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Construcción Plural - Programa 1134 · Construcción Plural - Radio Trend Topic

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Plural construction, the renowned journalistic program of political analysis and current in its twentieth
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season, with the leadership of Fernando Mauri and a team of prestigious analysts listen
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to it on radio three topic What, such my friends, very but very
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good afternoon, we are in prural construction closing the week on a very smart
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day that began very fresh, three around twenty- three degrees, with announcement
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of grapes, minimum and maximum of being there between fifteen, sixteen, eighteen
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faces from here to Sunday and maximum also rising around twenty- four, twenty
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- five, twenty- six. Monday arrives a little more surprised at a
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freshness. The minimum is still kept up in two digits, let' s
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say above ten degrees, but the maxins do not reach the rays. We
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' re going to quickly get going like this for the Wolfson. Keep that
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little problem in your throat almost without you, so they generate our reciprocating for
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next week perhaps Tuesday and Thursday, raiding with us. But I myself intend
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to greet Don Sergio de Piedro, who accompanies us on a day where,
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as I say, the climate is pleasant, the blu went down a little
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bit to a thousand twenty- five Millay highlights the title infoba this in the
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Home At 4 pm highlighted the position of the senators, the freedom advances and
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critics to whom the diets were increased speaking of the Upper House. That'
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s how the caste moves by putting out a draft resolution Minutes before the end
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of this Thursday' s meeting in the Senate, it will have more than
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four million weeks left the issue that they also passed almost more than double.
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They were at one point and a beak and they went to four. Well,
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we' re going to talk about it with standing sergio, as I
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say, I think the senators and what they have to charge well, but,
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well, of course, going from about seven hundred were behind to four
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million. It also looks like you match and gives grass to wild beasts,
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libertarian beasts. It would be one, not don sergio, good afternoon,
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how it will look like yes, well, good you not good, well,
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good to see what interpretations of this one that is going to be a
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bit of the news of the day, of the two or three of the
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day that tomorrow will be and we go to an old systems, to the
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front pages of the newspapers, where the senators have increased. I think they
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should win relatively well, but on the one hand, it is striking that
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they spend a seven million hand to four, more than double and, on
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the other hand, good is the demarcation of Millay. I understand that the
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pro and the libertarians, indeed, voted against this and good give grass to
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the wild liberties, as I say to say ah are castes. We were
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not with this readjustment. I do, blah blah blah blah. Look to
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me the subject has always seemed quite irrelevant exorbitant. A libado secretary listens to
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you a little far. I don' t know if you can jam your
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microphone any further than I get on the pray that I' m going to
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fang on the return, but he listens to you a little bit as far
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away from the computer. No. No, no, no, no,
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I have, I have a microphone to which you listen better a little bit,
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but I still get up is Juan I ask you back to give him
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also raise the audio and that he is the exorbitant. Forgive me and you
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think it' s tempting, which is absolute not to be an exorbitant moment.
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Let' s say or use a Secretary of State to earn thirty-
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five million pesos, one Senator four. I think it' s a relationship
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to sound like some company manager, you have to earn a lot more.
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Let' s say the responsibilities are adored and very high. So, but
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the relevant ones. It is not that I share them will advance from very
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reasonable discussions, but if the President manages to keep the citizens concerned about these
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issues, not if the people are still how much a senator, a deputy
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or if the people go the other way, then it seems to me that
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the question of the polemics that the President tries to install revolves around it the
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grartos good part, is distracting. This I do not know for the time
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being of the people who with whom freedom advances did all their campaign, that
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the central problem in Argentina was the unreal intention of the caste and the salaries
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of the officials, since no impact on the unreal economy. But well,
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if that' s what the tip is, if that still manages to be
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the focus of concern for your legs. I' m not being ironic to
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say no. No, no. No. I remember how you stand between
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this debate. Well, we talked about it, but let' s go
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back. I say it because now I have not called it caste, which
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is called here that, but it also comes. I don' t know
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to see from the left we can in Spain also spoke of caste. I
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did, I spoke of political class rather than leadership. Many times you'
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re privileged and so on. I don' t put everyone in, but
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if you' re a good part of the way you stand, let'
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s say you defend politics. In this sense, you think there are many
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things that have been done wrong and could have been done better in the state.
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I mean, today I was seeing a media report that made my law
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work. When you took over and talked about it, I don' t
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know by saying some Ministry of Economics that I think it has thousands of cars
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explodes of cars and so many things and so many things in quotation marks that
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can be seen as State privileges beyond that after the budget and we can see
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it the small letter and that so many cars later don' t walk and
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that I say that then the budget doesn' t represent so much. And
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saving yourself some salary doesn' t represent that much either. But I say
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from the point of view there is self- criticism, the class, as
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I say, political, the leadership. If you want to see him,
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so he' s been in another game and so came the punishment of this
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emerging Miley Mira. I think there' s a lot going on there.
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Not always if we stop at the individual action of each person, in this
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case, of political leaders, we will surely find errors without being crimes of
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any kind. Of course not, but it seems to me not, although
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the important symbolics in our societies. Well, if we' re in an
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economic discussion, then we have to run what' s symbolic and discuss what
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it really is. Be important in crazy. It seems to me that on
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the side of the word caste he has none. I don' t know
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if we can use it It looks like it also focused. He doesn'
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t have any. Modern societies are conceived are not an aora caste to be
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privileged, butlegitimate that says it is before the law. Let' s say,
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but it seems to me that what is serious and one of the main
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concerns of modern democracies is that the representatives of the people, when they do
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their work, do not represent the people, but represent some corporation. It
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does not make the axis not the salary of a legislator, but if a
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legislator receives incentive from a company to benefit it or from a group of companies
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to benefit from a tender or a law. There are laws that sanction a
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subject who is not the whole population or a minority group that suffers an inequality,
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but a tiny little smoke points of being benefited by a law. For
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example, the discussion now about the possible sale of land that has been burned
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that the gobista banned together to prevent fires. There are specific interests I think
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that the serious thing about political diligence is that it should govern for a small
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sector the powerful of society and not be accountable to a whole society. It
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seems to me that political degeneration is good, because the exact term in your
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word, which is that. Of course, if the legislator, the civil
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servant does not let himself be guided by those honeys that are offered good.
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Indeed, he wanted to be a working man who fulfilled his duty, who
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carried out the art of his work, who listened to society and who did
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not take advantage of the public service to benefit himself, his family and friends.
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But it is a more structural question and not to think of the individual
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morals of a politician, my legel my law. In this logic, how
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interpretation a kind of social emergent is an employee of the powerful. I don
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' t know now he goes to Bariloche, I find in the jaw yao
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I don' t know the Stein' s perin, from Rock of Techin
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down. How you interpret the political figure of Miley' s emergence. In
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this sense, let' s say we see two different things. Not on
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the good side, things that at least we' re a little bit.
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The attention given to him if incitement opens the payment of social programs is at
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least sing them the money that records vast on the other day, nor what
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will receive him fifteen days before paying four for fifteen days. It can imbue
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that what they belong to at least is controversial minimum homo and the truth that
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I think is not the least. There are times of Miley two things Look
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at that emerging partner of a critical situation, of a society that has been
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spending eight or nine years having more or less a hard time seeing its salary
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grow. There was an inflationary musm, a situation that probably starts at about
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two thousand thirteen, at two thousand fourteen, and it got worse than the
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two successive friends, who had good times, better and then worse. That
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emergent of that is people who are tired, people who have a hard time,
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people who have a hard time paying too. And that seems to us
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to be a hard core of intensive mileism, of speaking out feelings a little
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individualistic, selfish that sometimes people speak. These are seen the aggressions suffered by
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some people in the networks and, on the other hand, well, milé
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is representing the economic political program, which is the sector more this with hundred
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not in Argentina has summit ahead. That apparent one hundred intervened to moderate the
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increases of the prepa. When a middle- and upper- middle- class
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social sector began to outstrip Azucareja, they were practically looted, but it seems
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that the apparent program let' s say that you see the big companies that
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are the program and you don' t see it as SMEs to the workers,
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to the unemployed. If it' s the same, then it'
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s both. What a difference my law of Macrimos in this sense of you
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is the program is transparent. It represents the most concentrable sector of the Argentine
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economy. As soon as it differs from Maccrie, note is taken of the
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failed graduationism of macro tomanota. Millay, I' m telling you how they
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' d split up. Yeah, that' s Mile Miley, President.
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It takes the President to say no. No. It' s today'
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s teba crib I' m not saying no. No. No. Well,
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there' s a conceptual difference between the entries that lead you through the
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moral crusades. He is convinced that it is a struggle of good against the
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sea that needs to break the sector that is facing it. The aim is
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to break down the sector. Then as it accommodates that, but it falls
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into a moral struggle and papadre says it not explicitly, a moral suprenality self
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- perceived by the libertarians regarding the rest of society. Then there' s
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another thing. It seemed to me to represent a set of interests in financial
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capitalism, localism in some areas, but there was no question. I think
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it' s moral, very clear. Here' s a moral decision,
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it' s a moral struggle, the cultural battle, what' s called
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the cultural battle, let' s say, but the moral term or say,
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we' re not just being good. Those who suppose are evil and
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that evil must be broken. The idea that must be broken I speak it
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from the place to the subject greater power of topic its universities and extremely teada
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sun is not well, but geneonism I tell you speaking of such played with
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the subject enemy friend to see and Peronism also say we are homeland. If
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you' re not the anti- patriate, some of that, the chlo
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and so on, there was some Salvandor diego. I was a biby to
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see, but I was a politician. It wasn' t moral. It
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wasn' t moral, it was political. In any case, it was
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intended, I think, but it was everyone who devoted twelve years the same
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in that sense, at that time, around the one hundred and twenty-
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five that I am too intense. It seems to me that there was the
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idea of modules, because we are not a political model. Another political model
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represents, if you believe the anti- pate. We stop, here we
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are an individual moral, that is, there are good people and bad people,
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other political models. It' s not the subject of the person.
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Here Miley is convinced that those who are not with him are the people of
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the sea is very crazy, because good breaks modern coexistence codes is the dangerous
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point, destroying coexistence. It moisturizes the basic, even its own. No
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war has. Today he beat them with the subject to see what we saw
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about the subject. You prepare the contradiction more. I ironize, they won
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the polls, they lost the Market Book. What a reading you do You
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win my law politically because you read the polls. We will see or see
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or begin to see a milay, as many analyze, more pragmatic, beyond
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which it will then follow with the gmatic discourse. But I say, in
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terms of action and management, much more pragmatic that breaks the ideas of the
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free market. He won' t admit it. But I say, in
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terms of management, read as the first question first that people who have said
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privately that per ballot to see how true that option is, to see what
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' s going to happen there? But if my law applies the logic that
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applied very reasonable. Besides, let' s say whore so they have to
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prepare for oyster madness. But if my law applies that logic to milk,
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for example, we are in the lowest per capita milk consumption in Argentina'
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s history, only three times. If you apply that, the fact of
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a company has if eighty percent of the market, the serenites were not made,
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you should apply it the owner of your doctor said. The other day
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he says they explain to me why not milk, why there aren' t
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a lot of billboarded sectors or because of the videos you' ve given,
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the telecommunications pulled them out and it' s four companies that run all I
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say we don' t talk about eight in preparation. In fact, it
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has about fifteen companies. I think it' s more cartelist more, but
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there are more companies. This is more, but who is still right,
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has much, more, much more competition. There' s the noodles.
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So this one' s gonna do that and I don' t think so,
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because I' d leave that one in a mile. If you become
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pharmatic, well, you have to present a reasonable regulation or regulations. He
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said forgetfulness of the pro presence of his medium and clear and how in the
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background we prefer the covid we ordered ourselves because it ended at costs. I
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tell hair to the whole chain. No no, Brother St Laborato, the
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instrumentalist' s obvious truth tells me well how democracy works. It doesn'
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t look like he' s not going to do it because if you didn
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' t leave now he got in and scored. And he scored a goal.
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With this in the middle class to be busy, but occupies beyond the
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contradictions of neul book market. It took four months, but I say in
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public opinion it ends up getting in. If this materializes, I' m
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going to say, let' s see how the ticket gets to me or,
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as people say, he gets the ticket right now. If this materializes,
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let' s say crystallizes, he scored a goal in the end of
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public opinion and there you now with the same one. Sometimes if something foal
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did say, but they don' t believe him the first time they'
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re going to tell Miguel Capable to believe him, but he seems to be
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difficult. You don' t go and come is you know that we can
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' t pargo decinamiento, that I can' t break past the frame of
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taking categorical. You can' t go telling to take it ever and Miley
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' s most Catholic is competition without intervention This afternoon you start to make an
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intervention. It' s so fragmented and you send a contradictory message to the
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population. Not tob tantes. Even the truth is clear. People might say
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good skinny, we lower the price of milk. What happens is that what
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you see is true. But so do polycrochote analysts. I agree that the
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country, i e it' s a moral battle, you say it about
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you, the cultural battle, but the people, the voter beyond twenty percent,
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let' s call them and want fifteen or twenty- five hard.
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People did not become liberal, nor are they liberal or necessarily from the law.
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So no, but I mean by this if people didn' t get
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liberal, how loud you go and vote it to improve politics and lower inflation
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and blah blah. What does he care, he' s going to care
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more or he' s going to accept or applaud pragmatism and not contradiction,
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because people didn' t buy the liberal ideology. I explain to myself then
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it will not be heard to the voter of my average league for I say,
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but it seems to me that the same thing works as fifty- four
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percent. He has not become a chimerist, but it was understood that on
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that path he was more or less liking it if it worked with his interests,
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because his income, etcetera. The situation here is that he arranged a
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perfect thing for part of the population and the rest. For now it is
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clear that the constants of my law want to believe that this is going to
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work. They want this to actually go like this, it' s going
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to accommodate these, it' s going to go on like this. No
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law has to see this and it can do contradictory things that still the population
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and be good, we are wrong, but I don' t even say
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we' re going well. If not, at some point this is magically
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going to buy. I' m not gonna happen like that. But what
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is true, this is your voter who sees that this support that Milake has
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lower than the support that they had in the first months something that informs what
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happens, what happens with what happens, we contextualize that in like ju it
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is quite good that you have lost three, four or five. I don
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' t know points and this is a lie to the country. I'
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m not saying that I' m exactly happy. Ben no one made juste
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so wild. Not good, but what I' ve done, he'
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s got 20 percent fewer people who support him. That' s how Tai
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is about the board. As a matter of fact, don' t throw
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it away. Yeah, yeah, well. It still seems to me that
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booty is there and well we' ll see if we finally vote gallery,
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unio comes out of more girls. It comes out if that. But all
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this is in the field of political and symbolic power. You have to see
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how that connects. But the need to play everyday. But this, you
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think it ends badly, let' s say, and it' s very
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difficult for this to walk with these practices of all ironing, the harvest isn
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' t going to be what was expected. The country is a teenager,
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to stay from the bad harvest of the interior. He has less father,
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but there are many who already have him sow the wheat row while there are
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more pencilations. I don' t think they seem to be able to.
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I haven' t fought it three so we don' t have an area.
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Seen there is already some peace, but with the current context illustration that
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slowly descends, but inter alia those shattered facts. Then the Monetary Fund,
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the reticence of the supports, if it is, will shut down the reception.
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Eventually deformation. The dollars that are not there do not arrive from the
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fund, we arrive to the private and international banks. Yes, yes,
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yes, the horizon with an influence, as you say, goes down slowly,
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but it goes down when I also put the devil a little bit in
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sharp. When you compare some things of my law with quinerism, withéstor
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go to see I don' t know how many stigmatizes. Now, I
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don' t like the character, but God is branding himself, holding him
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responsible for coming to belo Copit as the bad guy in the movie. First
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I can be Jell or Coto with Nestor Kissner and so on. I mean
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looking for the enemy in quotation marks, perfect to capitalize. That also speaks
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of the manners of the past that this man leaves mamo, for he is
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very rude and the kitsnerists were not. But good to go to the verbal
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belligerence when you hear that, like let' s say and some say,
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it went from this of a model in quotation marks, from a national and
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popular peronist extreme, to an end of a scheme of extreme right, let
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' s say, but we passed without the genism being the left. But
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I say, in other ways, there similar not in politics. It is
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not economic policy, obviously social policy, but I say in terms of gestuality,
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in modes of driving, what you respond to that. If I'
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ve heard it quite a friend, I' ve even said it. I
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say it in good faith. I say I say it I' m sorry
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I' m already saying good faith and partly afterwards we know that each opera
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suits you. I say that in part, I subscribe and in good faith.
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Obviously, you didn' t, but you said, a colleague of
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everything let' s say I thought I saw that. Ah, I don
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' t think it' s comparable. It seems like as I was saying,
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it' s not the same thing and law as mccrie. It seems
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to me that Milay' s style of politics cannot be compared. If you
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' re more angry than the one hundred and twenty- five, it even
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seems that there are other components to this religious thing than Witch milay to the
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exercise of presidential power. I don' t know that, he thinks so.
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That' s how much there is to believe and how much there is
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to overacting and so on. You think he' s in this religious thing.
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You really didn' t know you. My impression is that or to
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do tea, but it happens. There are things of international politics that are
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absolutely alone. Feminite. Do not call the President of Colombia a terrorist,
22:10
travel to the United States to support the opposition candidate act to the President.
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Yeah, well, I' ve done that. No one' s in
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any context. I say I looked necessary the land of any tradition. There
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are and are in that state the support that the United States, in the
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Monetary Fund, etcetera. Yes, yes, exactly yes, that makes sense,
22:26
what strategies of the clear good way. Then I would talk about it
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the other day as a radical official and say no good to me, Look,
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something else. You only have a Peronist fighter, but well we live
22:41
together in a world of certain common codes. Look, it came out of
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those currents. You can' t go to Congress to insult MPs and make
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guns. You can' t do it or it separated me there started insulting
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some blondes that speaking of radical, I tell him how you see the role
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of radicalism, this one that is debated between a tasteful human, on the
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one hand, and that I like in that sense. And then, well,
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from the servility and the tears of parrots, well, ernate juices,
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I want to understand it more, because they need this funds. But I
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say we see it from Loredo Judge and so many more. I' m
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ashamed of someone else. I say how you see, how is the possible
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confluence on a popular front. I am very ambitious about the future with Peronism.
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He shares Peronism, radicalism. It has a division that seems to me
23:29
to be two thousand, but not to be shared again in a political party
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with a certain autonomy. Oh, well, it ends up being an annex
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to a bigger game. He' s a junior partner in a bigger game.
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I' m telling you, we talked about a colleague last year.
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If good radicalism you' re going to have six governorates, I' ve
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never had six governors at that time. Inside radiocanism, well there are governors.
23:53
It is much not in this context of passing and yet it does not
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progress or governors. We' ve never seen them act together. In fact,
24:03
the statement of support for Milera filmed five, as the two already supported
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at that time. It is not remarkable enough in that sense that the fracture
24:12
entered into the settlenismo will be perpetuated. And well, we have a father
24:15
of both groups and he manages to impose himself. I, well, it
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would be one of us. That' s hard to know, but it
24:23
looks good. There is not going to be agreement there from a party that
24:27
seems to me to have structural conditions today to compose itself as long as it
24:33
has those rulers. No good, it' s not gonna be good.
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I' m running out of time and thanking you. Leave short on the
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foot. There comes a march that is estimated to be massive. Tuesday with
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the subject of the university budget and so on. What can we suppose is
24:45
that, indeed this is confirmed that one foresees what leaves that march, I
24:48
don' t say it' s going to mark a before and after Miley
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and it' s playing us with those exaggerated journalistic things. But I say
24:53
what can mark a multi- party, multi- party demonstration and other times
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it marks the union of the university system that surpasses the banner of different political
25:07
parties, not only all the rectors and directors were the same in a place
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like every other point. It' s a pretty important fact. Well,
25:15
he' s a good actor. He tells Miguel, he tells the President
25:17
that he must adapt society policies, university policies, because as they are.
25:23
Well, this isn' t a joke. We arrived in May, I
25:26
swear, more than June, there is no more budget. Then I'
25:30
ll tell you a scheme. I work in universion, satus, soaps and
25:33
varela inference. Last March' s light bill was one million two hundred.
25:37
This year' s one doesn' t have seven hundred. Well, that
25:41
' s all with the same money to pay for it. There is talk
25:45
of seventy percent among the bill momentized the nine hundred, but toria shoe is
25:48
not even year. So that scheme is just absolute, really, and it
25:53
' s not going to work. Today Milay, for the last part,
25:57
popularity in how my law goes in front, as we see it, and
26:00
that even some Peronists told me the truth that Alberto lacked this is that character
26:03
I say enough in the entrepreneurial power, that you support the one we talk
26:08
about base it, that you have no debts with anyone, because it is
26:11
someone new in politics is based or based only on its in principle popularity that
26:15
in the best of cases, let us read more less. Fifty, fifty
26:18
- two percent remain, because there is a danger of what happens if their
26:22
popularity I don' t know in six months falls to thirty- five forty
26:26
and when they start cheering up other actors in Congress, governors, that is,
26:30
on what basis and what the danger is. It seems to me that
26:33
the combination of those things we said before. On the one hand, I
26:37
think I don' t know if you wanted to call a mystic, created
26:41
a story, a fairly clear story, tends to be old, but I
26:48
think for a while I got a lot of adherents and, on the other
26:52
hand, they' re leading the show that this isn' t a quie
26:57
ie those two things, some other dislo I don' t know which gual.
26:59
I think those two things say today is and what if if you happen
27:03
this thing that I say that in a few months you are, that is,
27:07
today you sit at the table and I say magic that foreign, that
27:10
you would win in the first round, that you have. I don'
27:11
t know fifty- seven percent read about the aerchia already, which is a
27:14
delusion, I mean, but it feels like you' re saying let'
27:17
s be very crude and very libertarian. I' m going to become the
27:19
biggest libertarian. That' s why I sit down to negotiate. What if
27:22
in six months we put it went from fifty- fifty- two forty-
27:26
eight to thirty- five, that is, it has shorter before governors,
27:30
legislators, what is the risk of that. And yes, because well,
27:33
this one movie party is, torture, five governors, being intent on very
27:38
little senators, very little deputies, of the support of the dominant sectors and
27:42
of popularity. Their main resources are those two because in addition, they have
27:47
not had the resource of improving people' s lives. If you also improve
27:49
people' s lives, well to be a cluso abuses two have and you
27:52
are carrying it forward and it does not seem during this year you will exist
27:56
then instead of those two factors, when if it happens, the population well
28:02
knows that their life does not improve and it is the responsibility of the President,
28:06
and there they will have problems because their purchasing resource already falls. He
28:08
has only the recourse of the san but the size, that is, did
28:11
not make him useful. He' s not going to support you, he
28:14
' s not going to support you anymore, I mean, you know how
28:15
this movie is. Let' s say you completed the clear sentence and then
28:21
yes, well. No. No, no, no, no, no,
28:22
no, I have an idea, but what' s going on?
28:25
But his good, he' s a president in that fragile sense. Sal
28:29
Luis will show himself very strong. The population at some point is beginning to
28:33
see. That' s a pleasure, as always. Thank you very much,
28:37
thank you very much, thank you, thank you, Sergio. I
28:40
' m getting lost here in town building. We' re leaving sixteen and
28:42
twenty- eight. We delivered early we met here again next Tuesday. Thank
28:45
you. As always, serve for production. Thank you, Juan Quedó Gambina,
28:48
Well, no pity came in. We' ll be here a week
28:52
with all of you. I' m going to like you for arri bagan
28:55
It will come back, as I tell you, build a week that well
28:57
said a health themist question. Thank you good weekend for Tutti and thank you
29:00
Juan once again, byo there are my friends. Chap Chou plural construction led
29:15
by Fernando Maurik, by Radio Trentopic