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frontpage.pt: tue oct 27 · frontpage.pt

• 0:00
  Host 1: Imagine a scenario where a domestic energy corporation is just quietly pulling in 5.4 million euros every single day, every single day.
• 0:10
  Host 2: Right.
• 0:10
  Host 1: Well, at the exact same moment, you know, just down the street, you have state police striking human rights observers with batons because, well, because the population is just completely boiling over from housing costs.
• 0:22
  Host 2: Yeah, it is. It's a lot to process.
• 0:24
  Host 1: It really is. So it's Tuesday, October 27th, 2026. And welcome to your morning briefing for FrontPage.pt.
• 0:33
  Host 1: Today, we're taking a deep dive into a country and really a world that's caught in this severe tug of war.
• 0:39
  Host 2: Between extreme concentrated wealth, deep institutional paralysis and just a desperate fight for control.
• 0:46
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 0:47
  Host 2: Because if you look at the major Portuguese dailies today, the juxtaposition is incredibly stark.
• 0:53
  Host 2: I mean, you have these sweeping, highly sophisticated global political maneuvers dominating the international coverage.
• 0:59
  Host 1: Right.
• 1:00
  Host 2: And they're sitting right side by side with this visceral, raw domestic unrest right here in Portugal.
• 1:06
  Host 1: Yeah, it's wild.
• 1:07
  Host 2: It's basically a masterclass in how fragile the systems governing our daily lives actually are, you know, especially when they face real, sustained stress testing from both the top of the economic ladder and the absolute bottom.
• 1:19
  Host 1: Right. So let's let's look at how that stress testing is playing out on the international stage first, because the biggest story dominating all three papers today is the fallout from the Brazilian elections.
• 1:32
  Host 2: Oh, absolutely.
• 1:33
  Host 1: Correo de Maia is framing it as this massive comeback.
• 1:37
  Host 1: Right.
• 1:37
  Host 1: Noting that Lula has secured a fourth term and he successfully defeated Flavio Bolsonaro.
• 1:43
  Host 2: But if you read the coverage in like Publico and Diario de Noticias, the tone is definitely not one of victory.
• 1:50
  Host 1: Not at all. It's about sheer survival.
• 1:52
  Host 2: Yeah.
• 1:53
  Host 2: Because Lula won the presidency.
• 1:54
  Host 1: Sure. But he is walking into a highly hostile Congress.
• 1:58
  Host 1: And Diario de Noticias points out this fatal structural flaw, which is that he has absolutely no political air for 2030.
• 2:05
  Host 2: None. Which is a huge problem.
• 2:07
  Host 2: Right.
• 2:08
  Host 1: I mean, winning the presidency with an actively hostile legislature and zero succession plan?
• 2:14
  Host 1: It sounds like winning the steering wheel of a bus only to find out the engine is on fire and half the passengers are actively trying to slash the tires.
• 2:21
  Host 2: That is a very apt analogy.
• 2:24
  Host 1: It feels like a CEO taking over a massive corporate turnaround on a strict five-year contract, announcing their retirement on day one.
• 2:32
  Host 2: And what happens then? The board of directors just instantly stops listening.
• 2:36
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 2:37
  Host 1: Because they're already auditioning the replacement.
• 2:39
  Host 1: So all of his executive leverage just vanishes. Like, how do you navigate that?
• 2:43
  Host 2: Well, the truth is the political capital evaporates before he even takes the oath.
• 2:47
  Host 2: I mean, in any legislative system, but especially in Brazil's highly fragmented Congress, governing relies entirely on a horse trading.
• 2:55
  Host 1: Right. With those powerful centrist blocks.
• 2:58
  Host 2: Exactly. And those blocks, they only trade favors if they believe you or, you know, your chosen successor will be in power long enough to actually make good on those deals tomorrow.
• 3:07
  Host 1: Makes sense.
• 3:08
  Host 2: So by operating without a 2030 heir, Lula severely curtails his ability to pass major economic reforms.
• 3:14
  Host 2: The hostile legislature just looks at him and calculates that, well, they simply need to outlast him.
• 3:20
  Host 1: They just run out the clock.
• 3:21
  Host 2: Precisely. They have zero incentive to absorb the political costs of supporting his more controversial social policies.
• 3:28
  Host 1: Which is what makes the way he actually won this election so fascinating to me.
• 3:31
  Host 2: Oh, the digital campaign?
• 3:33
  Host 1: Yes.
• 3:34
  Host 1: Publico has this incredible behind-the-scenes detail about the rise of Andrei Yanones, and they explicitly dub him the general of Lula's digital campaign.
• 3:43
  Host 2: He essentially built this massive viral algorithmic machine, right?
• 3:47
  Host 1: Yeah, to counter the historical dominance of the Bolsonaro digital apparatus.
• 3:51
  Host 1: But, you know, winning a digital war on social media and actually governing a massive, fractured state, those seem like entirely different skill sets.
• 4:00
  Host 2: Because they are.
• 4:01
  Host 2: I mean, governing via algorithm is, well, it's an illusion.
• 4:05
  Host 2: Right.
• 4:05
  Host 2: A brilliant digital general like Yanones can engineer a victory by capitalizing on the volatile, highly reactive space of social media.
• 4:12
  Host 2: You know, you can mobilize outrage, you can drive turnout, and you can win the math of an election.
• 4:19
  Host 1: But going viral does not pass a budget.
• 4:21
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 4:22
  Host 2: Once you're in office, the mechanics of governing require coalition building, institutional leverage, compromise.
• 4:29
  Host 1: Things that algorithms hate.
• 4:30
  Host 2: Right.
• 4:31
  Host 2: Those are slow grinding processes that digital algorithms are actually designed to disrupt, not facilitate.
• 4:37
  Host 1: And we are actually seeing the physical breakdown of that inability to govern effectively right here at home.
• 4:43
  Host 2: Yeah.
• 4:43
  Host 2: The transition from political polarization in Brazil to physical polarization here.
• 4:48
  Host 1: Yeah, because it doesn't just live in the digital ether.
• 4:50
  Host 1: It literally manifests on the pavement.
• 4:53
  Host 1: Over the weekend, we saw violent protests in Lisbon, specifically around Rocio and also up in Porto.
• 4:58
  Host 2: Mm-hmm.
• 4:58
  Host 1: And Diario de Neticis reports this deeply alarming incident during these clashes.
• 5:06
  Host 1: An Amnesty International observer who was confirmed to be wearing a high visibility yellow vest.
• 5:11
  Host 2: Very clearly marked.
• 5:12
  Host 1: Yes, very clearly marked.
• 5:14
  Host 1: Was beaten with a baton by the PSP, by the police.
• 5:18
  Host 2: And an event like that, it forces an immediate stress test on the state's security apparatus and on its political leadership, too.
• 5:25
  Host 1: How so?
• 5:25
  Host 2: Well, the moment state police strike a visibly marked human rights observer, the political class is forced to make a choice.
• 5:33
  Host 2: They have to choose between defending state authority or defending civil liberties.
• 5:37
  Host 1: And their reaction has been, honestly, complete paralysis.
• 5:41
  Host 2: Pretty much.
• 5:42
  Host 1: Because the government has come out praising the PSP, backing the police unconditionally.
• 5:46
  Host 1: But then you look at Luis Montenegro.
• 5:49
  Host 1: Publico notes that Montenegro has had zero public agenda for 10 days.
• 5:53
  Host 2: 10 days of absolute silence during a national crisis.
• 5:57
  Host 1: Right.
• 5:57
  Host 1: He is scheduled to speak today in parliament, but still.
• 6:01
  Host 1: Meanwhile, President Segura is described by Publico as, quote, attentive and very concerned.
• 6:07
  Host 2: But he's actively resisting intense pressure from his own honor committee to actually condemn the police action.
• 6:13
  Host 1: Exactly. And to me, this silence from Montenegro and Segura's noncommittal stance, is this just a calculated strategy?
• 6:22
  Host 1: Like, are they just terrified of alienating the law and order voter base by criticizing the police?
• 6:27
  Host 1: But they also know they can't openly defend hitting an amnesty observer.
• 6:31
  Host 1: Or is it just sheer paralysis?
• 6:33
  Host 2: I think the electoral math dictates their silence.
• 6:36
  Host 2: In moments of violent unrest, middle class voters tend to prioritize order above all else.
• 6:42
  Host 2: Right.
• 6:42
  Host 2: So politicians know that unequivocally condemning the police risks a severe backlash from those voters.
• 6:48
  Host 2: And, you know, it risks alienating the security forces themselves.
• 6:51
  Host 1: Which the state needs to maintain control.
• 6:53
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 7:03
  Host 1: Which, I mean, that feels entirely like treating the symptom rather than the disease.
• 7:07
  Host 2: Oh, absolutely.
• 7:08
  Host 1: Changing the legal framework of a protest doesn't stop the actual anger driving people into the squares in the first place.
• 7:14
  Host 2: Which brings us nicely to Alvaro Beleza's intervention today.
• 7:18
  Host 1: Right. He stepped in to defend President Segura's cautious approach.
• 7:22
  Host 2: He did.
• 7:22
  Host 2: But his main contribution is this urgent call for a housing agreement between the government and the PS.
• 7:28
  Host 2: The Socialist Party, yeah.
• 7:28
  Host 2: Because Beleza is correctly identifying the underlying mechanism of the unrest.
• 7:32
  Host 2: The clashes at Rocio, they're fueled by systemic economic anxiety.
• 7:36
  Host 1: People just can't afford to live.
• 7:37
  Host 2: Right.
• 7:38
  Host 2: When large swaths of the population feel permanently priced out of urban centers and basic housing,
• 7:43
  Host 2: that economic pressure inevitably seeks a physical release valve.
• 7:46
  Host 1: The streets.
• 7:47
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 7:48
  Host 2: Solve the housing route and you effectively de-escalate the street-level violence.
• 7:51
  Host 1: And that economic anxiety on the streets, I mean, it provides such a jarring contrast to the numbers we are seeing in the corporate sector right now.
• 7:59
  Host 2: The GALP numbers.
• 8:00
  Host 2: Yes.
• 8:00
  Host 1: While citizens are literally protesting over the fundamental cost of living,
• 8:04
  Host 1: Correo de Mania highlights that GALP has made 5.4 million euros per day in profit over the first nine months of the year.
• 8:12
  Host 2: Per day.
• 8:12
  Host 1: Per day.
• 8:13
  Host 2: It's staggering.
• 8:14
  Host 1: Driven heavily by expensive diesel and gasoline.
• 8:17
  Host 1: Like, GALP is essentially winning the lottery every single day.
• 8:20
  Host 2: And those margins, they fundamentally alter the landscape of the Iberian economy.
• 8:25
  Host 2: I mean, when a domestic energy company is hoarding that level of liquid capital, it completely changes their strategic imperatives.
• 8:32
  Host 1: And their leverage.
• 8:33
  Host 1: Right.
• 8:33
  Host 2: Their leverage in international negotiations.
• 8:35
  Host 1: Which we are seeing play out right at this very moment.
• 8:38
  Host 1: Because, Publico reports that the much-anticipated mega-merger between GALP and the Spanish energy company Moeve, it is completely collapsed in the final stretch.
• 8:46
  Host 2: Right at the altar.
• 8:47
  Host 1: Yep.
• 8:48
  Host 1: And at the same time, the minister has publicly confirmed fears regarding the future of the Sinus refinery.
• 8:53
  Host 2: It's all connected.
• 8:54
  Host 1: It seems like it.
• 8:55
  Host 1: When a company is flush with 5.4 million euros a day, surrendering control in a merger probably becomes vastly less appealing.
• 9:04
  Host 1: Especially with national infrastructure on the line.
• 9:06
  Host 2: Well, the collapse of the GALP-Moeve deal is really a massive geopolitical event disguised as a corporate merger.
• 9:14
  Host 1: Oh, so?
• 9:15
  Host 2: The Sinus refinery is not just a factory.
• 9:17
  Host 2: It is a critical node of Portugal's national security and our energy independence.
• 9:23
  Host 2: I mean, it has deep water port access.
• 9:25
  Host 1: Oh, wow. Right.
• 9:26
  Host 2: So, a merger with a Spanish giant like Moeve inherently risks shifting operational control and, you know, strategic prioritization straight to Madrid.
• 9:35
  Host 1: And the state obviously doesn't want that.
• 9:37
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 9:38
  Host 2: The Portuguese state views signs as sovereign leverage.
• 9:42
  Host 2: Losing functional control over it to a multinational entity would be a severe geopolitical downgrade for Lisbon.
• 9:48
  Host 1: And the state is clearly highly protective of its leverage and its capital, almost to a fault.
• 9:53
  Host 2: Yeah, if you look at the public finances.
• 9:55
  Host 1: Right, because the Ario de Noticias reveals the finance ministry is currently sitting on 2.4 billion euros in captive or frozen spending.
• 10:03
  Host 2: Yeah, in a vault, basically.
• 10:05
  Host 1: Right.
• 10:05
  Host 1: So, the state budgets money for the ministries to function, but the finance ministry just locks 2.4 billion of it away.
• 10:12
  Host 1: To me, this looks like a deliberate mechanism to artificially suppress the national deficit.
• 10:17
  Host 2: To keep the European bond markets and rating agencies happy.
• 10:20
  Host 1: Exactly.
• 10:21
  Host 1: Deliberately starving state capacity just to project fiscal discipline.
• 10:25
  Host 2: It is performative budgeting at the highest level.
• 10:28
  Host 2: I mean, by allocating the funds initially, the government appeases the public demand for investment, right?
• 10:33
  Host 1: Like, look, we're spending on health care and education.
• 10:35
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 10:36
  Host 2: Or infrastructure.
• 10:37
  Host 2: But by freezing those exact same funds as captive spending, they ensure they hit the strict deficit targets required by the EU commission and the international creditors.
• 10:46
  Host 1: So, they get to have it both ways.
• 10:48
  Host 2: On paper, yeah.
• 10:49
  Host 2: The state maintains its borrowing power on the global markets, but the domestic ministries are paralyzed because the money they were promised never actually arrives.
• 10:58
  Host 1: And that hoarding mentality, it actually extends to local revenue, too.
• 11:02
  Host 2: The IMI tax?
• 11:03
  Host 1: Yeah.
• 11:04
  Host 1: Publico reports the constitutional court is threatening to block the IMI, the property tax, on dams and wind farms.
• 11:11
  Host 2: Which are highly profitable green energy installations.
• 11:14
  Host 1: Extremely profitable.
• 11:16
  Host 2: And local municipalities desperately rely on taxing those facilities to fund their community budgets.
• 11:21
  Host 1: So, if the court blocks that tax?
• 11:24
  Host 2: Local governments are starved of millions.
• 11:27
  Host 1: All while the central finance ministry is just hoarding $2.4 billion.
• 11:31
  Host 2: Right.
• 11:31
  Host 1: The wealth obviously exists, but it's deliberately bottlenecked at the very top.
• 11:36
  Host 2: And the issue is when you bottleneck capital, you inherently bottleneck state capacity.
• 11:41
  Host 2: The inability of local and central ministries to actually access those funds directly impacts their ability to manage the country's social and security infrastructure.
• 11:50
  Host 1: Which leads directly into this massive disconnect between our international image and our domestic reality.
• 11:56
  Host 2: Oh, this is a fascinating contrast.
• 11:58
  Host 1: Because Diario de Noticias reports today that Brand Portugal is officially valued at 257.1 billion euros.
• 12:06
  Host 2: That's a massive valuation.
• 12:07
  Host 1: It is.
• 12:08
  Host 1: Heavily leveraged by the global superstar power of Cristiano Ronaldo.
• 12:12
  Host 1: And, you know, the relentless international marketing of Lisbon as this premier destination.
• 12:16
  Host 1: But it feels like Brand Portugal is just this incredibly expensive rug the state is using to sweep massive institutional failures under.
• 12:25
  Host 2: Yeah, when you look at the other headlines today.
• 12:27
  Host 1: Exactly.
• 12:27
  Host 1: Because in Correio de Mañan, we read that a slavery ring operating right here in Portugal for 15 years was just busted.
• 12:35
  Host 1: After earning over half a million euros.
• 12:39
  Host 2: For 15 years.
• 12:40
  Host 1: 15 years.
• 12:41
  Host 1: And simultaneously, the PSB intends to deport much more than 1,000 immigrants by the end of this year.
• 12:47
  Host 1: So our global brand rides high on Ronaldo and Lisbon's charm.
• 12:51
  Host 1: But domestically, we have massive deportation drives and modern slavery.
• 12:55
  Host 1: How do these realities coexist?
• 12:56
  Host 2: Well, a 15-year slavery ring operating in plain sight is really the definition of institutional fatigue.
• 13:03
  Host 2: Like you said, Brand Portugal is a marketing triumph.
• 13:06
  Host 2: It effectively sells safety, sunshine, and stability.
• 13:09
  Host 2: And that successively attracts tourists and foreign capital.
• 13:13
  Host 2: But.
• 13:13
  Host 2: But an influx of global attention brings incredibly complex demographic and security challenges.
• 13:19
  Host 2: And if the state machinery, which is underfunded and paralyzed by the kind of captive spending we just talked about.
• 13:25
  Host 1: Right.
• 13:25
  Host 1: The frozen 2.4 billion.
• 13:26
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 13:27
  Host 2: If it can't scale its oversight mechanisms to match that influx, you get catastrophic blind spots.
• 13:33
  Host 2: Like a slavery ring operating for 15 years.
• 13:35
  Host 1: And the sudden deportations.
• 13:37
  Host 2: The sudden drive to deport over 1,000 people in just a few months is a reactionary spasm.
• 13:42
  Host 2: It is a state realizing it has totally lost control of its demographics and attempting to correct course with a blunt instrument.
• 13:48
  Host 2: Rather than, you know, managed, proactive policy.
• 13:51
  Host 1: And you see that breakdown of oversight most clearly in Parliament today.
• 13:55
  Host 2: The secretos.
• 13:56
  Host 2: Yes.
• 13:56
  Host 1: Publico notes that the major parties, the PST, Chega, and the PS, have completely failed to reach an agreement regarding the appointment of inspectors for the secretos, our intelligence services.
• 14:07
  Host 2: Which is deeply concerning.
• 14:08
  Host 1: If Parliament cannot even agree on who gets to monitor the intelligence apparatus, the basic machinery of the state feels broken.
• 14:15
  Host 2: It does.
• 14:16
  Host 2: Because intelligence services, by design, operate in the shadows.
• 14:20
  Host 2: The only thing tethering them to democratic accountability is parliamentary oversight.
• 14:24
  Host 2: Right.
• 14:24
  Host 2: So when the major parties fail to appoint those inspectors due to just pure political gridlock, the intelligence community is left in a vacuum.
• 14:32
  Host 1: What happens then?
• 14:33
  Host 2: Well, this usually results in one of two outcomes.
• 14:35
  Host 2: The agencies either become dangerously autonomous.
• 14:39
  Host 1: Doing whatever they want.
• 14:39
  Host 2: Right.
• 14:40
  Host 2: Or they become excessively timid, refusing to act on actionable intelligence because they totally lack political cover.
• 14:46
  Host 2: Ah, I see.
• 14:47
  Host 2: In either scenario, national security is fundamentally compromised just because the politicians at the top refuse to compromise with each other.
• 14:54
  Host 1: And, you know, that deep anxiety over national security and political survival, it's not unique to Portugal today.
• 15:00
  Host 1: We are seeing it drive the electoral math in major global flashpoints to Israel and Serbia.
• 15:05
  Host 1: Exactly.
• 15:06
  Host 1: Publico has this massive feature on Israel where voters are heading to the polls today.
• 15:10
  Host 1: The paper describes the electorate as voting with a, quote, fear of irreversible change.
• 15:15
  Host 2: They're choosing between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Gadi Eisenkot.
• 15:20
  Host 1: Right.
• 15:21
  Host 1: And Diario de Noticias adds this crucial detail, which is that the opposition is openly accusing Netanyahu of playing geopolitical games with Iran strictly out of a fear of electoral defeat.
• 15:31
  Host 2: Which is a very dangerous game to play.
• 15:33
  Host 1: Is it standard political playbook behavior, though, tapping into the existential threat of Iran right before voters head to the polls?
• 15:41
  Host 1: Or are we seeing a dangerous new escalation to just avoid losing?
• 15:46
  Host 2: Well, fear is arguably the most potent electoral currency available.
• 15:50
  Host 2: In highly volatile security environments, entrenched leaders often blur the line between what is necessary for the survival of the state and what is necessary for their own political survival.
• 16:00
  Host 2: Right.
• 16:00
  Host 2: By elevating the threat of a massive foreign adversary like Iran, a leader forces the electorate to vote on national defense rather than, say, domestic policy failures.
• 16:10
  Host 1: The ultimate distraction.
• 16:11
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 16:12
  Host 2: The electorate becomes deeply anxious about national survival and they become highly reluctant to change commanders during a perceived crisis.
• 16:19
  Host 1: The classic rally-round-the-flag effect, taking to the absolute extreme.
• 16:24
  Host 2: Precisely.
• 16:24
  Host 1: But we see a totally different reaction to that kind of anxiety over in Serbia today.
• 16:29
  Host 2: Yeah, the student list.
• 16:30
  Host 2: Right.
• 16:31
  Host 1: Diary D Notisius notes the nation is holding its breath to see how it will be governed by the emergence of this student list.
• 16:38
  Host 2: In Serbia, the anxiety over an uncertain future is pushing the electorate in the exact opposite direction.
• 16:44
  Host 2: Really?
• 16:44
  Host 1: How so?
• 16:45
  Host 2: Rather than clinging to an entrenched strongman for perceived stability like we see in Israel, significant portions of the voting public in Serbia are turning toward radical, untested wildcard movements.
• 16:57
  Host 1: Just a total rejection of the norm.
• 17:00
  Host 2: Exactly.
• 17:00
  Host 2: It represents a complete loss of faith in the traditional power structures.
• 17:04
  Host 2: But whether it's Israel or Serbia, you know, you are watching populations cast their ballots based on a profound apprehension about what the morning will bring.
• 17:12
  Host 1: It really feels like a day where everyone, everywhere, is just bracing for impact.
• 17:18
  Host 2: It does.
• 17:19
  Host 1: Well, let's step away from the heavy geopolitics for just a second as a palate cleanser and look at the cultural and sports coverage.
• 17:25
  Host 2: Always a good idea.
• 17:26
  Host 1: For football fans, both Correo de Maña and Diario de Noticias are celebrating Benfica's 2-1 comeback victory over Santa Clara in the Azores.
• 17:35
  Host 2: Oh, great match.
• 17:36
  Host 2: Yeah.
• 17:37
  Host 1: And the coverage is heavily focused on Gianluca Prestiani.
• 17:40
  Host 1: They're affectionately calling him the anti-cyclone, crediting him with making the eagles fly.
• 17:45
  Host 2: Okay.
• 17:45
  Host 2: And up next, Torriense will host Benfica in the cup.
• 17:48
  Host 2: Right.
• 17:49
  Host 1: And on the literary front today.
• 17:51
  Host 2: Diario de Noticias features Luis Sueco's new romance novel.
• 17:55
  Host 2: It's a deeply historical piece, and the coverage really highlights his reminder to readers that Isabella of Castile is considered one of the most powerful women in history.
• 18:04
  Host 1: Which is actually a remarkably fitting note to end on today.
• 18:07
  Host 2: It is.
• 18:08
  Host 1: I mean, we spent this entire briefing dissecting leaders from Lula to Netanyahu to our own domestic politicians, all fighting desperately to consolidate control, to manage leverage, and to secure their legacies.
• 18:20
  Host 2: It really makes you think about how the mechanics of power have evolved over time.
• 18:24
  Host 1: It does.
• 18:25
  Host 1: And I want to leave you with a final thought to mull over today.
• 18:28
  Host 1: Go back to our first story about Brazil and André Gennonis, you know, the digital general who built Lula's digital campaign.
• 18:34
  Host 2: Mm-hmm.
• 18:34
  Host 1: If modern elections are now definitively won by digital generals manipulating social media algorithms and deploying viral warfare, what happens when those exact same tactics are aimed at fueling domestic unrest, like what we saw in Rossio?
• 18:49
  Host 2: Or escalating international conflicts in the Middle East.
• 18:52
  Host 1: Exactly.
• 18:52
  Host 1: Are we still electing leaders to govern us?
• 18:55
  Host 1: Or have we reached a point where we are simply electing the most effective algorithms?
• 18:59
  Host 2: That is definitely something to chew on with your morning coffee.
• 19:02
  Host 2: It really is.
• 19:03
  Host 1: Well, that wraps up your daily deep dive into the Portuguese front pages.
• 19:07
  Host 1: Thank you for joining us here at FrontPage.pt, and we will catch you tomorrow.
• 19:11
  Host 1: Thank you.
• 19:11
  Host 1: Thank you.
• 19:11
  Host 1: Thank you.