there are people that are constantly, I think inside of this counter revolution. Some of it I think is for clicks and for downloads and things like that. But you have a group of people, I guess these are the black pilled people. These are, you know, I'm a Philadelphia sports fan, so I know what it means to be a sore loser, but how about a sore winner? Sore winner for freaking 10 years. There's a group of people that told their listeners, their viewers, to vote for Trump three times and now he doesn't pass the purity test. They can't see any optimism. It's all doom and gloom. You know, they've got, they've got the freaking super bowl trophy in the case, but it's not good enough. Is there a psychological component to the black pill people that you have found?
• 14:45
  Speaker B: A bit. There is a bit of that, I think to some of the people online who are really into this stuff. They get addicted to. You know, they have pessimistic personalities, very downcast, depressed personalities. And I think that attracts them to it. They don't want to think that there's any hope. But also, I think for, if you're talking about the influencers and commentators that are very black belt, I think it just sells better to sell doom and gloom than it is optimism. And so they want to attract their audience. And a lot of the audience is maybe not going through the best of times, but. And it's. Or they feel that there's something angry or something wrong that's going on. And they don't want to hear about how the Trump administration is improving things. They want to hear about how the Trump administration is betraying them, which reaffirms their pessimistic, gloomy outlook on things and also expresses the, or goes along with entertaining the fantasy that there is going to be some radical thing around the future, is that this is why we need a revolution, which is more exciting than elections and absolutely not the vote and all these, all these other matters. So they like to think that it's just like it doesn't matter, there's no hope. The only hope is Civil war revolution or something. And that's a lot more exciting to sell to an audience than talking about how they need to come out and vote in the midterms.
• 16:03
  Speaker A: Right. I think you're, I think you're right there. And they're driven by that. And, you know, it's, I like to tell people, most of politics, I wish this wasn't always true, but most politics takes place between the 40 yard lines, right? And every once in a while, someone scores. Reagan scores. Newt Gingrich scores in 94. Trump scores. Right. Trump has this crazy comeback, you know, does something that only, you know, Grover Cleveland did. And as far as being the Republican nominee three times in a row, that's never been done. FDR did it. For the Democrats, Nixon did do it, but not in a row. You know, this is a historical icon. It's a counterculture icon, as I wrote about my first book, the Woking Dead. But, you know, there are certain people that are critical of him that still think to this day that they are dealing with a political figure only. It's a mistake the left made early on. You're dealing with a cultural figure, someone that, you know was on Larry King in 1981. So you can roll up in 2025 and 2026 with your little podcast or your, you know, your, your Twitter handle, but it's it. You talk about him being Teflon in 16. To some degree, he still is. So, I mean, it's, it's, it's almost Shakespearean in the sense that all the different waves, the different types of waves that have crashed against the mast of this ship, okay, whether it's the grifters that were in the White House that turned, you know, we could listen, you know, Scarambucci's and the, the mustache, John Bolton and all the rest of them. And now we've got people that were fairly popular and supporters, and they're all, I guess, getting together. I've got a picture of them here. We'll play later. Look like a Star Trek convention, you know, that they, They, I guess, are upset too. I mean, I, I just, I, I find it remarkable. But what you catalog in White Pill is. And just, just so the audience understands the timeline, you have September 11th attacks coming out of that talk radio booms. Rush was there before that, don't get me wrong. But it booms. AM stations start dying in the midst of that. You've got Drudge, you've got other websites that pop up. Breitbart.com pops up and in the middle of the timeline, these sort of pre Trump, pre Golden escalator ride timeline. And I found this fascinating because I think you're, I think you're right. And I've always sort of thought this. Now, Sarah Palin may be an exception. Andrew Breitbart, I think they were true populist believers. Okay? They were, they weren't. You know, Andrew in particular wasn't driven by the religious right. And he wasn't necessarily. I mean, he was a libertarian. Yeah. Because he was a Democrat in college and all the rest of it. But he was more of like, you know, just sort of a wild punk rock type of guy that was cracking down on corruption, obviously with James and Hannah and the Acorn videos. And then he starts, you know, he gets a picture of Anthony Weiner's Ding Dong and all the rest of it, right. And, and it gets crazy there. But into the meat of what you're trying to show here with your historical timeline, I felt that that Tea party energy in 2010 and you write about this and I was chuckling, I'm highlighting your book. I'm going, this is exactly right, that there was this faux libertarian moment where you call it Paul Ryanism, right? Where, where, you know, Baner and Ryan and the rest of them sort of co opted this energy that came out of the Tea Party, which started with like Pete Santilli rant and Raven on cnbc. But God bless Pete, Pete's still over there ranting about something, you know, and, and, and I remember them fundraising on oh, we're going to repeal Obamacare for the 750th time and now the 751st time. And they basically sort of put into a box the, the Tea Party energy and promised this weird libertarian future, which, which, which missed the target. And you write about that, correct?
• 20:18
  Speaker B: Oh, yeah, absolutely. What happened with the Tea Party is that people were obviously upset that this strange man known as Barack Obama, that they don't know much about his background. He might be a radical, but even his campaign was, you know, bereft of any clear ideas. Just hope and change. What, what does that mean? And people were worried that this guy is going to do some radical stuff with the country and he represented that the country is changing because, you know, these people would have been around and like, you know, ordinary middle Americans, like we didn't know anybody voted for Barack Obama. Now we got this guy who's our president. So people were upset about that and we're upset about the state of the country from the recession, that all these big banks are getting bailouts and it's not being sold well to the public and people are confused about the state of the country and where is it going. And now we've got of Barack Obama as the president, right? So people were upset and were feeling that they're losing their country and they, and then finally they have an avenue for it with the Tea Party. And the Tea Party are like, we're going to take our country back. They're not quite sure on what the message of that means, but there's, you know, it's a sentiment. But then the people who, you know, as you said, the faux libertarian elements, the Paul Rus elements, the establishing conservative elements, they decided to redirect it. It's like, oh, it's just about tax cuts and government spending. That's all the Tea Party cared about. It was purely fiscal conservative matter when clearly the, the Tea Partiers cared about the cultural transformation that they're witnessing and the country itself. You know, this is. Now that gay marriage is becoming legalized, that political correctness is taking over. There's also the rumblings going on campus that I documented in my first book, no Campus for White Men, and all these things going on. And then the Tea Party's like, we just care about are. Their leaders are just saying, oh, we just care about fiscal matters. So they didn't really capture that anger and, and frustration that was going on in the base. There were some elements of that, like SB 1070 in Arizona where, you know, following with Obama, there's now the more border, more border crossings. And their people are beginning to learn that illegal immigration isn't just a problem limited to the Southwest. This is happening all over the country. And Also due to 40 or so years of mass immigration, due to the 65 Immigration act and other similar immigration legislation, they're now witnessing immigra. Mass immigration in their hometowns. And they're like, why is our country transforming both culturally and demographically? And then all we're told to care about is the Export Import Bank.
• 22:48
  Speaker A: Exactly.
• 22:49
  Speaker B: And other nonsense that people didn't really care about.
• 22:52
  Speaker A: So. That's right.
• 22:53
  Speaker B: So that was something with the Tea Party. No, the Export Import bank was like a huge thing for Tea Party leaders. It's like, I don't think anybody cared about the export thing.
• 23:03
  Speaker A: We're going to take a break. But you, you, you get into the immigration thing and there were some rumblings, you know, Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who we've worked with, remember the, the Minute man project, the guys who were hanging out down there. Palin did a little bit of this. Breitbart did a little bit of this, obviously talk radio. And I'm going to tell you some stories here in a second. Carl Rove, turd blossom sticking his bony finger into Ingram's chest. You're trying to stop this. McCain, Kyle, Bill, you and Savage need to shut the up. I mean, I, I was there for it. I saw it. Yeah, it was crazy. But, you know, the Republican Party didn't want to do it and only certain radio hosts were on board. You've quoted a few others that were, that were willing to just go with whatever the hell was, you know, your finger in the air type thing. So listen, we talking to Scott Greer, his new book, White Pill. Okay. It'll get you pregnant with sanity for sure. This is dangerous. Laughter I'm A.J. rice. We will be back on the other side.
• 24:02
  Speaker B: What the Democratic Party has recognized right now is they have a massive masculinity crisis. And every time they try to pick their version of a masculine man, it
• 24:12
  Speaker A: always backfires in their face.
• 24:13
  Speaker B: So, like, gosh, who do we really need? Somebody that will appeal to working class, sports loving, patriotic men.
• 24:21
  Speaker A: Who should we.
• 24:22
  Speaker B: Tim Walls.
• 24:23
  Speaker A: That's right.
• 24:24
  Speaker B: Because on paper, they're not looking at anything Tim Walls has actually done. They're not actually looking at, like, who he is. They're just looking on paper. It's like, okay, well, he was in the military and. And he coached football. You guys like football in the army, right? Okay, okay, Tim Walls is your guy. And then 20 seconds, and after being introduced to the rest of the country, men are like, who's this douchebag?
• 24:45
  Speaker A: Runs out like, Richard Simmons. Load, load that 12 gauge with a Tampax product.
• 24:59
  Speaker B: You should be women. And yet your beards forbid me to interpret that you are so. Someone once said comedy is the art of turning horror into humor. That's the essence of the Curse of the Bearded Lady. Laughing in the face of madness before it devours us whole. Nothing in living memory has been funnier or more horrifying than a movement convinced there are 72 genders. Boys have a penis.
• 25:30
  Speaker A: Girls have a vagina. The Curse of the Bearded Lady.
• 25:34
  Speaker B: The curse of a Bearded Lady. The Trans Mafia has whipped America's sanity.
• 25:40
  Speaker A: It's Monty Python by way of Mengele.
• 25:43
  Speaker B: Absurd theater with real victims. I'm not here to conduct a medical
• 25:48
  Speaker A: examination of the Trans Mafia. This is a cultural autopsy. If Billy Shakespeare could write tragedies, histories
• 25:58
  Speaker B: and comedies, why can't I?
• 26:00
  Speaker A: The radicals refuse to surrender their gender mad stranglehold on America's vital institutions.
• 26:08
  Speaker B: This book will show how we got
• 26:10
  Speaker A: here, how we fight back, and how the Democratic Party's obsession with mainstreaming the
• 26:16
  Speaker B: bearded lady will doom it to political extinction. Stay locked in with the man who slayed the Woking dead. This is dangerous. Laughter with A.J. rice on the Publius Media Network,
• 26:39
  Speaker A: back on the DL. I am A.J. rice. Our job here is to transform horror into humor. We're talking to Scott Greer, Power Forward of Sanity, and his new book, White Pill, the Online Right and the Making of Trump's America. You know, I'm going through this book, Scott, and I'm going, where's the part I'm in where. Where I need to be? What the. You know, I gotta talk to. I Gotta talk to the boys of passage. I mean, I, I could have been a resource. I have so many stories because I'm going through this, going well, I was in the next room during this thing. I was, I was there that day. I mean, it's, it's wild. It is wild. I will tell you, for a while there when I'm producing Monica and Laura, and it was 10 years of my life. So, like, from like 04 to 14, you know, we're talking about immigration and some of these problems that are happening. And, you know, everyone wants the, the right wingers want to float and they want to talk about this. And everybody's worried about the estate tax and the Import Export bank, like, all the, all these goofy things that they're worried about. And obviously the Iraq War dominated some things and the, you know, Hank Paulson and the bailouts and so on. You know, there was a time when it was basically, it was basically Ingram Savage and just, we would bring Uncle Pat in, Buchanan would come in and he would put Bill Crystal on all fours, have him barking like a dog. And then Lou Dobbs started to convert on the air, and he would come in. But, you know, Laura has been in D.C. a long time, and we bring on Grover and, and Kudlow and, you know, all these guys, Steve Moore and, and she would, we would set up these traps for them on the air. Like, okay, so if we do this amnesty and we let all these people in here, are all these illegal aliens, are they going to vote to abolish the estate tax? Are they going to vote to abolish? Like, we would give them, we'd hit them with the other end of the libertarian argument. Like, are these people going to do all these other things that the Cato Institute believes in? Right? And they couldn't answer the question. They could not. And we, you know, we were putting Trump on back then when he was just doing the Apprentice, and he was saying the same on the air with Laura then. So, you know, a lot of the other hosts at the time, other than Savage and Laura, you know, remember, Savage was Borders, language, culture, been doing it forever. They were afraid. They were afraid. So as we move out of the Tea Party era and we get closer to the OG and the Golden Escalator and Andrew dies, unfortunately, Steve takes over, which caused a problem, I can tell you, because I have clients on both sides. You know, Ben Shapiro is my former lawyer and I, I text with Steve every day. And I, you know, they, they, I know Clavin and all these, they Breitbart.com splits in half for various reasons. You know, this term appears. I remember Hillary saying it go. I'm like, the hell is she talking about? Alt right, Alternative right. I guess like we were Pearl Jam and Alice in Chains or something. Right. So, yeah, tell the audience, remind them, what was that? Where did it come from and where did it go?
• 29:58
  Speaker B: So the alt right's got interesting history and that's a lot, that's detailed a lot in White Pill, my book. Because really, most people don't even remember where the alt right came from. It just meant scary word that people didn't want to associate with at the time. But all right. Came from a website called alternativeright.com which started in 2010. The term was co coined by Paul Gottfried and a certain Richard Spencer, who also becomes a character in the story.
• 30:27
  Speaker A: Sure.
• 30:27
  Speaker B: And this website, alternative right.com initially its meaning was just people who opposed the conservative establishment. They want an immigration restriction. They were anti interventionist. They didn't like the neo state, the neoconservative state of current conservatism. That was basically what it meant. There was a lot of different voices@Alternative Right.com. they had libertarians that par Paleo cons. They had some strange anarchists. So it was a big tent coalition. But over time, Spencer kind of abandoned that term, went in another direction, became what you would call a white nationalist, you could say. And so there's not going to be many people around that. But that term still existed in banner and was bannered around. And back in the mid 2010s, people still used hashtags on Twitter. Today, people only really use hashtags to signal that they're a bot or that they're old or they're being ironic. I don't think anyone unironically uses hashtags who's under 40. Sorry to any listeners who still use hashtags, but they're. I think you're not a new part of the X. But any case, this is a big thing in back in the old days on Twitter because you could search by category through a hashtag. So became a good way to find tweets and other things. So people began using alt right because they're like we need a way to signal that we're different from conservatives. And it needs to be short for Twitter. So they're like alternative right. How about alt right? And then it became popular through that. And at the time it included, it was the same back in 2010. It was people who were opposed. The conservative establishment cared about restricting immigration were opposed to the foreign wars and all the interventions that George W. Bush and the neocons had done.
• 32:13
  Speaker A: And.
• 32:13
  Speaker B: And we're tired of just talking about the Export Import bank and fiscal conservatism. They wanted to focus on the cultural matters. So this included a lot of different people. And then as soon as this hashtag takes off, Trump takes off. So these also, the people who are utilizing the hashtag and are on organizing online are also, for the most part, backing Trump. Actually, not for the most part. They pretty much are entirely all backing Trump and because become Donald Trump's online supporter base. And so it grows from there. And from the Bannon connection is that Bannon, you know, there had been a big article on Breitbart written by Milo Yiannopoulos and Alan Bakari, stating like a conservative's guide to the alt right and was like explaining what it is and how it's mainly with trolling that there are some extreme elements there, but it's a big tent and it's basically opposed to, to the conservative establishment and the old guard that doesn't get the current issues. So Bannon, I don't think really quite understood where this comes from, but he said based on that article and thinking that Milo is alt right, which he was adjacent, he said that Breitbart is a platform for the alt right, thinking it just meant young conservatives who support Trump and don't like neoconservatives.
• 33:30
  Speaker A: Right.
• 33:30
  Speaker B: Obviously there was the Richard Spencer and other elements there, but that were maybe a bit, we'll say that we're problematic for a presidential campaign so that he gets brought on to the Donald Trump campaign. You know, everyone's freaking out. It's like Breitbart is now running this campaign. And also he'd said that we're officially in a platform, the alt right. So Hillary Clinton's like, we're gonna have fear monger about this. So this whole speech about the alt right, which did nothing to hurt Trump's chances, but then just made alt right a mainstream term. And people were like, oh, well, you know, we support Trump and don't like neoconservatism, so we're going to be alt right. And then that carried on it gained popularity from it and made this movement that had already been getting media attention and then became, you know, a household name overnight. So it goes to there and things are looking good for the alt right up until after the election where they, Richard Spencer hosts a conference and air. They. They let their mask drop, to say the least, and they all throw Up Roman salutes and say, hail Trump. Which obviously does not go well with the rest of the public. And that began the end of the alt right, because the alt right then began going in a direction right independent of Trump and conservatism and deciding that the American public wanted all the craziness that was at Charlottesville. So they went in a different direction and then died out, which that part of the story is also documented in my book.
• 35:01
  Speaker A: We're talking to Scott Greer, Go get the copy of this white pill. You know, and I think the Southern Poverty Law center watched that rally and said to themselves, I don't know, maybe we should cut some checks here for the very fine people. You know, let's cut some checks. We'll pay them. We'll pay. We got to keep this thing going, you know, so, you know, it wasn't totally a myth that there were some elements that, you know, had to be sort of sent into oblivion. But this thing, I mean, I've always talked about Trump cherry picking Buchananism, Ron Paul, a little bit of Ross Perot, a little bit of Nader, and, and, and, and sort of resetting the board because it was obvious that the linguine spine, endless wars, let's befriend with China. Don't, don't talk about Barack Obama's connections. No Hussein in the membrane. You know, all these things, trade, bad trade deals, NAFTA and all the rest of it, these were the sort of core elements that were definitely driving Trumpism in 16, for sure. And, you know, he was able to make the Bushes and Clintons the same groups of people. You know, they were the same. There was no sunlight between them, that they were perfectly okay with just passing the presidency back and forth over 24 years, 32 years, whatever Jeb got, whatever Hillary got, they just go back and forth. And, you know, America has a unique ability to bring forth characters, whether it's Andrew Jackson or Teddy Roosevelt or Harry Truman or whoever that just take the freaking coffee table and flip it over. They do. And, you know, that's the thing with Trump. I would say, let me ask you this, because obviously, he wins. We get to 2020. We have January 6th. You know, we've got basically bands going out. The digital brown shirts go out. He's banned from everything.
• 37:00
  Speaker B: Yeah.
• 37:00
  Speaker A: When Elon Musk buys Twitter, I call this the, the greatest digital jailbreak in history. Talk to me about how consequential, because you write about this, how consequential it is when he bought it, the magnitude of it, because all of A sudden, you know, Alcatraz tips over and everyone gets. Everyone spills out and can have an opinion again. How does that help as. As the, you know, with the 2024 election?
• 37:27
  Speaker B: Oh, it was a huge help for the 2024 election. A lot of people have forgotten about the state of the Internet pre elon buying X. Oh, yeah, because the. It was terrible. At this time, you could be banned for any number of reasons. You could be arguing with someone who ends up being transgender, and then they say, you can't do that. You're banned. You could say, we want less immigration. You get banned. You could simply say that. I don't think the. There's something wrong with the 2020 election. You get banned. You could say that there's something wrong with how we're doing COVID lockdowns or something wrong. The vaccine isn't really working the way it is. You get banned. Even all these people who were. Who were noticing that Covid might be a lab leak, which turns out to have some actual evidence, you got banned. So there was this entire censorship that the only way you could be prevented from getting banned is to go to CNN and repeat the same talking points. So it was a very difficult process to avoid getting banned because any number of reasons could get. Could land you in hot water. And even when you look at Hunter Biden's laptop, if you question. If you said, Hunter Biden's laptop is a real story that could get you banned, and it turned out it was a real thing. So there was so much obnoxiousness and so much censorship that prevented people from speaking freely. And the. The height of the intense censorship that happened in 2020 adds to the feeling that the 2020 election was rigged because the Trump campaign could not campaign on the Internet. You know, if they brought up, you know, the stories about Hunter Biden's laptop were suppressed because they simply said it's fake news, it's Russian disinformation, and they wiped it out. So you couldn't find out about it on Facebook or X or. Well, it's Twitter at the time, right? Anywhere. Just because some liberals said that we don't like it. And even Trump campaign ads about the border and immigration were taken down off the Internet.
• 39:25
  Speaker A: So.
• 39:25
  Speaker B: And the Internet keeps telling people, Trump's committing a genocide because of COVID He's not doing what we think is proper safety measures. So this is the state of the Internet, and Trump is not allowed to post anywhere after January 6th. He's banned from Twitter, Facebook, YouTube. He even got some of his financial fundraising platforms that kicked him off. So he's planning to run for president, but he can't post anywhere. But soon enough, when Elon Musk buys X, we then finally begin to get free speech again on X that you're no longer having to worry about. Oh, if I'm questioning Covid and the lockdowns and immigration, I'm not getting kicked off the Internet anymore. And then other sites see the example and like, huh, they're getting more audience attention. People seem to like this, that people prefer, prefer this over being suppressed, over expressing any conservative viewpoint. So then Facebook and YouTube to a lesser extent began opening up. And also TikTok and Instagram reels also began allowing more free speech. And a lot of this once the Internet was allowed a platform to speak freely, they found out that they were tired of wokeness. They were tired of four years of open borders, four years of having a senile president that the entire media kept telling us that he's, we've never had a sharper precedent than Joe Biden. And then people are like that's clearly false. But then they'd have to worry about getting banned over saying clearly true information about Biden. But now people were able to speak freely. And even though Trump didn't really return to Twitter posting, he's stuck on Truth Social. You could share those posts all throughout Twitter. And then Twitter with free speech turned into a right leaning platform that wanted to, that wanted Trump to win. And so that was a complete difference from 2020, where in 2020 you had to worry about saying anything. And all these platforms are Biden propaganda vehicles. Then you go to 2024 and we finally have free speech again. And we also had free speech in 2016, which was a crucial factor in Trump the first time. And Elon Musk buying X was a huge benefit to the right. And Elon Musk also got into these ideas as well and began supporting Trump. And that helped Trump. Sure.
• 41:45
  Speaker A: I mean look, when you have the, the, the richest man in the world buying Twitter, you have the most listened to podcaster endorse you. You have the oldest male heir of the most famous Democrat family of the 20th century endorse you. Bobby RFK Jr. You start to move those undecided at 6%. And look, I was never banned from social media. The, the names you would know like the Facebooks and Twitter.
• 42:11
  Speaker B: Twitter.
• 42:11
  Speaker A: There was an eight month period where, and I didn't talk about it while it was happening, but if you pay close attention, you can see it where my firm was representing Trump and Don Jr. In the books that they were putting out, we were running asymmetric PR for Vivek's presidential campaign, and we were doing media for Bobby's book on Fauci and Maha Action, his super pack. So I was basically, very quietly, the general manager of the Yankees, Dodgers and Red Sox all at the same time, and firing stuff out all day long. And I never got banned from anyone except LinkedIn. LinkedIn figured it out. LinkedIn found out that I'm Kevin Bacon and they shut me down, and I'm still banned from LinkedIn. I mean, I, you know, I'm okay with it. We're doing just fine here. But that's the one that came from me. And as you know, I'm sure you do know the people in charge of LinkedIn. And look, I represented all the COVID doctors, too, so, like Malone and McCullough and Atlas and. And Lapo and. And. And Pierre Corey and Naomi Wolf and all of them. So they came from me through LinkedIn. That's how. That's how the digital brown shirts got me. We're gonna. We're gonna take a break here in a second, but before we do, I just want to get into memes and the online. Right, the use of memes, what they are. And I just want to remind the audience that using cartoons or graphics as a weapon, as I would like, as I like to call death by cartoon, there is an old tradition of this going back to the Revolutionary War. Coming forward, Thomas Nast took out Boss Tweed in New York City, was running this Democrat racket in New York City. James Gilray made fun of Napoleon. A lot of the caricatures of Napoleon that, you know, as a screaming little miniature goblin came from that. You know, you have a long history of cartoons and caricaturists using satire, weaponizing it. So the online right does this. You say. What's the term? You say that he might have been to Trump, might have been memed into the Oval Office. So before we take the next break, just explain that, you know, because there is a history of that, and most of the time it's used to defeat something. But. But the online right used it to win.
• 44:44
  Speaker B: Yeah, exactly. And what was able to come out is that humor is a weapon, especially in politics. And it's certainly with a lot of these ideas that Trumpism and the online representative, because liberals are saying, this is the scariest stuff imaginable. This is. You really got to be worried about this. This is what Hillary Clinton's. The whole purpose of her alt Right. Speech is. But then if people go and investigate it and it's like a cartoon frog or funny cartoons that are mocking their opponents and mocking the establishment and supporting their cause, then the, the scary factor is minimized. It makes it much funnier and people, if they're laughing with it, then they begin to agree with it. And that was the point of memes is that memes were deployed and it added a way to sell these political points to younger people because people don't want to sit through the left is always made fun of for their wall of text memes. That'll be a giant block of paragraph that's like a thousand words. No one's going to read that. But if you have a funny cartoon with a, you know, a simple, you know, dialogue block, dialogue cloud, that makes it much more appealing to young people. And so it illustrates these political issues, whether it's immigration or affirmative action or trade policies or the foreign wars. You're able to better illustrate these ideas through a funny cartoon than you can through, you know, a whole 5,000 word essay or a wall of text that the left is into.
• 46:07
  Speaker A: Ridicule moves faster than rebellion. I mean, you just, you just. Scott, you just got into the DNA of why this freaking show exists. I mean, I have a book behind me here, the Curse of the Bearded Lady. Look at that face. You think that's a white paper from the Heritage Foundation? I don't think so. I mean, I. That's why dangerous laughter exists. You couldn't be more right. We watch the watchers with jokes. We're unfit for polite society. We're going to take a quick break. I'm talking to Scott Greer. His new book, White Pill, the Online Right and the Making of Trump's America. We will be right back.
• 46:46
  Speaker B: Women's rights champion Riley Gaines calls it a fierce defense of principle wrapped in humor from a satirist who dismantles the Trans Mafia's propaganda. Number one. Amazon best selling author AJ Rice completes the trilogy that started with the Woking Dead and the White Privilege album. The Curse of the Bearded Lady. How the Trans Mafia whacked American Sanity, Volume 3 of Publius Prose, already a bestseller. Get your copy today available everywhere books are sold.
• 47:33
  Speaker A: And now please enjoy another elegant celebrity endorsement of dangerous laughter with A.J. rice.
• 47:40
  Speaker B: Well, well, well. A.J. rice, we meet again. Last I heard from you, I think it was MySpace back in the day when you were DMing me like a stalker. I get it. Dwarf on dwarf. You want to know what's happening. But here's you still got to remember that I am still taller than you. But congratulations. I hear you started a podcast. Congratulations on the podcast. That's all we need, another dwarf host hosting a podcast. I already do that. I got it cut. But best of luck to you. It's just weird. Please stop cultural, culturally appropriating the life of a little person. Just because you're Irish does not mean you're a dwarf. Just because you celebrate St. Patrick's Day does not make you a leprechaun. Dangerous Laughter. I mean, it does sound like a great show, Dangerous Laughter. But just head back to MySpace. Put it on MySpace. I hear it's coming back. Justin Timberlake bought it. And, you know, more people are gonna be watching that hopefully. But best of luck to you. Don't call me. The restraining orders in the mail to you later.
• 48:35
  Speaker A: This endorsement has been brought to you by collapsing standards everywhere. And now back to Dangerous Laughter.
• 48:44
  Speaker B: The management of this station are clueless. You're listening to Dangerous Laughter with AJ Rice on the Publius Media Network.
• 48:57
  Speaker A: Back on Dangerous Laughter. We are with the man of the moment here, the white pill man of the moment, Scott Greer. You know, I. I talk all the time, Scott, about people that just appear out of nowhere, people that don't go through at least some kind of formation. And, you know, you show up 20, 20, 12ish, and, you know, you matriculated through and. And were able to sort of pan for gold, make mistakes, a little creative destruction. Have this job, have that job, analyze some things. I mean, I. I'm always critical of the people that think history began yesterday or history began the golden escalator ride, or, or, you know, it began with a black pill and how everything's bad. So we're talking to Scott Greer here. One of the things Scott says talks about in White pill, right? Go, go help pay for Bezos to send his wife back into space. You say if this new right is going to succeed, it needs to understand fault lines and destructive tendencies. Right. What I talk about here, as I mentioned earlier, is purity tests. People that are so concerned with either what Trump's doing, what he ate for breakfast, Israel, Netanyahu, and all the rest of it, that they're. They don't even care if we wake up one morning and the situation we just saw in Spain, you know, in the Straits of Gibraltar, which looked like World War Z, or I am legend, whether that's happening outside the window, or, you know, politicians that have married Islamism, radical Islam with Karl Marx. They took Karl Marx into the mosque and they baptized them in the mosque, for lack of better terms, those types of people seem to actually be able to win seats in Congress and Senate, Senate seats and Mayor, Mayor's races in New York City. And you know, then we have, I guess, you know, like any counter revolution, we have people on our side. Chris, give me the, give me the photo of the Star Trek convention here. Let me see here. Yeah, there, there it is. There's the Star Trek convention. So we've got Klingons, Romulans, Vulcans. No. So here at Tucker's main cabin, a cabin that I've sent many guests to, and you've got poor Brian Glenn, Marjorie Taylor Green, and in full disclosure, I was the publicist of the Marjorie Taylor Green book, which was actually published by an imprint owned by the President of the United states and Don Jr. And Sergio Gore, the current ambassador to India. Sergio's over there eating the tika marsala, which he likes. He's over there doing that. And of course, Joe Kent, full disclosure, lost his congressional race. I actually was represented the person that ran against him in that race, which was Ashley Sinclair, Thomas Massey, I don't really have any connection to, you know, he seems to be a consistent guy most of the time. I think he wanted to be Justin Amash. I'm not sure he'll ever end up being that. And then Tucker, of course, and then their wives and girlfriends and all the rest of it. So are these guys Scott and gals are. Is this what black pilled looks like? This, this group here, they're kind of their own thing.
• 52:34
  Speaker B: I. They would be black pilled, definitely about the Trump administration, but they also have their own unique, I wouldn't call it a white pill, but their own spin on things where they imagine that they represent the true silent majority of the country and that people are ready to back a third party led by them. But I don't think that they actually have that. I don't think that you have the serious third party force that something like Ross Perot or, or even Ralph Nader were able to have. I think it's mostly an online audience without a voter constituency. Of course, they're very. Well, Tucker is very popular and you know, he's one of the most prominent Internet voices you have out there and he still has a lot of influence. But I don't think that they're really ready for the MTG Massy third party candidates. I don't think anybody really wants that. So I have a term for it. This is. Some people are not quite into this, but some people are I would say MTG probably is. And there's some other figures who are out there. I have my own term called the Insane Clown Party, which imagines that a lot of what right wing commentary and audience are influencers and other people are like that, that they're very into pure entertainment, that there's no politics angle to it, and that what they want is to give as maximum entertainment as possible. Since if you're in the business of influencing and commentary, entertainment is part of your. Is part. Absolutely part of you. It's part of the gig. But they want politics to reflect that. And we see more and more of our lawmakers adopt to it. And they decided to be clone clowns, which gets them a lot of Internet attention, but doesn't actually address any of these issues. And we're even seeing that some of these candidates who adopt Insane Clown Party aesthetics and style and interest, they're not even good on the issues. Mike Lindell is campaigning on amnesty right now in Minnesota, which for governor, you know, maybe that's not quite what.
• 54:36
  Speaker A: And for the kids out there, the Insane Clown Party is referenced to the Insane Clown Posse, the Juggalos. Little holler, Holler at the Juggalos. They're from Detroit. They were this sort of rap rock band. I don't, I don't think that they are still constituted. They. They had some beefs with Eminem and Kid Rock and Ted Nugent and Kiss and they're kind of. They were wild. They were fun, but wild. I remember them doing many interviews on Howard over the years. You talk about Insane clown populism too, in, in the book and what the future holds for the right after Donald Trump. I want everyone to not only buy Scott Greer's book, but I want you to go to Substack and sign up for his. His sub stack, which I think is. Is highly respected. And it's, it's. That's the name of it and it's, it's. It's tethered to the podcast that you do. On it. On it. You said this. I was dying, Scott. Look, I don't love all my guests, brother, and you and I just met, but I could. I mean, you kill me. Some of this stuff, I'm like, man, I could. He said, it's hard to expect Republicans to be elected on the promise to arrest Erica Kirk and fight chemtrails. So look, some of this stuff, you are right. I mean, we are on an entertainment medium here. We do news, we do satire, we do parody here. I write political satire books, but I Also have like a day job where I am the manager, literary agent and publicist for a lot of like half the White House. Don. I did both of Don Jr's books. I work with your publisher on. On projects. So, you know, I have a real job. But we try to have some, we try to do something different here on. On Dangerous Laughter but basically what you set up was the Democrats really are getting people elected with Bernie with some wacky ideas. Right. I was on a show this morning, the poll out that this vegan, this hairless pet, this Vegan, you know, Jesus, 70, Jesus is 72 genders guy. This Telorico in Texas is like tied with Paxton in Texas. Maybe he'll win, I don't know. But talk to me about that. I mean, can that. The Candace rabbit hole, you know, the, the phantom French penises and all the rest of it, can that win an election? Is there a candidate for these people?
• 57:10
  Speaker B: No, it can't really win an election because it doesn't address actual issues that people face on their daily lives. With Trump, Trump was very entertaining, but he also talked about issues that matter to them. Immigration, trade, foreign wars, and the corrupt governing class that mattered to people. People don't care about the TPUSA Charlie Kirk conspiracy theories on their daily life. They don't care about chemtrails, they don't care about UFOs, they don't care about space lasers. They, you know, annihilate causing all these forest fires. Most of what they're selling is very entertaining to an online audience. But if you're then taking this to, you know, ordinary people, they're not going to get elected. And we have plenty of people. There's in Colorado, which the GOP is no longer for, unfortunately, competing in that state statewide. Colorado GOP nominated an icp, a textbook ICP or. And Victor Marks, who Victor Marks is out there talking about how he killed somebody when he was 7 years old. He's talking about literally fighting demons and stuff, which would make him a very entertaining podcast guest. But that's not someone that people want for governor. And in terms of his platform, he doesn't really have. I mean, his platform is standard gop, which is fine. I mean, no one's complaining about that. But it's also added all this goofiness that ensures he wins because people don't want to elect someone that they think is out to lunch, that is should be in a looney bin. But our side is like, this guy's got it. If you sound like a schizophrenic hobo on the street who is desperate for crack and believes that the alien stole your crack, you might be a nominee for GOP office at this point. So you're right. I'm not going to elect the schizophrenic homeless crackhead who is talking about how the aliens stole his crack pipe. But some geo. Some people might enjoy that on our
• 59:02
  Speaker A: side, unfortunately, I, I counsel all types of people. You know, I've known Pete Heath 20 years. I've known, I've known Tulsi Gabard only for like four. I talk to media people all the time. I produce shows for Beck and John Solomon and all the rest of it. If I could have gotten to some of the people that are not real happy right now with Trump, you know, and, and counseled them from a PR image perspective, I, I might have tried to persuade them. I mean, I helped make the Tucker Carlson biography by Chadwick Moore, my buddy on the New York Times bestseller list. Yeah, ironically, that was published by a publishing house that was owned at the time by Scott Besant, the Treasury Secretary, Another client of mine. You know, I was working for Besson for years and I didn't find out who owned this thing until, until way later. You know, I tell people all the time. Coming. You know, I'm, I'm a geriatric millennial. I'm definitely older than I look. I'm like Benjamin Button here. And I'm definitely not as tall as Scott. I'm like from the Shire compared to Scott. And, you know, there was a time when you only had shows, conspiracy type shows. You had Art Bell who eventually retired and gave a show to George Nori. Then you had some like, ghost, ghost chasing podcasts and, and all that. And then you had Alex Jones and it was this piece of real estate that was pretty much only owned by Jones and Art Bell and Dory and a few others. Okay. And slowly, over the last 15 years, everyone has moved a lot. Not everyone, but a good number of people, including some people in that picture I put up, have moved to this little strip of real estate and they've. And if it's a slice of the pizza, the whole other pizza is empty. And everyone has moved to this piece of real estate. And it makes me wonder, you know, what comes next, media wise, if everyone. And you get this idea. Because, look, we do this for a living. So we, we think that there's this big law. I mean, Tucker went from the number one podcast all the way down into the 20s. And you know, you, you, because these people all talk to each other, and they interview each other on each other's shows. You start to think that, oh, well, maybe this is a big group of people. Is it. Is it more people than watch qvc? I don't know. I mean, I have checked those numbers on other shows. You know, you start to think like, can the online. Right. Survive if everyone is living on this little strip of real estate together and. And only interviewing each other?
• 1:01:42
  Speaker B: It's not. I mean, it could survive, but it's not going to thrive. It's not going to interact with the public and have as much influence. If everyone's just talking to themselves and it exists in a little bubble, they then lose perspective of what people outside the bubble think and actually believe. And I find that one of the problems that's going on in the Internet is that too many people invent their own bubbles and then stay within the bubble and then imagine that that's the world within their bubble. And so you interact with this a lot on the Internet where people are like, I don't think people believe this at all. And then they're like, well, in the bubble. It's true. And so. And also that comes a problem with your audiences, that. That your audience exists entirely in the bubble, and then you want to burst the bubble. At some point, they're going to revolt. So then you have the audience capture where they just want you to reaffirm life as it is in the bubble, or how the bubble thinks and. And not how life is outside the bubble. So you have those problems. But, yes, it can survive, but can it thrive and have as much influence as it has in the past? I don't think so.
• 1:02:46
  Speaker A: Yeah. I mean, I look at any given time, we've got a lot of people here, and we trade 50 to 100 people going at once. And look, there's people that come in, they want to get on Tucker. There's people that come in and they say to me, and I'm talking famous people, don't pitch me to Tucker. I've got, you know, half my clients want, like, at war with the other half over Israel or this or that or Trump or that. You know, this Kool Aid and that Kool Aid and all the rest of it. You know, I try to play mediator as best as I can. I've got my own opinions, obviously. I try to stay in the comedy way. Try. I try to stay in the comedy lane. Right. But. But I think it's. Here's the thing. I think it's healthy. I do. I. You Know, I, I, the Democrats, I guess they're hiding under their desk. They're afraid of these DSA people. I don't see many of them other than Fetterman checking any of them. They would have been perfectly happy with the Nazi tattooed, you know, wife abuser or girlfriend. They'd have been fine with that. They're okay with it. I mean, remember Ron DeSantis almost lost to a guy that was, and I forget his name, a guy that was discovered like Andrew Gillum with a crack and pantless with a man and all the rest. He was almost the governor of Florida pre covet. So look, they're, they're, they're more than happy to, you know, walk Marks and Engels and Heydrich and Himmler and whoever the hell else out there and, and embrace where they can. I don't see them, I mean, other than Bill Maher and Stephen A. Smith freaking out that much about the people that they are nominating and in some cases elected. I don't, I think we have a little bit of time here and look, let's, let's grab, let's grab this exchange between Tim Pool and Prosobic about the woke right? And whether that's even a thing. Here we go.
• 1:04:39
  Speaker B: Who pop up and it's typically these former liberals.
• 1:04:43
  Speaker A: And I don't feel like naming current liberals and. Right, right.
• 1:04:47
  Speaker B: They're always like, I'm a former liberal but a classic liberal.
• 1:04:49
  Speaker A: And they come over and they say I'm going to, I'm against trans.
• 1:04:53
  Speaker B: But like that's about it.
• 1:04:54
  Speaker A: And like I'm with, with them on everything, every single other thing.
• 1:04:57
  Speaker B: And then they immediately start gatekeeping the right and gatekeeping dissidents and gatekeeping populists and say, you can't believe that.
• 1:05:04
  Speaker A: You can't talk about that issue.
• 1:05:05
  Speaker B: You can't do that. And that's why I call them the woke light.
• 1:05:08
  Speaker A: And the exact same way the woke do it. Exact same. That's why I describe wokeness as the cult like adherence to the liberal orthodoxy. Yes. What the woke light are doing. These are disaffected liberals that are still liberal. And they're saying those liberals are bad. We are the true liberals. Be like us. And if you're not, you're the woke. Right. And the woke right phenomena is basically the same as calling someone alt right. It's a meaningless term that basically says you are our enemy.
• 1:05:34
  Speaker B: So it's funny when these guys are
• 1:05:36
  Speaker A: like the woke, right? I'm like, you have, you are the woke, right. You're acting Woke.
• 1:05:39
  Speaker B: You're welcome.
• 1:05:40
  Speaker A: But I call them. I call them woke. Right? Because they're the right side of the left side. So I started. Still on the left.
• 1:05:45
  Speaker B: So I started.
• 1:05:46
  Speaker A: But I like what you're saying. I was doing the same thing at first, but then it's just the waters
• 1:05:49
  Speaker B: were too muddied because people were like, wait, what are you talking about?
• 1:05:52
  Speaker A: I couldn't figure out.
• 1:05:53
  Speaker B: So it, like, just explain it.
• 1:05:54
  Speaker A: Woke. Light lit also, if you prefer diet woke. Right, exactly. So he's talking. You saw Tim brought up the alt right there. Which White Pill, which is Scott Greer's book, the Online right and the Making of Trump's America. You know, I am. Look, I wrote three books making fun of wokeism. I'm not sure, you know, I always think of it as like being like a hall monitor. I don't care what team you're, what badge you're wearing. You know, you're wearing a Lakers jersey or Celtics jersey. It don't matter to me if you're trying to hall monitor me or tell me I can't joke about this or I can't mock that or this is a sacred cow that I can't make a freaking cheeseburger out of. And that's exactly what I'm gonna do. So what do you think they're getting at there, those two?
• 1:06:38
  Speaker B: Oh, they're getting at a very important point that what we're seeing now is that there is a lot of hall monitoring going on. The right. Some ways, I, I don't want to call it necessarily hall monitoring. There is some challenging over some of the silliness that's going on, but there's also this desire of a lot of people who would have been called the intellectual dark web of a decade ago, like in 2018, and so that they aren't really that conservative and they don't even have as much big platforms anymore. But they do feel the need to say, oh, we can't have this person. This person's gonna. This person's bad. We can't talk about this. And they try to go back to a stage of the right where the hall bonders like Bill Crystal and others were in control, where they suppressed discussion about restricting immigration, where they suppressed discussion about how anti white racism is real, which we can even see the Democratic primaries where you have the Democratic candidate, Francesco Hong, who looks like she's going to possibly be the next governor of Wisconsin, hopefully not. How she wants to cancel Thanksgiving for being too white, and how she is uncomfortable with her, with her own child. Being half white and how she was married to a white man. You know, this is like, it's crazy. We have that psychosis. So a very real thing. But back in 2013, they're like, you can't talk about this. That doesn't exist. So I think that the, you know, what Jack Posic and Temple are talking about is correct, completely correct, is that there's a lot of people coming out there and saying, you can't talk about this. We're not gonna allow this. But due to the new are the way that there is this. All this free speech on the Internet and the new me environment that they can't suppress thoughts and opinions that they don't like, that it allows the market to decide what people are going to listen to rather than Bill Kristol.
• 1:08:25
  Speaker A: Let's. Chris, let's play this. Hong Kong. Hong Kong Wong, whatever the other name is. There they brought up as well was a post from you in 2021 where you said Americans should cancel Thanksgiving. Should have done this in 1621. The post has been deleted. Republicans have been highlighting it. Do you still believe that Thanksgiving should be canceled? I'm a chef, and one of the first meals that I made that was for the community when I was 16
• 1:08:55
  Speaker B: was a Thanksgiving meal. I always think my hospitality background in
• 1:09:00
  Speaker A: owning a restaurant for seven, eight years,
• 1:09:02
  Speaker B: bringing folks around the table to share conversation and build community is always a good thing. But Thanksgiving is also a time that's
• 1:09:11
  Speaker A: incredibly painful for many people in our community communities. And so I think there, I wanted to make sure that people understood that there are multiple views, but views can evolve.
• 1:09:22
  Speaker B: And the position that I'm running for
• 1:09:24
  Speaker A: right now, and I think my background as a chef will actually help me become a better governor that's able to bring more people to the table. The chef governor there, she was culturally appropriating white people food. She didn't bring any. She didn't make lo mein. Her first meal was stuffing and. And cranberry sauce. I look at her, look at her just pander away there talking to Dylan Mulvaney. I mean, Dylan Mulvaney didn't even challenge Hong. Right? I mean, but there she is wearing it, and she's gonna be a chef. I'm sure all the cheese heads, all the packers fans are excited. They can't wait. They can't wait. I'm sure the guy that owns Johnsonville Brats and can't wait to. Can't wait to have the chef governor there. I mean, but that's an example of the type of craziness is out there, correct?
• 1:10:09
  Speaker B: Oh, absolutely. And so we, the right needs to challenge it rather than worrying about hall monitoring or trying to suppress. Everything's a bit silly, I think, as me, as. I think if it's something too distracting or outlandish, such as how we need to campaign on UFOs and chemtrails and. Okay, was replaced by a body double. You know, that's the type of stuff that we need a challenge. But when it comes to other things that the Bill Crystal types don't like, we shouldn't listen to them.
• 1:10:40
  Speaker A: So every political movement eventually faces the same question, right? And that is how do you go from rebellion to governing without. Without becoming totally sort of taken over and eaten by the establishment that you rebelled against? You know, I think part of the point of MAGA was to make sure we, we have less, you know, Trent, lots less. Paul ryan's less, Mitch McConnell's less, you know, hacks over at the RNC. John Boehner's smoking cigarettes all day crying, which was always my favorite pastime was John Boehner crying. I mean, I used to. Laura and I used to play Men who Cry with a game show with, with Baner. But in all of this. And we're gonna have to run here in a second, and we're talking to Scott Greer. The book White Pill, the online right in the Making of Trump's America. Tell the audience on one hand, you've got optimism and fun. And I think, I think Vance and Rubio are fun, sort of happy warriors. One's a millennial, one's a Gen Xer. I think they're two different flavors. But I think if you are going to inherit some kind of mantle, I think, I think either one of them will. Will could unite groups of people. There are some people out there saying that Vance is compromised now and he, he, he owns the Iran war and all the rest of it. So Vance might not be able to pass the purity test for some people, but if you have black pill of despair and white pill of optimism and, and the reason people should buy your book, what do you tell the audience? Stick with the white pill. You know, it is incremental to win, correct?
• 1:12:23
  Speaker B: Yeah, it is. It's. Politics is not a war where one battle decides it all, is that there's be multiple battles there. And you can't just give up. Because I've been, I was arguing with some people that are like, well, this could all be reversed by the next Democratic administration. Well, that's like saying a general's like, we're not going to fight this battle, we might lose the next one. So you're always constantly fighting these battles and there's going to be incremental changes, just like in any war or any conflict. So you have to keep pushing on and on and on. The question of how do you avoid from being compromised or the rebellion turning into the establishment. I think it's just sticking to clear principles that you don't give up on, such as immigration, that we want immigration reduced. We want to make America reflect how it was. We want to make America great again, which if you're just going along with Barack Obama's America, then you're not wanting to make America great again. That you want to stick to policies that benefit middle America rather than, you know, international interests or every. Or any of that sort. And you also just stick to your principles as they were clearly outlined by America first. Simply just saying that we want to put America first, not the UN is also a principle. You have to stick to the. That a lot of conservatives forgot about 20, 30 years ago. So I think it's pretty easy to do so as long as you stick to the principles. But on the white pill is that we have tremendous opportunities to advance certain issues like immigration that I keep bringing up against affirmative action, which there was no movement against before the Supreme Court ruled against it. Now you have all these opportunities to make America a better country that we didn't have 20 years ago. And so a lot of people get black pilled. They're like, oh, Democrats might win. That's just the nature of politics. It's the nature of any conflict or war. And sports, it's like a team going out to play. It's like, we might lose this game, so we're just not going to play. No, you go out there and play and you fight and you, and you try to win and then you try to have victory. And it's going to be a long season of to bring back football metaphors because we love football metaphors. You know, you're going to have to play 17 games and then hope to get the playoffs to get the Super Bowl. People just imagine that you play one game and you should be crowned super bowl champions. And that's not how it is. So it's gonna be a long flight, it's gonna be a long fight. And if you give up the fight, that allows the left and your enemies to win. And as long as you're fighting, it gives you a chance of victory.
• 1:14:47
  Speaker A: Look, as a Philadelphia sports fan, we are fatalists we're very black. We're black pilled. Even when we're great, we think the sky's gonna fall. I'm sure if LeBron doesn't win 20 games in a row for the Sixers, they'll be stringing them up and dragging them down into the Schokel river and, you know, doing all burning his jersey and all the rest of it. My crazy fandom there in Philadelphia. So tell people where they can find you on Substack and the podcast.
• 1:15:11
  Speaker B: So you can find me on substack at highly-respected. Make sure the-higly-respected.com you can also buy my book from Passage Press. Passage Press or on Amazon. It is available on Amazon and if you buy it and love the book, make sure to leave a five star review because we love those. And and also if you do not follow me on Twitter or X, you can follow me there at Scott M. Greer.
• 1:15:35
  Speaker A: Definitely follow Scott. He's a funny mofo there on on X. The book is White Pill, the Online Right and the Making of Trump's America. Scott Greer, thank you for coming on Dangerous Laughter brother.
• 1:15:49
  Speaker B: Thanks for having me on.
• 1:15:51
  Speaker A: Hey, ladies and gentlemen, always remember, we believe in the equal distribution of mockery. We believe that humor is moral warfare by other means. I am A.J. rice and always, always remember America. Stay dangerous. Dangerous laughter.
• 1:16:12
  Speaker B: Dangerous, dangerous laughter.
• 1:16:17
  Speaker A: Dangerous laughter.