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The founding saboteur: Hamilton’s war on limited government · Cultural Wars | America Out Loud News

• 0:15
  Welcome to another edition of Trip Loud Reports on America Out Loud.
• 0:21
  Today it's something different.
• 0:23
  You know, I usually I deal with national security issues, and we talk about guns and bombs and planes and subversion and that kind of thing.
• 0:31
  But I think listeners will largely agree that our huge out-of-control federal government is a major national security issue in multiple ways.
• 0:43
  You know, just bankrupting the country is going to make it so we can't afford the military.
• 0:49
  Um the federal government is out of control, being weaponized against us by faceless bureaucrats, sometimes known as the deep state.
• 0:58
  And I want to talk today to a friend I've known for many years who has dedicated his life to studying the Constitution and also methods to remedy the out-of-control federal government to actually rein it in, seeing it as both uh, you know, for multiple reasons, financial, um, you know, you know, philosophical, um, national security, etc.
• 1:25
  Is that a a fair um uh a fair uh analysis?
• 1:30
  Well, is that a fair description of UGR?
• 1:33
  Yes, um, it's very fair.
• 1:35
  I spent 35 years in the intelligence community, so I pretty much served this nation one way or another, and it dedicated that service really towards the the constitutional government that we should be having.
• 1:49
  Um I I there's such a spectrum that I could probably talk about, such as, you know, bottom line, we need to have complete oversight over everything the federal government is doing, and the Constitution demands that that be the states because they're the parties to the compact.
• 2:07
  So that even when intelligence comes up, like the Snowden thing, that should never have gotten out the way it had, it should have gone to the states.
• 2:15
  State should have had oversight.
• 2:16
  You just need to report to the state legislature, the states would have stepped in and said, What the heck are you doing?
• 2:22
  We didn't give the authority to spy on us.
• 2:24
  That type of crap.
• 2:25
  So anyway, I I've I far sorry for going down that little rat hole, but yes, you did a very good assessment.
• 2:32
  Thank you so much.
• 2:33
  Thank you.
• 2:33
  Well, we we're talking to G.R.
• 2:34
  Mobley and uh known GF for some time.
• 2:38
  As you said, he was he's worked in in intelligence for many years.
• 2:42
  He's well versed, but he's also one of the greatest constitutional scholars I've ever met.
• 2:48
  He's you know, there's not much about the Constitution he doesn't know and the history of the founders and all of that.
• 2:55
  And and I think what he learned in that study is very, very relevant today, both in terms of the little conspiracies that were about uh abounding at that time, but also obviously the the fact that the Constitution has been ignored pretty much since we um adopted it in many ways, and that's um state has got way worse in the last few years, way, way worse.
• 3:21
  It was always uh it was always a slow incremental process, but especially since I I think Obama it's gone way out of control.
• 3:31
  Um what why do you think that the design of the founding fathers to have accountability over the federal government?
• 3:48
  What fatal flaw was there that that this didn't really happen as well as much as it should.
• 3:55
  What what are the the fatal flaws, what are the mistakes we made in history to to get to the state we are today?
• 4:06
  Well, so um give credit to where credit's due.
• 4:12
  The the framers themselves were um they they didn't have a complete understanding of the design of the Constitution.
• 4:22
  Very few actually had a what I'd consider a good profound understanding, such as James Madison.
• 4:28
  Most of them, I think they were really just on a along for a ride by the divine hand of Providence who was inspiring a lot of the stuff.
• 4:37
  Now there were some compromises.
• 4:39
  One of the biggest flaws within the Constitutional Convention was the fact that they didn't demand the uh uh annihilation of slavery within the this new form government.
• 4:51
  There was a political compromise between the three Southern states, the Carolinas and Georgia.
• 4:58
  Technically, the northern states wanted to actually move forward, even including Virginia.
• 5:03
  It would have been kind of um difficult, but they wanted to move away from an embraced and a governmental institutionalized slavery.
• 5:12
  So that was one of the key issues.
• 5:15
  But the two heated issues during the convention was state sovereignty and slavery.
• 5:20
  And this is why in Article 5 of the Constitution, there's this thing called the Amendment Protection Clause.
• 5:29
  And the amendment protection clauses are the last two clauses at the very back end or the bottom of Article 5, providing that no amendment be made that would, and I'm just gonna paraphrase that would end the shutting down of the slave trade of 1808, and the other one would take away the the equal suffrage of the Senate without their uh without their um uh they basically have to buy into it.
• 5:55
  What was the technical word without their consent?
• 5:58
  In other words, they can't lose their suffrage in the state or the U.S.
• 6:02
  Senate without their consent.
• 6:04
  And the 17th Amendment didn't gain their consent.
• 6:07
  The 17th Amendment only changed the process.
• 6:09
  So um this whole fiasco that's going on in the Senate has been unconstitutional ever since they started misinterpreting the 17th Amendment and how everybody saw boogeyman in that.
• 6:20
  But the the outside of the convention, there was this little creature, that's what Madison and Jefferson called him, this little creature called Alexander Hamilton, who was who's deliberately working to undermine the Constitution itself.
• 6:37
  And he did it with the judiciary.
• 6:41
  And so the the instrument that he used was the Federalist Papers.
• 6:46
  And so that right there kind of gives you the overview of how, because he had a plan.
• 6:54
  And Madison and Jefferson were completely and embarrassingly um duped by him in basically conceding on the Assumption Act, where the federal government assumed the debt, and then Madison or not Madison, Hamilton dropped the other shoe saying, now we need to create a bank.
• 7:15
  And so in the creation of that bank, it basically set America up that had Jefferson not been president of the United States, we could have easily been tipped over.
• 7:28
  Could have easily been tipped over.
• 7:33
  He was a man definitely out of his element when it came to finances, and with Hamilton right there in his ear whispering what to do and how to do things, it could have easily gone the wrong way.
• 7:47
  You see Alexander Hamilton as a very malign influence right from the start.
• 7:51
  Yeah, actually, there's uh Michael McKibbins is um uh a gatherer of documents.
• 7:58
  He found a document, and I don't lend credence to it, just due to the fact that it's an outlier.
• 8:04
  But he found a document in Canada that actually identified Alexander Hamilton as a spy working for the British Empire.
• 8:12
  And so why like uh how explicit was this document?
• 8:19
  Well, it was just a piece of paper that had a list of names that were spies that they were reporting as spies working for the British Empire.
• 8:27
  There was no real source document, no acknowledgement that government knew this or anything like that.
• 8:34
  So, you know, without having the context and without having you know, some you know, what I would call some credible substantiation, it's just a piece of paper.
• 8:45
  As I look at what Alexander Hamilton did and how he behaved, oh no doubt.
• 8:51
  This guy was running in the background.
• 8:54
  To me, I think that there's substantial support, but I can't create the direct report.
• 9:01
  The direct tie to him being that.
• 9:04
  Does that make sense?
• 9:05
  Yeah, yeah, of course.
• 9:06
  You know, in the world of intelligence, things are very murky, and you usually have to look at do patterns analysis.
• 9:13
  What did this guy do that benefited the enemy?
• 9:17
  And if you have corroborating evidence as well, that's that's great.
• 9:21
  But you really look at a uh a man's actions over a lifetime.
• 9:25
  Uh just uh uh uh on that list, that little list.
• 9:29
  Did you know any of the other names on that list?
• 9:33
  So actually, one of the things that I had um kind of a problem with was the fact that um I think George Washington was the name on the top of the list.
• 9:45
  And so that's what really causes me to say, I don't know how accurate this is, because I don't see George Washington being the guy that pandered.
• 9:55
  As a matter of fact, he was in the executive position.
• 9:58
  Um I
• 10:00
  Here's a guy that actually had disdain for the British Empire because of the fact that he was not, and he should have been the first British general in America.
• 10:12
  They refused to re uh to promote him to general.
• 10:17
  And so, you know, during the Revolutionary War, that was one of one of the drivers behind that.
• 10:23
  Because he was he felt that he was unfairly treated.
• 10:28
  He felt he deserved that position.
• 10:31
  That's that's I mean, this guy wasn't some turnip that fell off the truck.
• 10:36
  He had served and served and served, and and he actually had means and ways.
• 10:41
  I mean, he he was one of the richest men in America at the time he died.
• 10:46
  Um, so I mean, he was a man of prominence, and he willingly stepped down from the presidency, which actually just turned everybody's head in the world.
• 10:57
  I mean, it was that was almost tantamount to the shot heard around the world.
• 11:01
  Somebody stepping down from power.
• 11:04
  Yeah, that's unheard of.
• 11:06
  Yeah.
• 11:06
  Right.
• 11:07
  I I think it was just by the way, it was Benedict Arnold's um alleged mistreatment by the revolutionary government that turned him turned him into a British agent, wasn't it?
• 11:19
  It was the disaffection that he felt.
• 11:22
  He wasn't given the crit he was due.
• 11:24
  Oh, so he committed treason.
• 11:27
  Yeah, correct.
• 11:28
  Washington promoted Ethan Allen and made him general instead of Ben McDonald, where I believe the argument was in favor of Benedict Darnold.
• 11:38
  I just think Benedict Arnold's persona and his maybe his um level of confidence, because I think Washington saw him as too much of a conflict with him, and where Ethan Allen was a little bit more I I don't want to use the word sycophant, but it was more of a a person that was, you know, whatever you want me to do.
• 12:03
  Where Benedict Arnold, he was a very well-seasoned military man, and he had confidence in what he did, and that's why he had confidence he should have been general.
• 12:15
  And it it it's the irony that you know, he Washington turned on Britain, and he, you know, did it what Britain did to him, and he turned on America.
• 12:28
  So there you go.
• 12:31
  Okay, so back to the issue at hand.
• 12:33
  Well, we're talking a little bit more about um Alexander Hamilton.
• 12:36
  So please explain his role, and and you know, he was the one who introduced the the central bank, obviously, as you say.
• 12:45
  Yes.
• 12:46
  And what what else?
• 12:48
  What was the malign, what were the and he clearly you know, it snowed some of the founding fathers.
• 12:55
  Jefferson obviously saw through him to at least some degree.
• 13:00
  What was what was, in your opinion, what was Alexander Hamilton's malign role?
• 13:05
  How did how did how did he sabotage the American Revolution or try to sabotage it?
• 13:12
  Yeah, so um one of the things that I think put him on the footing to be able to do what he did was in the revolutionary war himself, he became Washington's right-hand man.
• 13:28
  And so he basically got everything done.
• 13:31
  Washington um looked at him like a son based on how his his respect, how he served him in the war and so forth.
• 13:42
  And it got to a point when, and this is kind of speaks to the man Hamilton.
• 13:47
  Hamilton being a lawyer, he was very shrewd, and he wanted to make sure anything and everything he did was a success.
• 13:55
  And so he didn't, you know, bellache and whine and cry and become the drama queen to get his own command, because he started off, I think a lieutenant captain, and he worked his ranks up, working directly for Washington as his like his adjutant or you know, his assistant.
• 14:12
  And so, when it got time and the war was so mature where it was almost safe, any but any general or any command leader could easily go out and and beat the British because the momentum was in our favor.
• 14:26
  And that's when Hamilton basically put his foot down.
• 14:29
  I want my own command.
• 14:30
  And so he he was in the right position at the right time to be able to take commands where he was there, you know, towards actually at the end of the revolutionary war, which gave him some good credentials.
• 14:44
  Bottom line, Hamilton had this relationship that was almost like a father-son relationship with Washington.
• 14:52
  So when we finally got to a point, and there's a lot of history of how we evolved from the Articles of Confederation into the Constitutional Convention and into this hybrid constitutional republic.
• 15:05
  Hamilton was there working with Washington, and he was working through this evolutionary process.
• 15:12
  I mean, from the Annapolis Convention, I mean, he was present in most of these key positions that forced the Constitution.
• 15:20
  He was at the Constitutional Convention as a delegate from New York.
• 15:24
  So he somehow got himself involved in all of this, and when finally the the government was formed and Washington became the president, he was instantly, you know, the first to be grabbed because Washington had that respect for him, and he made him the treasurer because he knew he had some background regarding finance.
• 15:45
  And so he'd made him the treasurer, and uh what really caused the rift between him and Jefferson was the fact that Hamilton, because Jefferson was on his way back from France, he hadn't accepted the position yet as the Secretary of State, and so Hamilton as the first guy on the scene, he created the rules and policies or you know, the the lanes in the road of who would have what authority between the Treasury and the Secretary of State before Jefferson could even pipe in to say, you know, I should be you know, the Secretary of State should do these things.
• 16:21
  And so he was sitting the boundaries, sitting the boundaries.
• 16:26
  And Jefferson was not happy with what he was left with.
• 16:29
  And he says, Are you kidding me?
• 16:31
  He felt that he should have been more involved in the trades and those types of things where the treasury was involved in that.
• 16:36
  So anyway, um, that caused a big rift right there.
• 16:40
  He says, you know, I see you basically carved away things that actually should have been on my plate.
• 16:45
  But the first real duping, or the only real duping and the and this facade that Hamilton created was the Assumption Act.
• 16:56
  And there's a really good account of the Assumption Act and how Hamilton had Hamilton duped Madison and Jefferson at a dinner party between the three of them at Madison's house.
• 17:09
  And so when Madison basically hosted this dinner for the three of them, they sat down, and what ended up causing this whole dinner party was Jefferson saw the creature sitting out in it, and this was up, I believe they were in New York at the time, because that's where the first uh session of Congress was, the first two years.
• 17:29
  And so he saw him sitting on a bench either outside or in a building.
• 17:34
  I don't I don't have the real frame of where he was, but Jefferson walked up to Hamilton and said, What's wrong?
• 17:41
  And he goes, It looks like we're gonna be losing states that are gonna basically secede from the union.
• 17:46
  He goes, Well, why?
• 17:47
  And he goes, Because they're strapped with this debt, other states have paid off their debt, and we have to hold them accountable, and there's just no way we can do this.
• 17:57
  And then, you know, Jefferson says, Well, what are your so he started telling Jefferson about this plan, and he kind of reeled him in on this and said, Look, if we can assume the debt, then it would it would galvanize them.
• 18:09
  They couldn't leave because now they owe us.
• 18:12
  And he could and goes, okay, that makes sense.
• 18:17
  So anyway, they go to Madison's and Jefferson becomes the advocate to get Madison because Madison was beating Hamilton in the debates on the Assumption Act.
• 18:28
  And he needed the Assumption Act to be able to justify the bank.
• 18:32
  And actually the bank created wasn't a wasn't a typical national bank.
• 18:37
  It was a commercial bank.
• 18:40
  This is where Hamilton had concocted these ideas of selling bonds and selling products, which you know, we've kind of just kind of embraced this idea that you know, our national bank is in this commercial endeavor of trying to get people to invest and and interest and those types of things when technically it should only be worried about funding itself, paying off its debt, that type of thing.
• 19:05
  That's it.
• 19:05
  Yeah, yeah.
• 19:06
  Okay.
• 19:07
  So anyway, when um they at this dinner, it was put on the table that Alexander Hamilton could deliver the seat of government to the Potomac to split between Maryland and Virginia as an advantage for Jefferson and Madison if Madison could cool his jets and not be so vigorous in debating against it and allowed the assumption to occur.
• 19:34
  Technically, this was uh a constitutional violation.
• 19:38
  As a matter of fact, this was brought up in the convention where Matt in Madison's notes, they talk about this.
• 19:45
  They were gonna actually include in the Constitution the ability to assume the debts of the state.
• 19:51
  They thought better that they shouldn't do that, so they didn't include it.
• 19:56
  And then all of a sudden, during the debates, that was actually brought.
• 20:00
  Up.
• 20:00
  Hey, you know, the convention was going to give us this, and you know, it was implied that we were going to be able to do this.
• 20:05
  And then Hamilton called him out on not Hamilton Madison called him out and said, Hold on here.
• 20:10
  You're right, it was brought up.
• 20:12
  And the worthy member that's bringing this up was one of those who actually voted against it and spoke out against it.
• 20:18
  And now you want to justify it?
• 20:20
  Because that's why it didn't pass, is because we didn't want to be able to create uh a precedence to be able to assume debt of the states, period.
• 20:33
  So every state had debt from the revolutionary war.
• 20:37
  Not every state.
• 20:38
  There was actually paid it off.
• 20:40
  Some, but there were some that hadn't.
• 20:43
  And to keep them in the union, the federal government decide to pay off their debts.
• 20:48
  Yes as a as a compromise measure to keep the union together.
• 20:52
  Yeah, and so actually they had to Hamilton had to do this sophistry that was very, very elaborate.
• 20:59
  Because the uniformity clause in Article 1 Section 8, it's in the preamble.
• 21:04
  The very first part of Article 1 Section 8 is the preamble.
• 21:08
  There's three preambles in the Constitution.
• 21:10
  A preamble is basically a initiatory clause explaining what is to follow.
• 21:17
  And so in the preamble of Article 1, Section 8, it says that all taxes, duties, and so forth must be uniform.
• 21:27
  So when we look at like the income tax, it's not uniform because it has to be applied equally to everybody.
• 21:33
  10%, whatever.
• 21:35
  So anyway, so back to this tax, or I should say the assumption, there had to be some uniformity.
• 21:42
  And so what Hamilton did was everybody got a piece of the pie.
• 21:47
  In other words, everybody benefited to the same kind of degree the way he worked it out.
• 21:52
  Where the states that paid off their debt were able to gain a better monetary position because they deserve that.
• 22:00
  And the states that didn't, they would get a little monetary.
• 22:04
  This was the whole purpose of being able to create the bonds and so forth.
• 22:08
  At the end of the day, the national bank went belly up.
• 22:13
  John Adams lost everything and had to move in with his son, John Quincy Adams, for a long period of time because he went absolutely bankrupt.
• 22:21
  Everybody went bankrupt, but this was after Adams' presidency.
• 22:26
  And so it was it was a national embarrassment, but like I said, thank God Jefferson was in office at that point in time.
• 22:35
  Because having John Adams losing everything, I could see the president being compromised to say, how can I how can I mitigate this?
• 22:43
  And here come to our rescue rescue would be Britain to say, we'll give you pennies on the dollar, so at least you don't have to move in with your son.
• 22:51
  Right.
• 22:52
  So yeah, yes.
• 22:53
  So Jefferson was it was uh really held thing held things together.
• 22:59
  So what what in the little bit of time we got in this half what was so Hamilton wanted a central bank, which was really something that the the British would want because that would probably give them influence in the country.
• 23:14
  Is that is that correct?
• 23:15
  That is correct.
• 23:16
  And actually, it would have worked us into a government exchange system.
• 23:22
  In other words, like we have the New York Stock Exchange.
• 23:25
  Yeah.
• 23:25
  It would have actually created a national exchange system instead of a private exchange system, it would be public, just like the London exchange system, where the government is in full control.
• 23:38
  Bottom line, the government doesn't have those kind of powers in the constitution to to do what they're doing today.
• 23:43
  But it would have set us up to basically fall by falling into this financial crisis, it would have set us up to basically be pulled in where Britain was going to help us out.
• 23:58
  You gotta remember that Britain had still not resolved, giving us peace because they just like we were not honoring that treaty, which is why we was forced into part two of the revolutionary war of 1812.
• 24:12
  Now, Hamilton actually had a plan, and his plan didn't get executed until 1800 under the appointment of Midnight Judges with Adams basically taking a list from Hamilton and seating all of these different judges.
• 24:30
  One of which was a very close, I'll call him a protege of Hamilton, and it was John Marshall.
• 24:38
  John Marshall and Hamilton met during the Revolutionary War.
• 24:42
  He impressed everybody.
• 24:43
  I mean, he was so smooth and so slick that he basically bamboozled everybody.
• 24:50
  And Marshall was a man of avarice that literally wanted to be able to aggrandise power.
• 24:57
  Now I don't know.
• 24:59
  Well, look, we've been out, we've been at look, yeah.
• 25:00
  I don't know how much break here we come back straight after this this short break.
• 25:07
  No problem.
• 25:08
  I want to hear more of this.
• 25:09
  You bet.
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• 29:08
  Welcome back to um welcome back to Trivelab Reports of America Out Loud.
• 29:14
  We're here with with Gian Mobley talking about some of the intrigues around the founding fathers, around the the establishment of the republic, many of which had uh uh created negative impacts was still a feeling today.
• 29:30
  So then I want to talk about republic review, but we'll just do a little bit more on this.
• 29:36
  Now, so Gia, so Hamilton is always regarded as more the big government guy, am I right?
• 29:43
  You know, whereas Jefferson was the small government guy, Hamilton was a big government guy, always trying to centralize things, always really trying to subvert the revolution in a way.
• 29:54
  Is that is that a fair analysis?
• 29:57
  Yeah, and actually the the best way to help.
• 30:00
  Your listeners and help everybody understand this.
• 30:02
  The Constitution, the way it was created, and actually during the ratification debates and afterwards, when they really were trying to explain what this constitution was, they put it in context to a power of attorney.
• 30:17
  There are two types of powers of attorney.
• 30:19
  So there's two types of constitutions.
• 30:22
  There's a constitution that grants general powers, giving the general giving the government itself full power and full discretion to do however they want to govern.
• 30:32
  Our constitution was the first ever to be a special limited power of attorney that gave them very specific powers, and if it's not listed, they can't meddle with it, they can't do it, which is why the Constitution was justified and actually ratified unanimously without a Bill of Rights.
• 30:51
  To be clear here, the Bill of Rights was unnecessary.
• 30:55
  It only became necessary, and nobody realized this until the Civil War, where the 14th Amendment came in to basically keep bad acting states from killing people and oppressing them.
• 31:07
  So it just sat there kind of on the shelf for the longest time until the civil war when the Bill of Rights really took a role in our government.
• 31:14
  That being said, Hamilton was there, and actually during the Constitution Convention, he basically said we need a king.
• 31:22
  We need a permanent executive.
• 31:24
  As he was getting ready to leave the convention, he was kind of excoriating them, basically telling them that they were just you know wrong.
• 31:32
  We need to model ourselves like Britain and so forth.
• 31:35
  And so his arrogance, you know, um was literally being established as a part of his reputation.
• 31:42
  But bottom line, in the post convention, he convinced Madison to come up to New York and write a series of letters for to be printed in a New York newspaper or newspapers to basically help justify the Constitution to the state of New York.
• 32:03
  Now the Constitution was very vigorously debated by six states, and these six states had enough population and had enough power and were had were in a position of advantage over the Articles of Confederation because they were making their own trades, they had their own, you know, their own currencies.
• 32:22
  These states saw the Constitution as a true threat to their cabal and power, which is why they were doing anything and everything they could to kill the Constitution.
• 32:33
  So they concocted all sorts of cockamamy lies, stories, and so forth, hyperbole through these ratification debates, and bottom line, the delegates in all of these states saw through that because every time the Federalists would justify, hey, look, that power's not there's no power in the Constitution over religion or prayer.
• 32:53
  They can't regulate religion or prayer because the power's not given.
• 32:58
  And so anyway, as we kind of move through this convention and the Federalist papers, Madison ended up having to leave at the beginning of March.
• 33:07
  The last Federalist paper was technically written in April by Hamilton.
• 33:12
  There was not one Federalist paper that talked about or addressed the judiciary.
• 33:18
  Madison and Jefferson were writing letters talking about, you know, what you know, when Madison was going to get elected, because he had to go down to get elected to become a delegate to go to the convention.
• 33:28
  So they had these letters talking back and forth.
• 33:31
  And Hamilton in May was basically saying, as soon as you know that the Constitution is going to be ratified, put an express pony with the news, you know, inbound to New York, send them to me, I will pay him handsomely so that I will know that the Constitution's been ratified because they were waiting for the ninth state to do it, and Virginia could have been that ninth state.
• 33:54
  So Madison, you know, just kind of ignored what he said because you know that's kind of ludicrous.
• 34:00
  Why would he want to have the news that fast?
• 34:02
  So he never said anything in the letters back and forth, but Hamilton prodded him again saying, make sure you send me that express pony.
• 34:11
  And so everybody's at least I scratched my head and I go, why was he doing that?
• 34:15
  Well, as I did the research, the last eight Federalist papers were written after New Hampshire became the ninth state to ratify.
• 34:23
  In other words, the Constitution was going into effect.
• 34:27
  In other words, it's done.
• 34:28
  So these are these were done post facto.
• 34:31
  These were done after the Constitution.
• 34:33
  Had been ratified by New Hampshire.
• 34:35
  So absolutely, when you look at the dates, the very first one was probably written by Hamilton a little bit before, but he pinned the date for June 14th, which was the week that New Hampshire was ratifying, and Hamilton got the drop on New Hampshire that they were actually going to rubber stamp the Constitution the second time.
• 34:54
  There was some you know positioning and so forth that they weren't going to do this, but as everything was moving forward, it just seemed like, yeah, this is the this is far better solution than what we've got.
• 35:05
  So anyway, Hamilton then wrote these Federalist papers, and guess what the topic was?
• 35:10
  It was all about the judiciary.
• 35:12
  And in the Federalist papers, Hamilton basically said, yes, of course, it's a common practice that the court can interpret the law.
• 35:20
  Clearly, that's not within the Constitution.
• 35:22
  As a matter of fact, what is in the Constitution is they're supposed to judge cases based on law and fact, no interpretation.
• 35:29
  Yeah, yeah.
• 35:30
  Well, yeah.
• 35:31
  And that is one of the main problems we've had since, isn't it?
• 35:36
  Absolutely.
• 35:37
  So when Marshall came in.
• 35:38
  So let me just say this.
• 35:40
  When Marshall came into the judiciary as the chief justice, under his arm, he had the Federalist Papers.
• 35:48
  And at that point, he started aggrandizing to say the only way we can really understand this constitution is through the Federalist Papers.
• 35:56
  They completely ignored the ratification debates because the ratification debates went through the Constitution line by line.
• 36:02
  They literally said this is what this line means.
• 36:04
  The Federalist Papers did no such thing.
• 36:07
  It was more in theory and all this other crap that mostly people get confused unless you kind of understand the law and what they were doing.
• 36:16
  Bottom line, it was those last eight articles that actually helped justify the court to not only just sneak out, I mean, they paraded outside the boundaries of the Constitution when Marshall became the chief justice.
• 36:32
  So this is very interesting.
• 36:34
  So basically, Hamilton put in some light federalist papers that set the stage for the judiciary to interpret the law.
• 36:46
  Right.
• 36:47
  Which has plagued us ever since, which has been a major the probably the major way the federal government has expanded beyond beyond its boundaries.
• 36:55
  Is that right?
• 36:56
  Is that accurate?
• 36:56
  That is absolutely correct.
• 36:58
  And this is what stupefies me as a scholar.
• 37:01
  When you look at what is the what is the base, what is the fundamental you know, documents that we should be using to interpret the constitution, and you look at contract law, because the constitution is a compact, it falls under contract law.
• 37:16
  This this notion that constitutional law is something that exists would be the same thing as Verizon law.
• 37:24
  A contract doesn't beget law, it actually falls under the category of contract law.
• 37:29
  That's a very specific definition.
• 37:31
  The Constitution, being a compact with multiple parties, it falls under that the auspices of contract law.
• 37:38
  They just aggrandize the judges, jurists, and all these lawyers and everything else feel better that they've contrived this thing called constitutional law.
• 37:46
  But bottom line is if it's not in the constitution, they can't do it.
• 37:50
  They can't make that law.
• 37:52
  They can only make laws that are in pursuance to the constitution.
• 37:55
  So we look at what should have been used as the fundamental understanding of the Constitution, it should have been the ratification debates primary, and then secondary, it should have been the debates in the Constitution Convention.
• 38:09
  The Federalist Papers were editorials, editorial commentaries printed in one state, New York, out of the 13.
• 38:16
  How did it become this hallmark monolith?
• 38:20
  Oh, this is our God send standard, because Marshall did that.
• 38:25
  And nobody challenged himself a protege of Hamilton.
• 38:30
  There you go.
• 38:34
  And this doesn't look good for Alexander Hamilton, does it?
• 38:38
  That he was always trying to centralize, he's always trying to subvert the intention of the Constitution.
• 38:43
  Yes.
• 38:43
  So because of this, we've had this continual process of um, you know, uh, of precedent where where the a court will interpret the law or the commerce act or what uh the commerce clause or whatever it is.
• 39:00
  Right.
• 39:04
  Right.
• 39:04
  So just to say this, I have a radio show, and I read these documents every day.
• 39:10
  We have a curriculum, uh, January to December, we cover right now, we're just wrapping up on the Constitution Convention.
• 39:18
  We're going into the ratification debates, and I only hit the highlights, the things that are really, really important to prove why the ratification debates and the Constitution Convention no Madison's notes are the critical documents, not the Federalist papers.
• 39:32
  And I say this because when you really look at the Federalist Papers, like I said, it was something that was concocted by Madison.
• 39:40
  Jefferson or Madison, not Madison Hamilton, Madison had really no old no idea what Hamilton was really doing.
• 39:48
  He thought that this guy was a good guy until they started dealing with him.
• 39:53
  As soon as the Constitution was ratified and he started arguing in the congressional debates as the treasure.
• 40:00
  Treasury, the Secretary of Treasury, he instantly introduced the idea of implied powers, which are a direct conflict with how the Constitution was justified.
• 40:10
  Now, to be clear, just so everybody understands under contract law, if there's a dispute on what something really means, it goes ultimately it goes back to the parties of the compact to determine how that clause must be defined.
• 40:26
  If there is not an adequate definition in the ratification debates, legally, if you go look up what is the legal basis of understanding a contract, it'll tell you the ratification debates are the you know supreme document because this is where they open it up.
• 40:45
  This is where they create definitions to the clauses, and based on the definitions determines whether it be ratified or not.
• 40:53
  If it's accepted, it's accepted based on those things that were described by the proponents.
• 40:59
  If it's rejected, then that means that the opponents, those who were against it, prevailed.
• 41:07
  So that means everything gets thrown out because it was rejected.
• 41:10
  But because it was uniformly and unanimously ratified, everything that the anti federal said should be rejected.
• 41:18
  You can't use that because the delegates didn't follow what they were saying, they were following what the proponents were saying.
• 41:25
  So that's why the ratification debates are the ultimate in defining to create clarity.
• 41:31
  The the Constitution Convention can provide some clarity.
• 41:35
  But if there's a question on what something, you know, we need to define this, technically, the Supreme Court, if they don't have something, they can't interpret.
• 41:45
  So they instead of making something up, they need to go back to Congress and say, Congress, you need to go to the parties and have the parties tell us how to interpret this line.
• 41:55
  Because the line of interpretation, or actually, how to define this line, or what this line is defined by, because they don't have the power of interpretation like the British court system did, and that's what Hamilton was using.
• 42:08
  Oh, well, in Britain and our legal system, you know, in common law and these types of things, we can do these things.
• 42:13
  Did you know that the Constitution didn't create common law for the for the United States?
• 42:18
  That was left to the state separately.
• 42:21
  There's jurisdiction over common law.
• 42:24
  Anyway, so Hamilton brought in the British interpretation doctrine.
• 42:28
  Yes.
• 42:29
  Which is at this stage for so much has happened.
• 42:33
  Yes.
• 42:33
  He also included this is another really important thing in the Federalist Papers, he included the power of the court to uniform the law across the United States.
• 42:43
  Now, to be clear, throughout the ratification debates, it was constantly being brought up in these the heated debates that the federal judiciary and the federal government was not there to force or to regulate and tell the states how to govern, what kind of legal system they had to have.
• 43:00
  And as a matter of fact, when they started talking about why was the judiciary framed the way it was, it was designed to conform to the different configurations of the state.
• 43:11
  This was brought out in the ratification debates that almost all of the states implemented a trial by jury of common law differently than the other states.
• 43:20
  In other words, there was no set standard of common law throughout the states.
• 43:25
  This is why they had to create this um, I'll just say this fluidity of the federal system to be able to adapt because they were there to serve the states, not to dictate.
• 43:48
  They don't have that power.
• 43:50
  That was assumed that language is only in the Federalist Papers, not in the ratification debates, because the ratification debates actually contradicted what that said.
• 44:00
  So that's a huge point, isn't it?
• 44:03
  It's it's so and the and what really kills me is how come nobody ever brought this up.
• 44:09
  How can we we've gone how many centuries and that's now being being disclosed that the the federalist papers have been the poisonous pill when I talk to these pseudo-constitutional lawyers or these people that you know I really know the constitution because I've read the Federalist Papers, and I go, you don't know the Constitution at all.
• 44:32
  And when you go to law school, they will tell you that the only document that you will use is the Federalist papers.
• 44:39
  Stay away from the ratification.
• 44:41
  Why would they do that?
• 44:43
  Why would they say stay away from the ratification debates where it was literally discussed line by line?
• 44:49
  Hmm.
• 44:50
  Because there you go.
• 44:53
  I think that they actually knew the fix was in, and it was kind of just you know, it's have you ever heard the story about the monkeys in a cage with the banana and the water hose, where they ultimately rotated every monkey.
• 45:08
  So they brought bananas in, and every time a monkey would try to go for the bananas, they would hose them all down with really cold water and to keep them away from the bananas.
• 45:17
  So ultimately, they changed out every single monkey that was in that cage, and the behavior was maintained where they would attack the new monkey that was brought in that oh, there's some bananas.
• 45:28
  They would attack.
• 45:29
  In other words, they had no idea why they were doing it, but they knew that they couldn't have those and they they were going to enforce that themselves so that they wouldn't get the cold water.
• 45:39
  Yeah, yeah, yeah.
• 45:40
  And I think that's where we are with the Federalist papers and understanding because we blindly followed the judiciary.
• 45:46
  Today, Trevor, this is really important.
• 45:48
  We're supposed to be a Republican form of government, which means that all of our problems, when we have a problem with government, we don't go to court.
• 45:56
  It says right there in the First Amendment that we have a right, our right cannot be abridged to petition our government for the redress of grievances, which means we don't pay a court fee.
• 46:07
  You write a petition, you go see your legislators and go, this is wrong, you need to fix this.
• 46:13
  And they're supposed to redress it.
• 46:15
  This has been completely downplayed because the court has become the final arbiter of everything, because they've unconstitutionally assume that position, which means that we're more of a judiciary form of government than we are a Republican form of government.
• 46:29
  Because if if the common man could write a petition for free.
• 46:48
  Which shuts out a lot of people right from the start, or to state supreme courts, etc.
• 46:53
  So that's a critical difference, isn't it?
• 46:55
  It is a wider petition, writers petition has been downplayed that elevates the judiciary, the power of the judicial power of the judiciary, which seems to be one of our main problems.
• 47:07
  Well, so are really our main problem is illiteracy on the Constitution.
• 47:12
  Nobody wants to take the time to really understand it.
• 47:15
  And so when finally somebody comes along that really, really knows, and then what happens is they, you know, the people that are standing on thin ice or the people that are holding the position of the status quo, they attack that person that actually is challenging everybody.
• 47:36
  And so, you know, you get you have to get you have to grow some big shoulders and some sturdy feet and legs.
• 47:43
  Bottom line is that when you start challenging, then it starts getting people to open up.
• 47:49
  We're at a point today where there's so much challenging that there has been brought to the table such questionable artifacts and such questionable documentation where we've got people that are convincing citizens of the United States to surrender their citizenship.
• 48:08
  Bottom line, everything that they're telling them is coming from artifacts, misinterpreting artifacts and actually following judges because, like the sovereign citizen nationalist or what have you, and you know, they're being duped because they're actually following judge statements in this case or this case instead of actually reading the founding documents.
• 48:30
  Because I'll admit founding documents is a lot.
• 48:33
  You've got to read a lot.
• 48:36
  Well, that's right, but but if you're just following precedent and precedent, you you're going to get corruption.
• 48:41
  You're going to get uh misinterpretations driven by political or commercial agendas becoming the big becoming the bedrock, which are then somebody else comes along and amplifies that, and it's easy to see over 200 years, you get away very much from the intent of the founding fathers.
• 49:01
  Right.
• 49:01
  A little bit a little bit like what's happened to the Bible, you know.
• 49:05
  Oh, absolutely.
• 49:06
  Absolutely.
• 49:07
  And so, you know, even Caesar felt that we need he needed to have us, and I forget the the summit where he called everybody together, and he basically laid down the doctrine of the Trinity and those types of things so that everybody would be on the same page.
• 49:21
  What should have happened, and it just amazes me, because everybody's protecting their own little uh just to be sh just to be clear here, there's billions of dollars involved in this problem are government overreach.
• 49:34
  It is so immense that there are institutions that are literally fighting each other, like over the convention, the convention of states, or I call them the conventionites and the anti conventionites.
• 49:45
  And if you really look, most people really believe it's a binary issue when actually what should have happened was the state legislators should have had a convention to actually say, okay, we all agree the government is doing things, they don't have the power, but is
• 50:00
  A constitution convention, amending the Constitution the way forward, or nullification.
• 50:06
  And I will tell you, nullification is at best a magical, you know, snake oil.
• 50:15
  The laws do not just turn into liquid and run off the page when somebody says that's an illegitimate law.
• 50:23
  You have to interpose to force that law to be nullified.
• 50:29
  If once an institution, once Congress creates a law, they will not back down until you have forced them to.
• 50:36
  We see this with the 1798, um, what were they, the alien and sedition acts when basically Jefferson and Madison demanded interposition by the states to force them into nullifying those laws.
• 50:49
  You have to force them to do that.
• 50:51
  Nullification is not some magical, we oh, you got us, okay.
• 50:55
  Well, we'll erase it, sorry.
• 50:56
  That doesn't happen that way.
• 50:58
  You uh look and this you get some people saying, well, you know, the constitution is being interpreted wrongly.
• 51:06
  There's there's bad laws, we just have to get them nullified.
• 51:10
  As though if you present an argument in court, the federal government or the state government is just gonna say, oh, sorry, we'll cancel that.
• 51:20
  And you're saying no, that's the first tip, but you've actually got to have uh a powerful force to to see that it's done.
• 51:29
  Yes, correct.
• 51:30
  You have to develop political force because when one person stands up and says you're wrong, you know.
• 51:36
  I've that never in the history of challenging power has that power ever, other than by divine, you know, a prophet or something like that has been overturned.
• 51:46
  I mean, look at what Moses had to do to get the people of Israel out of Egypt.
• 51:51
  You know, free my people, let my people go.
• 51:54
  And it was several times, and it they basically had to prove the power of God to get the pharaoh to let him go.
• 52:02
  And it it just doesn't happen.
• 52:05
  Nullification is not something that just happened.
• 52:08
  And so, to be clear here, what most advocates are saying is single state nullification, in other words, states should ignore the law.
• 52:17
  Madison was very clear in his notes on nullification that that is an abomination.
• 52:23
  Nobody can stay in the marriage and not honor the vows of the marriage.
• 52:29
  You're joined the union to be a part of this union and to follow the laws.
• 52:34
  A part of your joining the union is to hold your child accountable.
• 52:38
  And if the states aren't willing to do their job and you want to leave, then that's fine, but you can't ignore the law and stay in the union.
• 52:47
  Madison said this so many times in different ways in his 1834 notes on nullification.
• 52:53
  That if you don't want to follow the law, you have a right to secede from the union.
• 52:59
  And then you don't have to follow the law.
• 53:02
  You can't have your bread buttered on all sides by staying in the union and ignoring the laws you don't like.
• 53:08
  That creates chaos.
• 53:10
  Which is what California and other states are doing right now.
• 53:13
  Well, so many states are starting to do that, like with marijuana and those types of things, correct.
• 53:19
  Well, here's the interesting thing.
• 53:21
  If we actually got constitutional compliance where the federal government was holding the states accountable to the U.S.
• 53:27
  Constitution, the Republican form of government, that they were actually holding the bottom line on full compliance of the U.S.
• 53:34
  Constitution.
• 53:35
  California would try to secede from the Union because they were complying.
• 53:40
  And they can't.
• 53:41
  You can only secede from the Union when the when the Constitution is being violated.
• 53:47
  In other words, if you have the principles and the scruples to say, hey, this is wrong, we're not, and that's what the Southern states had the right to do because the Northern laws that they were creating were directly at, you know, it was economic warfare against them.
• 54:02
  And so they had the right to secede.
• 54:04
  Lincoln was wrong.
• 54:05
  Lincoln was a tyrant.
• 54:07
  Lincoln did so many, he was ignorant on the Constitution, and he but I'll just say this too.
• 54:13
  That Lincoln was prepared, I believe, by God by having a long life of failures that he was so hardened that he wasn't going to see America torn apart.
• 54:24
  He did everything wrong, but at least he ended slavery.
• 54:28
  Now, the hindsight being 2020, I can tell you what he should have done, and how to do this, just like with what Trump is doing today.
• 54:34
  How we could end all of the strife around the world had if we don't play the globalist game anymore.
• 54:42
  The Constitution would prevail, the UN would fall, and everybody would finally start, you know, recognizing individual liberty and individual sovereignty, at least this is my premise.
• 54:54
  Reasonable people equally informed seldom disagree.
• 54:57
  So once people say reasonable people equally informed, seldom okay, okay.
• 55:02
  Okay.
• 55:02
  So when you get people equally informed, then all of a sudden they start.
• 55:06
  Well, you know, that you're right.
• 55:07
  That's you know, the argument supports itself.
• 55:10
  But when you have people that aren't equally informed and they're living in their own paradigms, this is the this is the patriotic party.
• 55:18
  I should say the patriotic people of America, because they're not equally informed.
• 55:23
  They believe nullification, they believe in the convention, they believe in you know separating themselves, creating a juror assembly and a shadow government.
• 55:30
  All of these things are absolutely wrong, and all these people are literally walking in the wrong direction.
• 55:37
  We've been divided, and this has all been done by controlled opposition.
• 55:41
  I'm sure you're all aware of all that.
• 55:42
  So your listeners.
• 55:44
  Well, look, look, look, Gia, we've we we have to close it out here, but there's so much we didn't get to.
• 55:50
  We'll have to get you on again very soon.
• 55:52
  But I just want to say it's been very educational for me, and I hope to the audience as well.
• 55:57
  So we want to get into republic review.
• 56:00
  There's many other things that you're doing that I think our audience would find interesting.
• 56:04
  So please uh commit to coming back on again soon if you were GR.
• 56:09
  Happy to, happy to.
• 56:11
  Plug my radio show.
• 56:12
  I'm on Red State Talk Radio.
• 56:14
  And I air six o'clock Eastern time, Monday through Friday.
• 56:18
  And you can stream us.
• 56:20
  We air in a few little areas or venues, but bottom line, you could just stream us or download.
• 56:26
  We we read the documents for you.
• 56:28
  I never ask anybody to take my word for it.
• 56:30
  I'm not gonna editorialize.
• 56:31
  We're gonna read what they said, and you tell me it how was that not clear?
• 56:37
  Because anyways, well, please follow GR and uh we'll get you back soon.
• 56:44
  Thanks for watching.
• 56:45
  Thank you so much.
• 56:46
  God bless.