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How Did a Mountaintop City Rule the Valley of Oaxaca? - The Carved Captives of Monte Albán | Sleepy Facts About History · Sleepy Facts About History

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Welcome to Sleepy Facts About History. Imagine
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carving the top of a mountain to build a city
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in the sky. In southern Mexico, the ancient Zapotec
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civilization did exactly that. Beginning around
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500 BCE, they transformed the summit of a mountain
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in the valley of Oaxaca into a vast, white -plastered
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plaza surrounded by temples and palaces. This
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was Monte Alban. a monumental urban center designed
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to be seen from miles away by every surrounding
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community. Its visibility was not an accident,
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but a deliberate demonstration of concentrated
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political and ritual power. This episode examines
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how a fragmented political landscape led to the
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creation of this extraordinary mountaintop capital.
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It explores the immense labor required to flatten
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the bedrock and construct the main plaza. and
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how the city used monumental architecture to
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project authority. We also look at the carved
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stone slabs lining the plaza, which were once
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mistakenly called dancers but are now understood
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to be mutilated captives and sacrificial victims.
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The discussion traces the city's growth, its
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complex relationship with the great metropolis
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of Teotihuacan, and the gradual decline of its
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regional dominance. I kept returning to one question
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while working on this episode. Why would a society
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accept the immense physical burden of building
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and living on a steep mountain when the valley
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floor was available? Exploring the answer reveals
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how landscape transformation can serve as the
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ultimate statement of political control. It also
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offers a thoughtful reminder that the ancient
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Zapotec civilization did not vanish when the
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city was abandoned, but continues to endure and
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evolve in the living communities of Huaca today.
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They carved a mountain flat to build a city in
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the sky. Then they lined its central plaza with
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stone slabs depicting mutilated captives, eyes
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closed in death for every valley below to see.
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Imagine a mountain rising above three converging
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valleys in southern Mexico. Not a peak left to
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nature, but a summit that has been deliberately
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flattened. Its bedrock was cut and filled. Its
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slopes were terraced. Its crest was transformed
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into a vast open plaza surrounded by temples,
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palaces and tombs. From the valley floors below,
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this white plastered city gleamed against the
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sky. Visible for miles in every direction, the
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people who lived in the surrounding communities
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could not avoid seeing it. That visibility was
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the point. This is Monte Alban. one of the earliest
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cities in Mesoamerica. It was founded around
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500 BCE on a mountaintop in what is now the Mexican
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state of Oaxaca. For more than a thousand years,
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it served as a political and ritual center for
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the Zapotec civilization. It was not a mystery
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to the people who built it, nor was it an empty
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ceremonial shell visited only on holy days. It
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was a permanently inhabited city. home to thousands
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of people from diverse backgrounds. Its history
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is one of deliberate landscape transformation,
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concentrated authority, and long -term change.
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To understand why anyone would build a city on
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a mountaintop, we need to look at the valley
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of Oaxaca before Monte Alban existed. The valley
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is not a single flat basin, but three arms that
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converge near the modern city of Oaxaca. Etla
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lies to the northwest. Placolula lies to the
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east. Zimetlan or Kutlan lies to the south. By
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500 BCE, these valleys contained several competing
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communities. Each had its own leaders, its own
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agricultural lands, and its own claims to prestige.
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One of the most prominent was San Jose Magot,
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a settlement in the Etla Arm. It had already
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developed public architecture, early forms of
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writing, and clear social hierarchy. But no single
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community dominated the entire valley. The political
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landscape was fragmented. Competition for land,
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water, labor, and status was ongoing. The decision
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to build on the mountain was, in this context,
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a political act. The mountaintop that became
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Monte Alban was not an obvious place for a city.
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It had no natural water source. The soil was
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thin. The climb from the valley floor was steep
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and remained steep for the city's entire history.
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Yet these disadvantages were also advantages.
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The summit offered visibility, defensibility
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and symbolic elevation. By leveling the mountaintop
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and creating a shared capital above the competing
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communities, the founders of Monte Albán made
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a statement that no single valley community could
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ignore. The city was not merely located in the
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landscape. It was imposed upon it, reshaping
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the mountain itself into a platform for authority.
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The scale of this transformation was enormous.
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Archaeological evidence shows that the bedrock
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was cut away in places and filled in others.
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It was supported by retaining walls to create
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the main plaza, a vast open space that became
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the heart of the city. This was not a natural
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clearing, but an artificial one, a flat stage
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built on top of a mountain. The labor required
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would have been substantial. It was organized
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by leaders who could command workers from multiple
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communities. The very act of construction was
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a demonstration of political capacity. Once the
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summit was leveled, the first monumental buildings
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rose around the main plaza. These were not modest
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structures. They were large platforms with temples
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on top, built of stone and covered with white
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plaster that reflected the highland sun. The
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plaza itself became a shared public space. It
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was a place where rituals could be performed,
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alliances negotiated, and authority displayed
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before audiences who could see the city from
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their own fields and settlements below. The visibility
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that made Monte Alban a landmark. also made it
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a theatre of power. Among the earliest and most
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striking monuments were the carved stone figures
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that archaeologists once called dancers. This
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label has persisted in some popular accounts,
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but it is misleading and has been rejected by
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scholars for decades. The figures are not dancing.
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They are nude male forms, carved in low relief
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on large stone slabs. Their eyes are closed.
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Their mouths are open. Their bodies show clear
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signs of mutilation. Some have their genitals
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removed. Others display wounds or contorted postures
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that suggest violence rather than celebration.
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Over 300 of these slabs were originally set into
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a building on the main plaza. They created a
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gallery of images that anyone entering the plaza
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would encounter. The current interpretation.
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Supported by comparison with later Mesoamerican
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imagery and by the physical details of the carvings
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themselves, is that these figures represent captives,
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sacrificial victims, or the dead. Their closed
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eyes are a conventional sign of death in Mesoamerican
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art. Their nudity and mutilation mark them as
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stripped of status and power. The building that
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displayed them was not a theater for entertainment.
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It was a monument to military and ritual dominance.
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A public warning to anyone who might challenge
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the city's authority. The Old Name Dancers has
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a certain poetic appeal, but it obscures the
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violence that the monument was designed to commemorate
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and project. Understanding this correction matters
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because it changes how we see the early city.
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It was not a place of harmonious celebration.
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It was a polity that consolidated power through
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warfare and its ritual display. The Danzantes
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Gallery was not the only expression of early
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authority at Monte Alban. The city also produced
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some of the earliest writing in Mesoamerica,
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carved into stone monuments and portable objects.
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This writing system is not fully deciphered.
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Scholars disagree about how much of it can be
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read with confidence. But we know that it included
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calendrical signs, recording days and years and
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ritual cycles that were fundamental to Mesoamerican
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religious and political life. Names of individuals,
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possibly rulers or nobles, appear in some inscriptions.
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The presence of writing at this early date indicates
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that Monte Alban was not merely a military stronghold
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or a ritual center. It was a place where administrative
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and historical record -keeping developed. where
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the past was documented and the future planned
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through calendrical calculation. By this point,
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the central question had shifted from why the
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city was founded to how it functioned and grew.
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The early centuries of Monte Alban saw the consolidation
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of its position in the valley. The main plaza
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remained the focus, but construction extended
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beyond it. Additional platforms, temples, and
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a ball court were built. The ball court served
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both ritual and political purposes. The ball
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game was played across Mesoamerica. The courts
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where it was played were places where alliances
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were forged, disputes settled, and social hierarchy
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reinforced through competitive display. Monte
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Albán's ball court, set within the monumental
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core, was part of this broader pattern. The city's
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population grew, and with growth came diversity.
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Excavations outside the main plaza have revealed
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residential areas with houses, workshops, and
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evidence of different economic activities. Some
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neighborhoods appear to have been occupied by
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people with distinct material cultures. This
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possibly indicates the presence of migrants or
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communities with different ethnic or linguistic
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backgrounds. The Zapotec language family, spoken
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by hundreds of thousands of people in Oaxaca
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today, was almost certainly the dominant language
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of the ancient city. But Zapotec is a modern
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category that encompasses considerable variation.
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The ancient population likely included speakers
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of other languages as well. The city was not
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a monoculture. It was a place where different
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groups lived, worked and were governed under
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a shared political and ritual framework. This
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diversity becomes particularly important when
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we consider Monte Alban's relationship with Teotihuacan,
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the great city of central Mexico that dominated
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its own region from roughly 200 to 600 CE. Teotihuacan
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was larger than Monte Alban. Its population may
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have reached 100 ,000 or more. Its influence
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extended across much of Mesoamerica. The nature
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of its relationship with Monte Alban has been
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debated for decades. The evidence does not support
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a simple story of conquest or colonization. What
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we find instead is a pattern of significant contact
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that took multiple forms. Wasakan -style pottery
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has been found at Teotihuacan. Teotihuacan -style
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material appears at Monte Alban, including architecture,
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ceramics, and possibly a foreign neighborhood
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or enclave within the city. Some scholars have
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identified a district at Monte Alban with distinctively
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Teotihuacan characteristics. This suggests that
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people from central Mexico may have lived there,
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perhaps as diplomats, traders, or a resident
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community with special status. The relationship
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may have involved alliance, diplomatic marriage,
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or shared ritual obligations rather than direct
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political subordination. What is clear is that
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Monte Alban was not isolated from the wider Mesoamerican
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world. Its leaders engaged with Teotihuacan as
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one powerful city among many. They negotiated
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a position that preserved local authority while
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participating in broader networks of exchange
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and prestige. The period of contact with Teotihuacan
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also saw continued development at Monte Alban
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itself. The city's monumental architecture was
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expanded and elaborated. Tombs became more complex,
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particularly for elite families. The offerings
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placed in them grew more lavish. One of the most
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famous discoveries at the site was actually reused
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centuries after Monte Alban's political decline
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by Mixtec peoples. They buried a remarkable assemblage
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of gold, turquoise, jade, and carved bone there
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in the 14th century. But the earlier tombs, built
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when the city was at its height, show a society
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where wealth and status were displayed in death
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as in life. Ancestors were honored. Their burial
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places were marked with architectural complexity
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that proclaimed ongoing family power. The view
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from the main pzaza during the city's flourishing
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would have been striking. Below, the three arms
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of the valley spread out in different directions.
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Each had its own settlements, fields and water
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sources. The city above could see them all, and
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they could all see the city. This mutual visibility
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was not merely symbolic. It was practical. Messages
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could be relayed. Movements of people could be
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observed. The city's presence was a constant
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reminder of where authority resided, even if
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that authority was not always uncontested or
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uniformly exercised. For the city's inhabitants,
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daily life meant climbing steep paths to reach
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homes and workshops. It meant carrying water
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up from springs below. It meant maintaining the
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plastered surfaces of buildings that weathered
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in the highland climate. It meant participating
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in the rituals and labor obligations that sustained
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the polity. The physical effort of living at
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Monte Alban was considerable, and it never became
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easier. The city never descended to the more
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forgiving valley floor. That persistence is itself
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significant. The disadvantages of the location
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were accepted because its political and symbolic
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advantages were considered worth the cost. The
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centuries after Teotihuacan's influence waned
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reveal a city whose power changed rather than
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simply enduring. The chronology of this change
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is not perfectly clear. Scholars continue to
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debate the timing and causes of the city's decline,
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but the archaeological evidence shows that monument
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construction slowed. Some areas of the city were
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abandoned or reduced in importance. The regional
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dominance once exercised from the mountaintop
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became harder to maintain. Several factors may
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have contributed. Environmental changes, including
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drought or soil degradation, could have undermined
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the agricultural base that supported the city's
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population. Political fragmentation, with competing
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centers in the valley or beyond challenging Monte
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Alban's authority, may have reduced its ability
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to command labor and resources economic shifts
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including changes in trade routes or the rise
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of alternative markets could have diminished
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the city's centrality most likely some combination
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of these pressures operated together as they
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usually do in the decline of complex societies
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what is important to understand that decline
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was not sudden or total monte alban was not abandoned
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overnight Its population decreased gradually.
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Some areas continued to be used even as the city's
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political importance faded. The eventual abandonment
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of Monte Alban as a major political center did
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not mean the end of Zapotec civilization. This
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distinction is crucial. The city was a place
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of concentrated authority, but Zapotec -speaking
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peoples continued to inhabit the valley of Oaxaca
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and surrounding regions. Their languages, agricultural
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practices, social structures and identities persisted
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and evolved. The mountaintop city became a ruin,
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visible and remembered. But the civilization
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it had helped to shape continued in other forms
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and other places. The connection between ancient
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and living Zapotec peoples is real and important,
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but it must be understood correctly. Hundreds
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of thousands of people in work are today. speak
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languages belonging to the Zapotec family. They
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maintain traditions, agricultural practices,
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and community organizations that connect to deep
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historical roots. Genetic and linguistic evidence
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supports the broad continuity of population in
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the region. But this is not the same as direct
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political continuity. The states, kingdoms, and
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political structures of ancient Monte Alban did
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not survive intact into the present. They were
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transformed by the Spanish conquest, by colonial
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administration, by Mexican nation -building,
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and by centuries of local and regional change.
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To claim that modern Zapotec communities are
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simply the ancient city in modern dress would
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be to ignore this complex history. To deny the
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connection entirely would be to accept a colonial
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narrative that treats indigenous peoples as disconnected
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from their own past. The accurate position is
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that living Zapotec peoples carry forward a civilization
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with deep roots in this region. At the same time,
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the political structures of ancient Monte Alban
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did not survive unchanged. Today, Monte Alban
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remains a visible landmark above the city of
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Oaxaca. The main plaza, the temples, the ball
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court, and the tombs are preserved as an archaeological
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zone. They are visited by tourists and studied
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by researchers. The mountaintop that was deliberately
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flattened more than 2 ,000 years ago still bears
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the marks of that transformation. The bedrock
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cuts, the retaining walls and the vast level
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space are legible to anyone who walks the site.
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The city that was built to be seen from the valleys
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is still seen from the valleys. Now the viewers
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are more often visitors with cameras than farmers
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with obligations to fulfill. The carved figures
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once called dancers are now displayed in museums
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with labels that explain their reinterpretation.
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They remain disturbing images, as they were intended
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to be. They were meant to communicate power through
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the display of violence, and they still do. The
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correction of their meaning, from entertainers
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to captives or the dead, is one small example
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of how archaeological understanding changes over
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time. It is also an example of why those changes
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matter for how we imagine the past. Monte Alban's
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writing system, still not fully deciphered, awaits
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further research that may clarify more of what
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its inscriptions record. The relationship with
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Teotihuacan, the degree of political centralization,
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the specific causes of decline, all remain subjects
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of ongoing research. Some questions may never
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be fully answered. These uncertainties are not
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failures of research. They are signs of a field
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that continues to ask better questions of the
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evidence. The evidence from Monte Alban continues
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to be studied. Some aspects of its history may
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remain beyond recovery. What we can say with
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confidence is that Monte Alban represents one
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of the most striking examples in the ancient
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Americas of political authority created through
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landscape transformation. The mountain was not
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chosen for its convenience. It was modified to
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serve a purpose. That purpose was to concentrate
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ritual and political power in a place that could
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not be ignored. A place that dominated the visual
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field of an entire valley system. It required
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enormous labor to build and maintain. It thus
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demonstrated the capacity of those who organized
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that labor. The city was a statement in stone
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and plaster, a presence that dominated the visual
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field of the valley even for those who never
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entered it. Over more than a millennium that
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statement was repeated, elaborated, contested
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and eventually diminished. The city grew more
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diverse. It engaged with distant powers. It displayed
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its military successes and ritual calendar. It
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buried its elites in increasingly complex tombs.
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Finally, it saw its population scatter and its
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political importance fade. Through all of this,
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the mountain remained. Its summit was still flat.
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Its terraces still climbed the slopes. Its white
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plaster was long gone, but its form was still
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legible against the sky. The Zapotec civilization
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that built Monte Albarn did not end when the
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city's political dominance did. It continued,
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changed. survived conquest and colonization,
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and persists today in the languages, communities,
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and identities of living Zapotec peoples. The
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ancient city in the modern communities are connected
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by a history that is deep, real, and still being
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understood. It is not a simple, unbroken line.
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It is a complex inheritance that includes both
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continuity and transformation. The mountaintop
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city above the valleys remains. in its physical
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presence and its historical significance, a place
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where that inheritance can be encountered and
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contemplated.