Latest / The Hidden History of Bengal: Kingdoms, Empires, and Revolution — Fexingo History / The Forgotten Famine of 1769: Bengal Before the British
Transcript
- Lucas: You know, Luna, we've talked a lot about the big political moments that reshaped Bengal — Plassey, the Sena dynasty, the Maratha raids. But there's one catastrophe that's often mentioned only in passing — the Great Bengal Famine of 1769-1770. And it's actually a really revealing lens for understanding how the East India Company's rule began. Luna: I've heard it called a man-made famine. But how much of it was natural? Lucas: That's exactly the question. There was a drought in 1768 — the monsoon failed in parts of Bihar and Bengal. Crops withered. But famines had happened before under the Mughals and Nawabs. What made this one different was the Company's response — or more precisely, its lack of one. Lucas: See, the Company had just acquired the Diwani — the right to collect revenue in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa — in 1765. So by 1769, they were still figuring out how to squeeze as much tax as possible. And they were determined to maintain revenue levels even as the harvests failed. Luna: So they kept demanding the same taxes despite the drought? Lucas: Exactly. The zamindars — the local landlords — were pressured to remit their full quotas. If they couldn't, they were replaced or imprisoned. So the zamindars, in turn, squeezed the peasants. Grain that should have been kept for seed or food was sold to pay taxes. And then when the famine hit, there were no reserves. Lucas: And it wasn't just revenue pressure. The Company also failed to import grain from other parts of India where the harvest had been better, like from Awadh or the Punjab. They were more concerned with profits than with relief. In fact, some Company officials and Indian merchants actually speculated in grain, hoarding it to drive up prices. Luna: That's horrifying. So who was in charge at the time? Was this under Warren Hastings? Lucas: Warren Hastings became Governor of Bengal in 1772, so after the worst of the famine had passed. But in 1769-70, the key figure was Muhammad Reza Khan, the Naib Nazim — the deputy governor under the puppet Nawab. He was the one actually administering revenue collection. And the Company's supervisor was a man named John Cartier, who was Governor from 1769 to 1772. Lucas: Cartier is often criticized for his inaction. He wrote to London asking for instructions, but by the time replies came, millions had died. The Company's Court of Directors did eventually send relief funds, but too little, too late. Luna: How many people actually died? Lucas: Estimates vary widely, but the consensus is somewhere between 7 and 10 million people — about a third of Bengal's population at the time. Contemporary accounts describe corpses lining the roads, villages completely depopulated, and the Ganges filled with bodies. It was one of the deadliest famines in Indian history. Lucas: And the long-term effects were devastating. The famine destroyed Bengal's traditional economy. Entire communities of weavers, artisans, and farmers either died or fled. The Company's own records show that in some districts, up to half the cultivated land went fallow. Luna: That must have had huge consequences for the Company's finances too. Lucas: You'd think so, but here's the irony: the Company actually maintained its revenue collections through ruthless extraction. They borrowed money from Indian bankers like the Jagat Seths to cover shortfalls, and then squeezed the survivors even harder. So the famine didn't stop the Company from shipping silver back to England — it just deepened Bengal's poverty. Lucas: Let me pause here for a second. You know, making episodes like this — digging into primary sources and reading firsthand accounts — takes a lot of time and resources. And we're able to do it because a handful of listeners chip in monthly through buy me a coffee dot com slash fexingo. It's literally what keeps this show ad-free and allows us to cover topics that don't always get airtime elsewhere. So if you value this kind of deep dive, that's where you can help. Luna: Yeah, and it really does make a difference. We get to spend the time on research instead of chasing sponsors. Lucas: Exactly. So back to the famine — one of the most disturbing aspects is how the British themselves documented it. Company officials like William Hunter wrote detailed reports about the suffering, but the official response was still minimal. There was no organized relief effort, no tax remission until it was too late. Luna: Was there any criticism at the time from within the Company? Lucas: Some. A few Company servants, like John Shore — who later became Governor-General — argued that the revenue demands should be reduced. But they were overruled by those who prioritized profit. And in London, the Court of Directors initially blamed the famine on 'the rapacity of the natives' — meaning the zamindars and merchants — rather than their own policies. Lucas: There's also a direct link between this famine and the later famines under British rule, like the Bengal Famine of 1943. The same pattern emerges: a natural shock made catastrophic by colonial policies that prioritized revenue and trade over human life. Luna: So what lessons were learned — if any — from 1769? Lucas: Unfortunately, not many. After the famine, the Company did implement some reforms — they set up a system of granaries and tried to regulate grain prices. But these measures were poorly enforced and often ignored. The underlying logic of extraction remained unchanged. And the next big famine, in 1783-84 in the Madras Presidency, followed a similar script. Lucas: What's really striking is that the famine of 1769-70 is often overshadowed by the later, more famous famines of British India. But it was the first clear warning of how British colonial rule could turn a drought into a demographic disaster. And it happened right at the start of the Company's political dominance. Luna: It's a stark reminder that history isn't just about battles and treaties — it's about the people who bore the cost. Lucas: Exactly. And that's why we keep exploring these hidden corners of Bengal's past. Thanks for listening, Luna.