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THE COMMUNIST MANIFESTO: Capitalism, Wealth, Power & Struggle Between Classes — Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels · SECRETS OF SUCCESS & WEALTH: Hidden Laws of Money, Power & Success

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Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels The Communist Manifesto eighteen eighty eight contents I Bourgeois and
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proletarians, two, Proletarians and Communists, three Socialist and communist literature. Four
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Position of the Communists in relation to the various existing opposition parties. A specter
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is haunting Europe, the specter of communism. All the powers of old Europe
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have entered into a holy alliance to exorcize this specter. Pope and Czar,
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Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and German police spies. Where is the party
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in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power?
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Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism against
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the more advanced opposition parties as well as against its reactionary adversaries. Two things
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result from this fact. I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers
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to be itself a power. Two. It is high time that communists should
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openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their
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aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the specter of communism
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with a manifesto of the party itself. To this end, communists of various
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nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in
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the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. Part
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one Bourgeois and Proletarians. The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history
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of class struggles. Freemen and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,
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guildmaster and journeyman. In a word, oppressor and oppressed stood in constant
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opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open
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fight, a fight that each time ended either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society
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at large or in the common ruin of the contending classes. In the earlier
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epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various
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orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians,
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knights, plebeians, slaves. In the Middle Ages, feudal lords,
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vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs. In almost all of these
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classes again subordinate gradations. The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins
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of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established
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new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle, in place
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of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses,
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however, this distinctive feature. It has simplified the class antagonisms. Society
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as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps,
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into two great classes directly seeing each other, bourgeoisie and proletariat. From the
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serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From
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these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. The discovery of America,
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the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie.
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The East, Indian and Chinese markets, the colonization of America, trade
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with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally
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gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known,
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and thereby to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society. A rapid
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development the feudal system of industry under which industrial production was monopolized by closed guilds.
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Now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets, the
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manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one side by the
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manufacturing middle class. Division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the
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face of division of labor in each single workshop. Meantime, the markets kept
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ever growing, the demand ever rising, even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon,
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steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by
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the giant modern industry, the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires,
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the leaders of whole industrial armies. The modern bourgeois. Modern industry has
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established the world market for which the discovery of America paved the way. This
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market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by
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land. This development has in its time reacted on the extension of industry,
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and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation railways extended. In the same
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proportion, the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital and pushed into the background every
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class handed down from the middle Age. We see, therefore how the modern
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bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series
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of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange. Each step in the
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development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class,
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an oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self
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governing association in the medieval commune, here independent urban republic as in Italy and
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Germany, their taxable third estate of the monarchy as in France. Afterwards,
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in the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi feudal or the absolute
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monarchy, as a counterpoise against the nobility, and in fact cornerstone of the
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great monarchies in general. The bourgeoisie has, at last, since then establishment
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of modern industry and of the world market, conquered for itself in the modern
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representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but
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a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie historically
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has played a most revolutionary part. The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the
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upper hand, has put an end to all feudal patriarchal idyllic relations. It
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has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his natural superiors,
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and has left remaining no other nexus between man man than naked self interest,
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than callous cash payment. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious
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fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of phillistic sentimentalism in the icy water of egotistical
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calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and, in place
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of the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable
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freedom, free trade in one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and
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political allusions, naked, shameless, direct brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped
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of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe.
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It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet,
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the man of science into its paid wage laborers. The bourgeoisie has torn away
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from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a
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mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the
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brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionists so much admire,
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found its fitting compliment in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first
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to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing
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Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts and Gothic cathedrals. It has conducted expeditions that put
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in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades. The bourgeoisie cannot exist
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without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production and thereby the relations of production, and
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with them, the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of
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production in unaltered form was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence
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for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all
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social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones.
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All fixed, fast, frozen relations, with their train of ancient and
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venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away. All new formed ones become antiquated
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before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air. All that
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is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober
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senses, his real conditions of life and his relations with his kind. The
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need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole
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surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, established connections
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everywhere. The bushie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given
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a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin
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of reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground
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on which it stood. All old, established national industries have been destroyed,
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or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction
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becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries that no
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longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones,
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industries whose products are consumed not only at home, but in every quarter
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of the globe. In place of the old wants satisfied by the productions of
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the country, we find new wants requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant
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lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self
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sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations. And
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as in material so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations
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become common property. National one sidedness and narrow mindedness become more and more impossible,
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And from the numerous national and local literatures there arises a world literature.
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The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the
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immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all even the most barbarian nations into civilization.
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The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters
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down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarian's intensely obstinate hatred of
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foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to
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adopt the bourgeois mode of production. It compels them to introduce what it calls
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civilization into their midst i e. To become bourgeois themselves. In one word,
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it creates a world after its own image. The bourgeoisie has subjected the
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country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has
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greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued
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a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as
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it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian
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and semi barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants, on
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nations of bourgeois the east on the west. The bourgeoisie keeps more and more
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doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production,
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and of property. It has agglomerated production and has concentrated property in a
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few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralization. Independent or but
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loosely connected provinces with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation
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became lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws,
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one national class interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff. The
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Bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive
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and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's
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forces to man machinery, application of chemistry, to industry and agriculture, steam
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navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalization
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of rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground. What earlier century had
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even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor.
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We see, then, the means of production and of exchange on whose foundation
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the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain
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stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions
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under which feudal society produced and exchanged the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry.
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In one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with
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the already developed produce auctive forces. They became so many fetters they had to
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be burst asunder. They were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition,
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accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the
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economical and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on
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before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production,
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of exchange, and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic
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means of production and of exchange. Is like the sorcerer who is no longer
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able to control the powers of the nether world, whom he has called up
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by his spells for many a decade past. The history of industry and commerce
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is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of
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production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the
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bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that,
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by their periodical return, put on its trial, each time more threateningly
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the existence of the entire burgeois society. In these crises, a great part
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not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces,
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are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that
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in all earlier epochs would have seemed an absurdity, the epidemic of overproduction.
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Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism. It appears
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as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the
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supply of every means of subsistence. Industry and commerce seem to be destroyed.
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And why because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence,
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too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of
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society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property.
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On the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions by which they
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are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder
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into the whole of Burgois society endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions
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of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And
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how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, inforsaid
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destruction of a mass of productive forces, on the other, by the conquest
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of new markets and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones, that
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is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises,
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and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. The weapons with which
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the bourgeoisie felt feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
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But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself.
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It has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons.
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The modern working class the proletarians, in proportion as the bourgeoisie i e.
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Capital is developed. In the same proportion is the proletariat. The modern working
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class developed a class of laborers who live only so long as they find work,
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and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These
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laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity like every other article
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of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to
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all the fluctuations of the market. Owing to the extensive use of machinery and
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to division of labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character
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and consequently all charmed. For the workmen, he becomes an appendage of the
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machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most
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easily acquired knack that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production
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of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of subsistence that he requires
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for his maintenance and for the propagation of his race. But the price of
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a commodity and Therefore, also of labor is equal to its cost of production
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in proportioned. Therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage
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decreases, nay more in proportion. As the use of machinery and division of
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labor increases, in the same proportion, the burden of toil also increases,
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whether by prolongation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in
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a given time, or by increased speed of the machinery, etc. Modern
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industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of
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the industrial capitalist. Masses of laborers crowded into the factory are organized like soldiers,
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as privates of the industrial army. They are placed under the command of
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a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the
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bourgeois class and of the bourgeois state, they are daily and hourly enslaved by
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the machine, by the overlooker, and above all by the individual bourgeois manufacturer
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himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gained to be its end in name,
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the more petty, the more hateful, and the more embittering it is,
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the less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor. In
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other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labor
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of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no
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longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labor,
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more or less expensive to use according to their age and sex. No
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sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer, so far at an
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end that he receives his wages in cash than he is set upon by the
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other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker,
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etc. The lower strata of the middle class, the small tradespeople, shopkeepers,
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retired tradesmen, generally, the handicraft's men, peasants. All these sink
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gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the
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scale on which modern industry is carried on and is swamped in a competition with
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the large capitalists. Partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by the new
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methods of production. Thus, the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the
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population the proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its
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struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first, the contest is carried on by individual
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laborers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of
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one trade in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them.
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They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the
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instruments of production themselves. They destroy imported wares that compete with their labor.
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They smashed to pieces machinery. They set factories ablaze. They seek to restore
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by force the vanished status of the workmen of the Middle Ages. At this
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stage, the laborers still form an incoherent mass, scattered over the whole country
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and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more
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compact bodies. This is not yet the consequence of their own active union,
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but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain
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its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion,
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and is moreover, yet for a time able to do so. At this
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stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies
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of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non
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industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus, the whole historical movement is concentrated
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in the hands of the bourgeoisie. Every victory so obtained is a victory for
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the bourgeoisie. But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases
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in number, it becomes concentrated in greater masses. Its strength grows, and
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it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the
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ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized in portion. As machinery obliterates
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all distinctions of labor and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.
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The growing competition among the bourgeois and the resulting commercial crises make the wages of
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the workers ever more fluctuating. The unceasing improvement of machinery ever more rapidly developing,
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makes their livelihood more and more precarious. The collisions between individual workmen and
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individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon,
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the workers begin to form combinations trades unions against the bourgeois. They clubbed
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together in order to keep up the rate of wages. They found permanent associations
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in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there the
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contest breaks out into riots. Now and then the workers are victorious, but
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only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies not in the
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immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union
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is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry
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and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It
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was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all
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of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class
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struggle is a political struggle, and that union to attain, which the burghers
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of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern
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proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. This organization of
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the proletarians into a class and consequently into a political party is continually being upset
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again by the competition between the workers themselves, but it ever rises up again,
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stronger, firmer, mightier, it compels legislative recognition of particular interests of
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the workers by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus,
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the ten Hours Bill in England was carried altogether collisions between the classes of the
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old society. Further, in many ways the course of development of the proletariat,
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the bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle, at first with the
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aristocracy, later on with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself whose interests have become
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antagonistic to the progress of industry, at all times, with the bourgeoisie of
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foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to
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the proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into
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the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself therefore supplies the proletariat with its own instruments
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of political and general education. In other words, it furnishes the proletariat with
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weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. Further, as we have already seen, entire
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sections of the ruling classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into
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the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These
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also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress. Finally, in
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times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the process of dissolution going
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on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of society,
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assumes such a violent, glaring character that a small section of the ruling class
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cuts itself adrift and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future
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in its hands. Just as therefore, at an earlier period a section of
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the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie
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goes over to the proletariat, and in particular a portion of the bourgeois ideologists,
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who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as
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a whole. Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie,
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today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes
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decay and finally disappear are in the face of modern industry. The proletariat is
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its special and essential product. The lower middle class, the small manufacturer,
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the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant all these fight against the bourgeoisie,
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to say from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are
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therefore not revolutionary but conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they
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try to roll back the wheel of history. If, by chance they are
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revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat.
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They thus defend not their present but their future interests. They desert their
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own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. The dangerous class,
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the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of
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old society, may here and there be swept into the movement by a proletarian
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revolution. Its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the
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part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. In the conditions of the proletariat,
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those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is
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without property, His relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in
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common with the bourgeois family relations. Modern industrial labor, modern subjection to capital,
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the same in England as in France, in America, as in Germany,
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has stripped him of every trace of national character, law, morality,
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religion are to him, so many bourgeois prejudices behind which lurk in ambush,
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just as many bourgeois interests. All the preceding classes that got the upper hand
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sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions
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of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society except
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by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous
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mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify
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their is to destroy all previous securities for and insurances of individual property. All
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previous historical movements were movements of minorities or in the interests of minorities. The
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proletarian movement is the self conscious, independent movement of the immense majority in the
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interests of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present
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society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up without the whole superincumbent strata of
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official society being sprung into the air. Though not in substance yet in form.
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The struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle.
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The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all,
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settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. In depicting the most general phases of the
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development of the proletariat, we trace the more or less veiled civil war raging
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within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open
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revolution, and where the violence and overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for
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the sway of the proletariat. Hitherto, every form of society has been based,
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as we have already seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes.
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But in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to
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it, under which it can at least continue its slavish existence. The serf
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in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just
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as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism managed to develop into
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a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with
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the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of
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his own class. He becomes a pauper and pauperism develops more rapidly than population
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and wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer
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to be the ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence upon
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society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent
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to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help
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letting him sink into such a state that it has to feed him instead of
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being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie. In
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other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society. The essential condition
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for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois class is the formation and
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augmentation of capital. The condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests
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exclusively on competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter
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is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers due to competition by their
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revolutionary combination due to association. The development of modern industry therefore cuts from under
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its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What
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the bourgeoisie therefore deduces above all is its own grave diggers. Its fall and
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the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.