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Why are Europe's young people in the streets? · Pollar Sounds

0:00
Hi, and welcome to Pollar. This autumn,
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young people have taken to the streets across Europe,
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from Paris and Milan to Belgrade, Tirana, and Lisbon.
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In this episode, we try to work out why and whether any of it is working.
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And we talk to Donatella della Porta,
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professor of sociology at the Scuola Normale Superiore in Florence and founder of
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its Centre on Social Movement Studies.
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She spent her career studying protest movements.
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We hope you enjoy it.
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Imagine a minister who never sleeps, never takes a holiday, no family to favour,
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no personal ambitions, and nobody can bribe her.
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Sounds like a dream minister, to be honest.
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That's pretty much how she was sold. Her name means sun.
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She wears a traditional dress from the north of her country,
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and the day she was introduced to parliament,
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she gave a speech from two enormous screens.
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Because she isn't a person, she's a chatbot.
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She's called Diella, and her one job was to make sure nobody could ever cheat on a
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state contract again. She told MPs in the Albanian parliament,
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"The Constitution speaks of institutions at the people's service.
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It doesn't speak of chromosomes, of flesh or blood."
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Chromosomes. Okay, and then what?
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Well, hold on to that. Within months,
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prosecutors were investigating the agency that built her, though not over her,
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and a year later, protesters in Tirana were setting fire to government buildings
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around her.
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Meanwhile, in France, school pupils were organising blockades in group chats on
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Snapchat. Repeatedly, a stranger wanted to join, a user called Mamadou.
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And other accounts asked the same thing over and over, "When's the blockade?"
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In those messages, the same strange phrase, "Bismillah, c'est les ténèbres".
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Which roughly translates to, "In the name of God, it's the darkness."
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It doesn't really mean anything.
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Some pupils were convinced it was undercover police badly pretending to be one of
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them. The police haven't confirmed that,
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but the pupils turned it into their slogan,
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and it's reportedly turning up on placards in other countries too.
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And then there's Tirana. Students marched on the education ministry over fees,
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rundown dorms, and corruption.
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And what's the bigger worry?
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Leaving. Hundreds of thousands of young Albanians already have.
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Across much of Europe, protests have been erupting.
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Some have won something. Some have faced fierce resistance.
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Eight countries, one autumn. From Belgrade to Lisbon,
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young people on the streets, and one question, who actually answers for this?
2:43
A quick word about Pollar. It's free to read with no ads and no data sales,
2:47
and every story links to the reporting behind it.
2:50
To help keep Pollar independent, become a member.
2:53
Supporter from $2.99 a month adds listening, offline reading, and weekly deep dives.
2:58
Founder adds a private community and a say in what comes next.
3:02
Apart from our own interview,
3:03
everything in this episode comes from published reporting,
3:06
and where people disagree, we'll tell you what each side says.
3:10
In this episode, we try to join the dots between this autumn's protests from a train
3:14
station in Serbia to a group chat in Paris.
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We'll look at who's resisting hardest and how Serbia's students actually won.
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We'll go back to Albania and the minister who isn't there,
3:24
and we'll ask Donatella della Porta,
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who has spent decades studying protest movements,
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why all of this is happening now and why not everywhere.
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Okay, so we've covered a lot of these protests on their own already.
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Madrid's housing camp, the French students, Tirana, Serbia on the ballot,
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but we've never really put them on one map.
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No, and when you do, the first thing you notice is that the dates line up in a
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really strange way. So take Saturday the 17th of October.
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France has its biggest day of marches yet.
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Italy has a cost-of-living march in Milan that turns into looting.
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Belgium has marches in Brussels and Liège.
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And that same day, housing activists pitch tents in the main square in Lisbon.
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Four countries, one Saturday.
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And on the 13th of October,
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students in Tirana gather outside their education ministry.
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On the very same day, students in Athens put up tents in Syntagma Square opposite
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the Greek parliament.
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Okay, let's just count them. France, Italy, Belgium, Portugal, Greece, Albania.
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Six countries in five days, and Spain and Serbia were already on the streets,
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so either it's a coincidence or something links them, and honestly,
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there are three ways people explain it.
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Theory one, copycats.
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Irish broadcaster RTÉ reports that on the 12th of October,
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Italian students were sharing pictures of the French school blockades and calling on
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each other to join in. Belgian pupils joined in the protests,
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and in Iberia it's the same pattern with housing.
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Spain's tent camp in Madrid's Puerta del Sol inspired Portugal's camps.
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Now, activists in both countries want to join one general strike on the 11th of
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November.
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And the slogan from those French group chats, "Bismillah, c'est les ténèbres".
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Italy's news agency, ANSA,
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says Greta Thunberg used it herself when she joined striking pupils outside Paris on
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the 13th of October, and it's turned up on placards in Brussels and in chants in
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Bologna and Milan.
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Greta Thunberg: Young people are not being included in the conversation.
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Greta Thunberg: Our future is being robbed away from us.
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So that's theory one, ideas travelling on phones from one school to the next,
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which brings us to theory two.
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It's organised. Someone somewhere is actually coordinating it,
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and this is where Milan comes in. So after the riots in Milan,
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a social media channel appeared called Movimento 17 Ottobre,
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the 17th of October movement. In a few days, it had almost 9,000 followers.
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Prosecutors say its administrator is a 30-year-old researcher called Youssef Siher.
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Counter-terrorism prosecutors accuse him of inciting crimes.
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On his laptop, they say, was a file called Revolution: Instructions for Use,
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partly modelled on a manual from Egypt's 2011 revolution.
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It covers things like what to wear, goggles, gloves, spray paint.
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And they arrested him.
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On the night of the 24th.
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Okay, that sounds serious, but does that mean he was running the protests?
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Reports differ on what investigators found on his laptop.
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His lawyer says his messages weren't incitement,
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and one columnist in Il Fatto Quotidiano argues his posts don't meet the legal test
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for incitement at all.
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And then on the 28th of October, a judge in Milan refused to confirm his detention.
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He walked out of San Vittore prison the same day.
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And then there's theory three, which is the one many governments prefer,
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foreign hands. In Albania,
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Prime Minister Edi Rama has blamed foreign hands and pointed at Russia and Iran
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without giving any evidence. Moscow denies it.
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In Serbia, for two years, Aleksandar Vučić called the students foreign agents.
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In France, the president blamed ultra-left groups for the violence.
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And in Italy, a senior official said many of the young rioters had taken drugs.
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Which isn't foreign hands at all,
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but it's another way of saying the anger isn't really about politics.
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Right. But here's what I find strange.
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We keep talking as if this began in France this autumn,
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but Serbia's students have been marching for two years.
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So maybe the question isn't who started it, but why everyone joined in at once.
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We put that to Donatella della Porta,
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who runs the Centre on Social Movement Studies at the Scuola Normale Superiore in
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Florence. Professor della Porta,
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is this one European wave or lots of separate stories that just happen to look
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alike?
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Donatella della Porta: You have social movements that break the ice.
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Donatella della Porta: It is not always the case that the French started.
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Donatella della Porta: Can be another wave of protest. We know it has been Tunisian, Egypt in 2011.
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Donatella della Porta: We know it has been France, again, in 1968.
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Donatella della Porta: It was Spain in other moments. So it changes.
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Donatella della Porta: When conditions are ripe for a broad wave of protest,
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Donatella della Porta: sometimes it's a small trigger that catalyzes a change.
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Donatella della Porta: In this case, it has been the protest in France.
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Donatella della Porta: The protests are characterized by the involvement, first of all,
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Donatella della Porta: of the high school protesters, so very young activists rather than,
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Donatella della Porta: as it happened in other waves, the university students.
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Donatella della Porta: And also they started in the periphery rather than
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Donatella della Porta: at the geographical center.
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So for her, the conditions were ripe, and France was the spark.
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Right. And then we asked her about the other two theories,
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the organisers and the foreign hands.
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Donatella della Porta: There are no proof of an intervention by either foreign powers or a sort of,
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Donatella della Porta: can I say, exploitation of the movements by politicians of the far left in the sense
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Donatella della Porta: that, of course, politicians from the far left to the far right interact with the
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Donatella della Porta: protest, they react to the protest.
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Donatella della Porta: But I don't think they can exert a control on protests which are very broad and
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Donatella della Porta: organized from below. As a sociologist,
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Donatella della Porta: I do not think we need to develop conspiracy theories because what happened is quite
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Donatella della Porta: easy to explain on the basis of, on the one hand,
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Donatella della Porta: growing dissatisfactions, growing cost of living.
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That's her reading as a researcher.
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She does say foreign powers try to sway opinion with fake news, for example,
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but she sees no proof they're steering these protests.
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Albania's government still points at foreign hands,
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and Italy's interior minister said there's no evidence the Milan protesters were
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directed from outside.
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So copycats, organisers, or foreign hands.
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But a movement spreading is one thing. Getting what it wants is another.
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And so far, Serbia is the only country in this story where the students movement has
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won an election.
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Okay, let's start with France,
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because when we did our episode on the French students,
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we asked whether teenagers could still bend a government.
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And?
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Eh, a bit. On the 26th of October, the government announced a package.
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Parcoursup, the university admissions platform many pupils hate,
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will be overhauled this year with a new system promised by 2028.
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15,000 extra places in higher education, mostly on technical courses,
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and a cap of 28 pupils in the first year of high school.
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Édouard Geffray: Parcoursup, which will be both transformed this year and replaced next year.
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28. That's actually quite specific.
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It is. Plus a plan worth 5 billion euros for school and university buildings,
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most of it is cheap loans. But one pupils' leader, Louis Letoublon, said,
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"Not everything has been met yet, and we'll see this through."
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And the government's not really in a giving mood either.
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Not really. After the protests on the weekend of the 24th of October,
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the Interior Ministry said 1,435 people had been arrested.
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There have been curfews in parts of several cities,
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and the higher education minister says the right to protest exists,
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but the right to blockade does not.
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Laurent Nuñez: The almost systematic presence everywhere, in every city, of rioters and looters who latched on to these marches, these movements, to loot and smash.
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France's interior minister told Parliament he knew about inflammatory videos
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circulating on TikTok and Instagram,
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and the government believes rioters use social media to find each other.
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So both sides digging in.
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Pupils groups and unions have called more protests for the third and the fifth of
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November.
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And Italy has gone further still. Five hundred paratroopers on the streets of Milan.
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A new decree that makes organised violence at a demonstration its own crime,
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with up to twelve years for organisers and fines for the parents between five
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hundred and two thousand euros. Additionally,
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the justice minister wants more space in youth prisons.
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And in Spain, the housing anger is heading to the ballot box.
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A general strike on the eleventh of November and a snap election on the
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twenty-ninth.
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So that's the picture in the West. Big crowds, real concessions in France,
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but a lot of police and not much trust.
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And the governments would say they're protecting schools, shops,
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and police officers. In France alone,
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the interior ministry said in mid-October that around nine hundred officers had been
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hurt. More than two hundred and fifty pupils and students have been injured too.
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That's the government's side. But Donatella della Porta,
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who has studied protest policing for decades, thinks a crackdown can also backfire.
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Donatella della Porta: Before the pandemic, the Fridays for Future on climate change were central,
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Donatella della Porta: most visible form of mobilizations of the very young people.
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Donatella della Porta: In fact, they'd started a couple of years before the twenty, the pandemic,
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Donatella della Porta: and the reactions had been quite inclusive, so it had been quite tolerant.
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Donatella della Porta: Immediately after the pandemics,
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Donatella della Porta: what emerged was much more repressive reactions to forms of protests which had
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Donatella della Porta: remained non-violent. And this meant also a sort of vicious cycles,
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Donatella della Porta: because the least you appear democratic,
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Donatella della Porta: the more also you can trigger a convergence between different protest movements to
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Donatella della Porta: focus on the issues of repression. For instance, in Italy,
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Donatella della Porta: even the mainstream trade unions are mobilized not only for better salaries or
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Donatella della Porta: social welfare, but against the repressions of the right to protest.
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Serbia had its crackdown too, but there the students actually won.
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Okay, so remind me how long this took.
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It started two years ago this weekend when the newly renovated station canopy in
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Novi Sad collapsed and sixteen people lost their lives.
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Students blockaded their own universities.
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Two ministers resigned, and at protests,
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people would stop and stand in silence one minute for each of the dead.
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And through all that, Vučić stayed in office?
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For a long time, yes. He called them foreign agents.
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Critics say pro-government TV hounded their supporters.
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And Citizen Lab, a Toronto research group,
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found Pegasus spyware on the phone of the rector of the University of Belgrade
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without saying who put it there. But the students didn't join an opposition party.
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At first, they demanded accountability for the canopy.
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Then last year, early elections became their main demand.
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They say they collected nearly four hundred thousand signatures in a single day.
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And in June, Vučić finally said he'd step down and call a vote.
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And then he resigned as president to run for prime minister himself.
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Right. And this part is unusual. The students didn't stand themselves.
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Their assemblies at each university proposed the candidates, professors,
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farmers, actors, even a rapper.
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And the result, honestly, it wasn't even close in the end.
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No. On the twenty-fifth of October,
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the Students' List won about a hundred and forty of the two hundred and fifty seats
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on the preliminary count. Vučić's coalition got just over a hundred.
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Turnout was almost sixty-nine percent.
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Aleksandar Vučić: I want to inform you that, on the basis of the stratified sample, it is clear that we have lost this election. The student-blockader list has won.
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That's Vučić on election night.
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It is now clear that we have lost and the Students' List has won.
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Then he blamed independent media and foreign interference, again.
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Maybe, but it's not finished.
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Voting was repeated at fifty-three polling stations on the first of November,
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and the election commission still has to sign off the results before Parliament can
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meet. The acting president, Ana Brnabić from Vučić's party,
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says she'll call Parliament as soon as that happens.
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The legal deadline is the tenth of December.
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And meanwhile, tempers are running high.
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About thirty protesters walked into the newsroom of a pro-government TV channel,
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Informer, during a live broadcast, surrounded its owner and called for his arrest.
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Which the Students' List condemned and Vučić called an attack on press freedom.
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So even winning is complicated.
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We asked Donatella della Porta why Serbia's students got as far as they did.
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Donatella della Porta: Well, in Serbia it has been mobilized for longer.
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Donatella della Porta: It has been years since the students started to protest.
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Donatella della Porta: Also, they're against some trigger, which became symbolically relevant.
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Donatella della Porta: Catastrophe that, according to the protesters,
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Donatella della Porta: was due to the corruption of the regimes which killed many young people.
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Donatella della Porta: And it became the sort of central focus because it meant it went beyond what had
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Donatella della Porta: happened in a specific moment,
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Donatella della Porta: becoming a symbol about how a corrupt regime was selling out the Serbians,
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Donatella della Porta: especially destroying the future of new generations to...
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Donatella della Porta: For the interest of a few rich people in the government.
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A symbol. That's what the canopy became for the protesters
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So in the West, governments are mostly answering with police and paperwork.
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In Serbia, the students went all the way, and just to the south in Albania,
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it's something else entirely.
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In Albania, the government's answer to corruption was a chatbot.
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A quick word about Pollar. It's free to read with no ads and no data sales,
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and every story links to the reporting behind it.
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19:21
Okay, so tell me about Diella properly. Where did she come from?
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She started life as a help-desk. In January two thousand and twenty-five,
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Albania launched her on its government services website to help people get documents
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like birth certificates. She was built by the state IT agency known as AKSHI with
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Microsoft using OpenAI's models.
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So a customer service bot.
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A customer service bot. Then she got a voice, a face, and a folk costume.
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And in September two thousand and twenty-five,
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Edi Rama put her in his new cabinet as Minister of State for Artificial Intelligence
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in charge of public tenders.
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He promised they'd be one hundred percent free of corruption.
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One hundred percent. That's a bold number.
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It is. And then a month later, at a conference in Berlin,
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Rama announced that Diella was pregnant.
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I'm sorry. What?
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Diella is pregnant, and she's expecting eighty-three kids.
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One AI assistant for every socialist MP.
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They'd sit in parliament and take notes and, his words,
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"If you go for coffee and forget to come back to work,
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this child will say what was said when you were not in the hall."
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Okay, that's a good line. Did the kids ever arrive?
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We couldn't find any sign of them.
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But the reporting network OCCRP turned up something else.
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The summer before Diella became a minister, a tech businessman, Gerond Meçe,
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says men claiming to be from the anti-corruption unit put a hood over his head
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outside his home in Tirana.
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He says they let him go once he agreed to drop his complaints about more than a
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dozen contracts from AKSHI,
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the agency that built Diella.
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In December twenty twenty-five,
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a court put AKSHI's director under house arrest at the prosecutors' request.
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The prosecutors say AKSHI's tenders were rigged,
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that companies in the scheme issued fake invoices,
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and that kickbacks were paid in cash hidden in wine boxes.
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Assets worth about forty million euros have been seized.
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Nobody has been convicted.
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AKSHI and the government didn't answer OCCRP's questions,
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and building Diella wasn't one of the deals under investigation.
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Okay. So it's the agency, not her.
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Right. But it gets more awkward. The actress whose face and voice Diella uses,
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Anila Bisha, has taken the government to court.
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She says she agreed to be a help desk assistant, not a minister.
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The government denies misusing her likeness.
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And on the eighth of October,
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Albania's Constitutional Court threw out the opposition's challenge to Diella's
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appointment. The court didn't rule on whether making Diella a minister was
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constitutional, but the court did say this about a minister's powers:
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the use of a technological tool cannot create, expand, transfer,
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or replace these powers.
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So the humans are still responsible.
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Yes. The court didn't name anyone, and it wasn't ruling on corruption,
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but who's responsible is roughly the question the students on the street are asking
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less politely.
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And we covered how that began in our Albania three by three.
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Tuition fees, rundown dorms, corruption in universities,
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a protest outside the education ministry that turned violent within hours.
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And in the first week, the authorities counted three hundred and ten people injured,
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most of them police officers, government buildings set on fire,
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and Rama refusing to go, saying he has a mandate to finish the EU talks.
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Rama said in a video address that this is not a student phenomenon and blamed
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foreign hands that do not wish for Albania to be at peace.
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Again, he hasn't said whose hands. He also told Reuters in written answers,
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"We had elections last year, not a revolution."
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And his government's target is EU membership by two thousand and thirty.
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Which is real, to be fair. Albania is one of the frontrunners.
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It's opened every chapter of its talks, and it started closing them.
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It has, but corruption is still a major obstacle.
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In Transparency International's latest index,
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Albania fell to ninety-first of a hundred and eighty-two.
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The EU's delegation warned that fighting corruption is essential to joining.
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So the government says, "Stick with us. We'll get you into Europe."
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And the students say...
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We will get there first. Albania's population fell by about fifteen percent between
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twenty eleven and twenty twenty-three, mostly because people left.
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Hmm. Although the people who left aren't really gone, are they?
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No. And that's something Donatella della Porta pointed out to us.
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Albania, she says, isn't just following the others.
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Donatella della Porta: I think they are inspired, but they are also inspiring,
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Donatella della Porta: is that the younger generation,
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Donatella della Porta: so those who were forced to leave the countries also played an important role
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Donatella della Porta: because as diasporas, they continued to be connected both with their country of
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Donatella della Porta: origins and the country they moved to.
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Donatella della Porta: So they acted also as a sort of trade union between different movements.
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So an AI minister, an EU target,
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and a generation that might not be there to see it,
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but Albania's grievances are pretty specific.
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So why are young people in so many countries angry at the same time,
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and why is so little being answered?
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Okay, so let's do the big question. Why now?
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And I think the first answer is just money.
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The cost of everything.
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The war in Iran and the disruption in the Strait of Hormuz keep pushing up fuel and
25:00
energy prices. In September, prices in the Euro area were up 3.8% on a year before.
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Pay per employee, by the European Central Bank's latest figure, was up 3.3%,
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and that was in the spring.
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So prices are still running ahead of pay, and Mario Draghi,
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the former head of the ECB, put it in two words: blocked expectations.
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Which I think is a very polite way of saying you can't afford to leave home.
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Yeah, and Italy's president, Sergio Mattarella,
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said society can't treat young people with indifference,
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pointing to how many under 35s are emigrating.
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The second answer is trust. In Serbia, it was a canopy.
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In Albania, contracts and courts. When people think the system is rigged,
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a few concessions don't fix it.
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And the third is the phone in everyone's pocket.
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The French government blames TikTok and Instagram.
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The students say the phones are just how they talk.
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Either way, a picture from a school gate in Paris reaches Milan the same afternoon.
25:59
Estonia's former president, Kersti Kaljulaid,
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called it intergenerational hopelessness.
26:05
And there's a fourth thing, which I didn't really expect: fear of war.
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Donatella della Porta grew up in Italy in the '70s and '80s,
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and she put it like this.
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Donatella della Porta: For me, growing up in Western Europe in the '70s and the '80s,
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Donatella della Porta: we saw risks of wars, but it was something very distant,
26:28
Donatella della Porta: and the European Union legitimized itself as the institutions that will grant peace
26:37
Donatella della Porta: in Europe. For these generations,
26:40
Donatella della Porta: there is no longer these expectations of a peaceful Europe.
26:45
Donatella della Porta: There is the expectations that if the world is not going to die because of climate
26:53
Donatella della Porta: change, it may die because of an atomic bomb.
26:58
Climate or the bomb, that's a lot to carry to school.
27:02
And you can hear it in the demands. In Italy,
27:05
dock workers struck against war on the 30th of October on a day of action that
27:09
unions say more than 100 ports worldwide joined.
27:13
In Germany, the marchers want money for schools, not the military.
27:16
In both, it's the same trade: books, not weapons.
27:20
But here's what bugs me. If it's prices and phones, those are everywhere,
27:25
so why isn't everyone protesting?
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That's the question I find most interesting, actually.
27:30
Take Hungary, huge frustration with the government for years, but in April,
27:34
voters threw out Viktor Orbán at the ballot box after 16 years,
27:39
and the new prime minister, Péter Magyar, now wants to lower the voting age to 16.
27:44
So the anger had somewhere to go.
27:46
Exactly. And in Poland, there have been protests this autumn about abortion law,
27:51
for example, but nothing like the wave in France, at least not yet.
27:55
And Germany stayed quiet until the last day of October,
27:59
then it joined in with almost no organisation behind it.
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Right. On Saturday, the 31st of October,
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tens of thousands marched in about 30 German cities.
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Organisers said more than 100,000. Most marches were peaceful,
28:13
but afterwards, rioters looted shops in Frankfurt and police there made 54 arrests.
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The marchers wanted money for schools and no return of conscription.
28:23
And interestingly, Germany's national pupils conference backed some of the demands
28:27
at first, then distanced itself from the marches.
28:30
It did, over calls for violence online.
28:33
Della Porta told us the anti-military demand put some student groups off, too,
28:38
and this one was organised almost entirely online by a small new team.
28:42
Sociologists call that connective organising,
28:45
a social media call with very little structure behind it.
28:49
So maybe a protest needs two things,
28:51
a pressure everyone feels and a spark that's local, a canopy, a school blockade,
28:56
a tuition bill.
28:57
And somewhere to aim it. Hungary had a ballot box.
29:01
Serbia's students built an electoral list of their own.
29:04
So is it one or the other, the street or the ballot box?
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We asked Donatella della Porta.
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Donatella della Porta: While the general trend is toward decreasing numbers of people participating in
29:19
Donatella della Porta: politics in conventional electoral term, you also see exceptions,
29:26
Donatella della Porta: especially when people see
29:29
Donatella della Porta: an alternative. When this alternative is there, young people go to vote,
29:36
Donatella della Porta: so it is not either the streets or the ballot booth, the electorate.
29:44
Donatella della Porta: But it could be that the streets produce some types of changes within the political
29:52
Donatella della Porta: parties or through new parties that make sometimes for the success of an
30:00
Donatella della Porta: alternative.
30:04
So that's how she sees it.
30:06
A lot of young people don't feel the old kind of politics is listening to them.
30:09
You vote every few years, parties come and go, and nothing seems to change,
30:14
so the street starts to feel like the only place where things actually move.
30:19
Which honestly matches the numbers. In France,
30:22
a poll in October found 78% of young people think politicians are doing a poor job
30:27
of preparing their future. But here's the twist.
30:30
80% of them still said they plan to vote in the next presidential election,
30:34
so it's not that they've given up on the ballot box.
30:37
It's more that it doesn't feel like enough on its own.
30:39
And if one thing keeps coming up, it's housing.
30:42
Della Porta told us the demands travel from schools to health to housing,
30:47
like in Spain, rent, dorms, just somewhere to live.
30:51
Tents in Madrid's Puerta del Sol, tents in Lisbon and Porto,
30:55
students camping in Syntagma Square in Athens.
30:58
And none of it is over. In Portugal, on the third of November,
31:02
almost fifty public figures from left and right signed a manifesto asking the Prime
31:07
Minister to answer on housing, not just on policing.
31:10
And Spain, like we said, takes it to the ballot box,
31:13
a general strike on the eleventh and an early election on the twenty-ninth of
31:17
November.
31:18
France has a national strike on the fifth of November over the budget,
31:22
and youth groups are joining in. In Albania,
31:24
students marched again on the last day of October,
31:27
and the government has brought in fines of up to five and a half thousand euros for
31:31
staying in a violent crowd.
31:33
In Germany, more than a hundred police officers were hurt in the Frankfurt riots,
31:37
and politicians are still arguing about who the rioters were.
31:40
And in Serbia, the Students' List is waiting for the election commission to sign off
31:44
before Parliament can meet.
31:46
So think back over everything we've covered.
31:49
A chatbot minister in Albania and the agency that built her under investigation.
31:54
A stranger called Mamadou in French pupils group chats.
31:57
A young man in Milan held and then freed by a judge.
32:01
A station canopy in Novi Sad,
32:03
and students who turned two years of marching into an election win.
32:07
Different countries, different sparks,
32:09
but underneath the same question we started with, who actually answers to them?
32:14
In Serbia, the answer came from the ballot box.
32:17
Everywhere else, we'll keep watching.
32:20
Just probably not a chatbot.
32:24
Thanks for listening to this episode of Pollar.
32:26
If you want to read more about the youth protests or any European issue,
32:30
you can do so at pollar.news.
32:33
We are a relatively new podcast, so every comment, rating, and voice of support,
32:38
or even negative feedback, means a lot to us.
32:40
Please let us know what you think in a comment or a review.
32:44
And thank you to Donatella della Porta,
32:46
professor at the Scuola Normale Superiore in Florence,
32:48
for talking to us for this episode.
32:51
Sources for this episode are at pollar.news.