Latest / Clinical Deep Dives / PSYCH 158: Adult Antisocial Behavior, Criminality, and Violence
Transcript
- 0:00SPEAKER_01: I want you to imagine two different individuals for a moment.
- 0:02SPEAKER_01: Just picture them in your head.
- 0:04SPEAKER_00: Okay.
- 0:04SPEAKER_00: I have got a blank canvas ready.
- 0:06SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 0:07SPEAKER_01: So the first is a man in a incredibly tailored, very expensive suit.
- 0:12SPEAKER_01: He is sitting at a mahogany desk and a high rise office.
- 0:16SPEAKER_01: And with just a single stroke of his pen,
- 0:18SPEAKER_01: he signs off on a corporate policy that he absolutely knows will expose thousands
- 0:23SPEAKER_01: of workers to lethal toxins.
- 0:25SPEAKER_00: He knows it will happen as a statistical certainty.
- 0:28SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 0:29SPEAKER_01: He is fully aware that a certain percentage of them will die over the next decade.
- 0:34SPEAKER_01: Now, hold that image and imagine the second individual,
- 0:38SPEAKER_01: a man in a tracksuit standing in a dimly lit, damp alleyway.
- 0:43SPEAKER_01: He pulls a trigger and kills someone over a relatively minor financial debt.
- 0:48SPEAKER_00: It's a striking contrast, isn't it?
- 0:50SPEAKER_01: It is because when you read about these two men in the news,
- 0:53SPEAKER_01: society and honestly the legal system
- 0:56SPEAKER_01: and our general moral intuition treats them entirely differently.
- 1:00SPEAKER_00: Oh, completely differently.
- 1:01SPEAKER_00: One is seen as a shrewd, perhaps slightly ruthless businessman who might face a regulatory fine.
- 1:07SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 1:08SPEAKER_01: Maybe a slap on the wrist.
- 1:09SPEAKER_00: Yeah.
- 1:09SPEAKER_00: Whereas the other is a violent criminal facing a life sentence in prison.
- 1:13SPEAKER_00: But if we strip away the expensive suits,
- 1:16SPEAKER_00: the gritty alleyways,
- 1:17SPEAKER_00: and all of that social conditioning,
- 1:19SPEAKER_00: we are left with the exact same fundamental question.
- 1:23SPEAKER_01: Which is,
- 1:24SPEAKER_01: how does the human brain authorize the infliction of profound harm
- 1:28SPEAKER_01: upon another human being?
- 1:29SPEAKER_00: Spot on.
- 1:30SPEAKER_01: That is the core of it.
- 1:31SPEAKER_00: That is the core of it.
- 1:33SPEAKER_01: Now, to explore that today, we are going to use a metaphor.
- 1:37SPEAKER_01: If you are listening to this, I want you to imagine stepping into a vast sort of shadowy space.
- 1:42SPEAKER_01: We will call it the Chamber of Violence.
- 1:45SPEAKER_01: And walking into this chamber right alongside you is a conceptual detective.
- 1:50SPEAKER_01: We will call him Medlock Holmes.
- 1:52SPEAKER_00: I like Medlock Holmes.
- 1:53SPEAKER_01: Brilliant, isn't it?
- 1:54SPEAKER_01: But Holmes isn't looking for muddy footprints,
- 1:56SPEAKER_01: and he certainly isn't dusting for fingerprints on a weapon.
- 2:00SPEAKER_00: Holmes is here for something much more elusive.
- 2:03SPEAKER_00: He is looking for the why.
- 2:05SPEAKER_00: Why do human beings become capable of harming others?
- 2:09SPEAKER_01: It is arguably the ultimate locked room mystery,
- 2:12SPEAKER_01: except in this case, the locked room is the human skull.
- 2:15SPEAKER_00: I love that.
- 2:16SPEAKER_01: And as Holmes walks through this chamber,
- 2:18SPEAKER_01: the sheer variety of what he finds is just completely jarring.
- 2:21SPEAKER_01: You have the highly organized criminal,
- 2:23SPEAKER_01: the corporate executive we mentioned,
- 2:25SPEAKER_01: and then the impulsively violent offender whose behavior appears entirely
- 2:29SPEAKER_01: beyond their conscious control.
- 2:31SPEAKER_00: They do not look the same.
- 2:33SPEAKER_00: They certainly do not act the same.
- 2:35SPEAKER_00: And yet they all end up in this same conceptual space of antisocial behavior.
- 2:40SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 2:41SPEAKER_00: And that variety immediately shatters the illusion that violence is a single monolithic entity.
- 2:46SPEAKER_00: We are looking at clinical manifestations that vary so wildly,
- 2:50SPEAKER_00: it really defies any single neat categorization.
- 2:54SPEAKER_01: So it isn't just one disease or one type of broken brain.
- 2:58SPEAKER_00: Not at all.
- 2:59SPEAKER_00: Neither criminal behavior nor violence automatically indicates a psychiatric illness.
- 3:04SPEAKER_00: And conversely, severe psychiatric illness does not automatically equate to violence.
- 3:09SPEAKER_01: And that nuance right there is our core mission for you today.
- 3:13SPEAKER_01: Welcome to the Deep Dive.
- 3:14SPEAKER_01: Today we are exploring a comprehensive conceptual synthesis of Chapter 28.2
- 3:19SPEAKER_01: from Kaplan and Sadoc's Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry.
- 3:23SPEAKER_00: Which focuses on adult antisocial behavior, criminality, and violence.
- 3:27SPEAKER_01: Yes, and if you are a psychiatry trainee,
- 3:30SPEAKER_01: a clinician,
- 3:31SPEAKER_01: or just someone deeply fascinated by human behavior,
- 3:33SPEAKER_01: we want to anchor this entire conversation right here,
- 3:36SPEAKER_01: right now, with a core premise.
- 3:39SPEAKER_00: Which is that psychiatry is the study of how the brain, the mind, and experience interact.
- 3:44SPEAKER_01: Yes, and crucially, how that precise, delicate process can go horribly wrong.
- 3:50SPEAKER_00: That is a vital distinction to make right at the start,
- 3:53SPEAKER_00: because historically, the approach to understanding violence was...
- 3:57SPEAKER_00: Well, it was anything but clinical.
- 3:59SPEAKER_01: It was purely judgmental, wasn't it?
- 4:01SPEAKER_00: Absolutely.
- 4:01SPEAKER_00: For decades,
- 4:02SPEAKER_00: perhaps centuries,
- 4:03SPEAKER_00: violent criminals and even nonviolent ones were simply deemed bad.
- 4:08SPEAKER_00: It was a strict binary.
- 4:10SPEAKER_00: If the crimes were particularly heinous, they were labeled evil.
- 4:14SPEAKER_01: It was essentially a moral judgment or a religious one.
- 4:18SPEAKER_01: It wasn't treated as a medical or neurobiological question at all.
- 4:21SPEAKER_01: You were just a rotten apple.
- 4:23SPEAKER_00: The overarching societal belief was that professional thieves,
- 4:26SPEAKER_00: racketeers,
- 4:27SPEAKER_00: or serial killers were just mentally healthy malefactors who had made a conscious,
- 4:32SPEAKER_00: albeit immoral, lifestyle choice.
- 4:35SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 4:35SPEAKER_01: The assumption was that there was absolutely nothing wrong with their brains.
- 4:38SPEAKER_01: They just woke up and chose to be wicked.
- 4:41SPEAKER_00: But that assumption rested on zero scientific evidence.
- 4:44SPEAKER_01: So let's unpack this.
- 4:46SPEAKER_01: Because modern science is telling us there is absolutely something wrong with
- 4:48SPEAKER_01: the hardware and the software in many of these cases.
- 4:51SPEAKER_01: But to understand the mechanisms, we really have to look at the manifestations first.
- 4:55SPEAKER_00: We need to see how criminality actually presents in the real world.
- 4:59SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 5:00SPEAKER_01: So let's start with organized crime.
- 5:02SPEAKER_01: Medlock Holmes is walking into the first room in this chamber.
- 5:06SPEAKER_00: Organized crime provides a fascinating psychological baseline.
- 5:10SPEAKER_00: If we look back to the 1970 definition in the United States,
- 5:13SPEAKER_00: it was described as structured racketeering by a highly organized,
- 5:17SPEAKER_00: disciplined association.
- 5:19SPEAKER_01: But what I find truly remarkable,
- 5:21SPEAKER_01: just from a sociological standpoint,
- 5:24SPEAKER_01: is how long authorities simply refused to see it as a structured entity.
- 5:28SPEAKER_00: You were talking about J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI.
- 5:31SPEAKER_01: Yes.
- 5:32SPEAKER_01: I find this historical blind spot incredible.
- 5:35SPEAKER_01: Until 1957,
- 5:36SPEAKER_01: Hoover effectively denied that the mafia,
- 5:39SPEAKER_01: or Cosa Nostra, Even existed as a national violent lucrative entity.
- 5:44SPEAKER_00: He dismissed them as disorganized local hoodlums, didn't he?
- 5:47SPEAKER_01: He did.
- 5:47SPEAKER_01: He was focusing all his resources on political dissidents or,
- 5:51SPEAKER_01: you know, high profile bank robbers.
- 5:53SPEAKER_00: He fundamentally misunderstood the structure of the phenomenon.
- 5:56SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 5:57SPEAKER_01: And it wasn't until a massive meeting in the autumn of 1957 at the Appalachian estate.
- 6:01SPEAKER_01: This was a 58 acre estate of a mobster named Joe Barbara in New York that
- 6:06SPEAKER_01: the illusion finally shattered.
- 6:08SPEAKER_00: The story of that raid is almost comical.
- 6:10SPEAKER_01: It really is.
- 6:11SPEAKER_01: Local police just happened to notice this massive fleet
- 6:14SPEAKER_01: of very expensive cars like Cadillacs and Lincolns parked at this rural,
- 6:18SPEAKER_01: quiet estate.
- 6:19SPEAKER_01: They went to investigate,
- 6:20SPEAKER_01: and suddenly you had dozens of the most powerful mob bosses in
- 6:24SPEAKER_01: the country literally running through muddy cornfields
- 6:27SPEAKER_01: in their tailored suits trying to escape.
- 6:29SPEAKER_00: The headlines the next day were brilliant.
- 6:31SPEAKER_00: Something like, police nab 67 mafia chiefs in backwoods.
- 6:36SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 6:37SPEAKER_01: The FBI finally had to acknowledge the structure.
- 6:40SPEAKER_00: But, you know,
- 6:41SPEAKER_00: the structure of the organization isn't as interesting to us as the structure
- 6:44SPEAKER_00: of their minds.
- 6:45SPEAKER_00: From a psychiatric perspective, what is the psychology of a mobster?
- 6:51SPEAKER_01: Well, the lay assumption is that a crime syndicate is just a collection
- 6:55SPEAKER_01: of ruthless psychopaths who somehow managed to find each other.
- 6:59SPEAKER_00: But the data tells a completely different story.
- 7:01SPEAKER_00: There is a fascinating Italian study mentioned in the text
- 7:05SPEAKER_00: that compared mafia linked incarcerated criminals
- 7:08SPEAKER_00: with run-of-the-mill incarcerated non-mafiosi.
- 7:11SPEAKER_01: And what did they find?
- 7:13SPEAKER_00: Because you would assume the mobsters are off the charts for psychopathy.
- 7:17SPEAKER_01: That is exactly what the researchers assumed.
- 7:19SPEAKER_01: They went in expecting sky-high rates of psychopathy among the mobsters,
- 7:23SPEAKER_01: given the calculated, often brutal nature of their crimes.
- 7:27SPEAKER_01: But instead,
- 7:28SPEAKER_01: they found that none of the mafia-linked criminals scored in the abnormal range
- 7:31SPEAKER_01: on standard psychopathy scales.
- 7:33SPEAKER_00: Wait, really?
- 7:34SPEAKER_01: Yes.
- 7:35SPEAKER_00: The ordinary street criminals actually scored significantly higher on those scales.
- 7:40SPEAKER_01: So you were saying the people ordering hits
- 7:44SPEAKER_01: and running massive extortion rackets were actually less psychopathic than
- 7:48SPEAKER_01: the person holding up a corner off license?
- 7:51SPEAKER_01: How does that even make sense?
- 7:52SPEAKER_00: It makes sense when you look at the subscales of those diagnostic tests.
- 7:56SPEAKER_00: The mafiosi actually scored higher on interpersonal domains,
- 8:00SPEAKER_00: suggesting empathy and caring than their everyday criminal cellmates.
- 8:04SPEAKER_01: Empathy in a mafia boss.
- 8:07SPEAKER_00: Absolutely.
- 8:08SPEAKER_00: Many of them maintained highly stable marriages,
- 8:11SPEAKER_00: were deeply devoted to their children,
- 8:13SPEAKER_00: and exhibited incredibly strong loyalty to their friends.
- 8:16SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 8:16SPEAKER_01: So if you will forgive the analogy,
- 8:19SPEAKER_01: it sounds like a mob boss is essentially just a ruthless CEO in a tracksuit.
- 8:24SPEAKER_01: They are highly functional.
- 8:25SPEAKER_00: The clinical data strongly supports that analogy.
- 8:28SPEAKER_00: One expert in the text concluded that the exact personality traits
- 8:31SPEAKER_00: that predict leadership success in legitimate business,
- 8:34SPEAKER_00: things like extroversion,
- 8:36SPEAKER_00: controlled impulsiveness,
- 8:37SPEAKER_00: a sense of adventure,
- 8:39SPEAKER_00: megalomania,
- 8:40SPEAKER_00: and certain narcissistic traits,
- 8:42SPEAKER_00: apply equally well to a successful career in organized crime.
- 8:45SPEAKER_01: So they aren't inherently lacking in the neurobiological hardware for empathy?
- 8:50SPEAKER_00: No, their hardware is largely intact.
- 8:52SPEAKER_00: What they do is compartmentalize.
- 8:54SPEAKER_01: Oh, okay.
- 8:55SPEAKER_00: They selectively apply their empathy based on their structured in-group and out-group rules.
- 9:00SPEAKER_00: If you are in the family, you receive empathy.
- 9:02SPEAKER_00: If you are outside the family or you pose a threat to the business,
- 9:06SPEAKER_00: the empathy is cognitively switched off.
- 9:09SPEAKER_01: It is a social reinforcement of violence rather than a fundamental deficit in
- 9:13SPEAKER_01: the brain's emotional centers.
- 9:14SPEAKER_00: Spot on.
- 9:16SPEAKER_01: Which brings up a frankly terrifying question.
- 9:20SPEAKER_01: If empathy can be compartmentalized for an in-group, what happens when there is no in-group?
- 9:25SPEAKER_00: Or when the victim is entirely abstracted from the perpetrator.
- 9:29SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 9:30SPEAKER_01: That brings us to a completely different manifestation of harm.
- 9:33SPEAKER_01: Room two, white collar crime.
- 9:36SPEAKER_01: And this is where the lines between business and violence get incredibly blurry.
- 9:40SPEAKER_00: The term white collar crime was coined by the sociologist Edwin Sutherland back in 1939.
- 9:45SPEAKER_00: He fundamentally challenged the prevailing theory of his day.
- 9:49SPEAKER_01: Which was what exactly?
- 9:51SPEAKER_00: The prevailing thought was that crime was primarily a result of poverty,
- 9:55SPEAKER_00: low intelligence, or societal disadvantage.
- 9:58SPEAKER_00: But Sutherland pointed his finger at the improper business practices of people in power.
- 10:02SPEAKER_01: And the sociological definition he created hinges on deceit,
- 10:06SPEAKER_01: concealment, or a violation of trust.
- 10:08SPEAKER_01: But critically, it occurs without the application or threat of physical force.
- 10:12SPEAKER_00: That lack of physical force is the psychological key here.
- 10:16SPEAKER_00: When we look at the financial impact, the scale is almost unfathomable.
- 10:20SPEAKER_00: The sources estimate street crime costs society about $15 billion a year.
- 10:25SPEAKER_00: White collar crime?
- 10:27SPEAKER_00: Hundreds of billions.
- 10:28SPEAKER_01: But it is the psychological mechanism that allows this to happen that we
- 10:31SPEAKER_01: as clinicians really need to focus on.
- 10:34SPEAKER_00: It comes down to one concept.
- 10:36SPEAKER_00: Distance.
- 10:36SPEAKER_01: Distance as an anesthetic for the conscience.
- 10:39SPEAKER_00: Precisely.
- 10:41SPEAKER_00: The human brain evolved to register the distress of people right in front of us.
- 10:45SPEAKER_00: If you hit someone, you see their face contort.
- 10:47SPEAKER_00: You hear them cry out in pain.
- 10:49SPEAKER_00: Your brain processes those signals and triggers an aversive emotional response.
- 10:55SPEAKER_01: It feels bad to hurt someone up close.
- 10:57SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 10:58SPEAKER_00: But as technology and corporate structures have evolved,
- 11:01SPEAKER_00: the distance between the perpetrator and the victim has expanded exponentially.
- 11:06SPEAKER_01: It's sort of like a drone warfare analogy.
- 11:09SPEAKER_01: It is psychologically vastly easier to push a button and drop a bomb from a drone on
- 11:15SPEAKER_01: a screen thousands of miles away than it is to look someone in the eye and use
- 11:19SPEAKER_01: a knife.
- 11:20SPEAKER_00: The victim becomes automated.
- 11:22SPEAKER_00: They are just digits on a spreadsheet.
- 11:26SPEAKER_00: The less human the target appears, the less troubled the conscience.
- 11:30SPEAKER_01: A corporate officer can inflate stock prices,
- 11:32SPEAKER_01: or a fund manager can siphon retirement savings,
- 11:35SPEAKER_01: and they never have to actually look into the eyes of the pensioner
- 11:38SPEAKER_01: who now cannot afford to eat or heat their home.
- 11:41SPEAKER_00: But this moral compromise isn't just about financial loss.
- 11:45SPEAKER_00: It is profoundly evident in the medical and pharmaceutical industries,
- 11:49SPEAKER_00: where corporate deceit translates directly into clinical physical harm.
- 11:53SPEAKER_01: We have to talk about the Dalkin Shield here.
- 11:56SPEAKER_01: For anyone listening who is unfamiliar,
- 11:57SPEAKER_01: this is a textbook example of how the distance of white-collar crime results
- 12:02SPEAKER_01: in literal bloodshed.
- 12:04SPEAKER_00: The Dalkin Shield was an intrauterine contraceptive device,
- 12:07SPEAKER_00: an IUD, aggressively marketed in the early 1970s.
- 12:12SPEAKER_00: Early on, the corporation behind it knew there was a severe flaw in the design.
- 12:16SPEAKER_00: The device had a multifilament string that essentially acted as a wick.
- 12:20SPEAKER_01: When I read this in the chapter, my jaw dropped.
- 12:22SPEAKER_01: It was drawing bacteria-laden fluid from the vagina directly up into
- 12:27SPEAKER_01: the normally sterile environment of the uterus.
- 12:30SPEAKER_00: It was a catastrophic biological failure.
- 12:33SPEAKER_00: It caused rampant pelvic inflammatory disease, ectopic pregnancies, and septic abortions.
- 12:39SPEAKER_00: Women were dying.
- 12:41SPEAKER_00: Or losing their fertility permanently.
- 12:43SPEAKER_01: And the corporate officials knew.
- 12:45SPEAKER_00: Yes.
- 12:46SPEAKER_00: Sitting in their boardrooms miles away from the emergency rooms,
- 12:49SPEAKER_00: they went forward with the promotion and sales anyway.
- 12:52SPEAKER_00: They left the product on the market for over three years while complaints
- 12:56SPEAKER_00: and devastating medical reports poured in.
- 12:59SPEAKER_01: It ultimately resulted in hundreds of thousands of lawsuits.
- 13:02SPEAKER_00: And we see the exact same pattern decades later with Purdue Pharma and OxyContin.
- 13:07SPEAKER_00: The internal documents showed they had clear indications of the drug's high abuse potential.
- 13:12SPEAKER_01: Yep,
- 13:12SPEAKER_01: they instructed their sales representatives to falsely assure doctors that the risk
- 13:15SPEAKER_01: of addiction was less than 1%.
- 13:18SPEAKER_00: They created a highly addictive product,
- 13:20SPEAKER_00: aggressively marketed it,
- 13:22SPEAKER_00: and directly fueled a crisis of addiction and death
- 13:25SPEAKER_00: that is still ravaging communities globally today.
- 13:28SPEAKER_00: Doctors themselves were reportedly paid to promote the drug,
- 13:31SPEAKER_00: which is medical fraud on a devastating scale.
- 13:35SPEAKER_01: This is why the concept of white collar violence is so vital for clinicians to grasp.
- 13:39SPEAKER_01: We tend to artificially separate financial crimes from physical harm.
- 13:44SPEAKER_01: But if you look at cases like the Ford Pinto.
- 13:46SPEAKER_00: Oh, the Pinto case is chilling.
- 13:48SPEAKER_01: Where the corporation notoriously calculated that paying out wrongful death lawsuits
- 13:52SPEAKER_01: for people burning alive in rear end collisions was statistically cheaper
- 13:56SPEAKER_01: than spending a few dollars per car for a safety recall or
- 14:00SPEAKER_01: the upper big branch mine explosion.
- 14:02SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 14:03SPEAKER_00: An explosion that killed 29 miners after
- 14:06SPEAKER_00: the corporate owners deliberately ignored hundreds of safety violations just
- 14:09SPEAKER_00: to maximize coal production.
- 14:12SPEAKER_00: The result is blood on their hands.
- 14:13SPEAKER_01: The morbidity numbers in the text are staggering.
- 14:17SPEAKER_01: In 2019, the fatal work injury rate in the U.S. was 3.5 per 100,000 full time workers.
- 14:24SPEAKER_01: The deliberate homicide rate around that same time was 5.3 per 100,000.
- 14:29SPEAKER_00: Corporate malfeasance has a mortality rate strikingly similar to deliberate,
- 14:33SPEAKER_00: street-level homicide.
- 14:35SPEAKER_00: Yet because of that psychological and physical distance,
- 14:37SPEAKER_00: society, and often the legal system, views the perpetrators entirely differently.
- 14:43SPEAKER_01: They are seen as shrewd, perhaps greedy, but rarely as violent criminals.
- 14:48SPEAKER_00: Their brains aren't malfunctioning.
- 14:50SPEAKER_00: Their environment simply allows them to abstract their victims out of existence.
- 14:55SPEAKER_01: Which forces us to ask the oldest philosophical question,
- 14:58SPEAKER_01: transitioning us to room three, interpersonal violence.
- 15:02SPEAKER_01: Are human beings naturally violent?
- 15:05SPEAKER_00: It is the classic debate.
- 15:07SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 15:07SPEAKER_01: Thomas Hobbes argued in the 17th century that our natural state is a war of all against all.
- 15:13SPEAKER_01: Life is nasty, brutish, and short.
- 15:15SPEAKER_01: But then you have the romantic view like William Wordsworth
- 15:18SPEAKER_01: or Jean-Jacques Rousseau arguing that we are born innocent and peaceful,
- 15:22SPEAKER_01: the noble savage concept, only to be corrupted by modern society.
- 15:26SPEAKER_00: Well, the clinical and anthropological evidence heavily leans away from Wordsworth.
- 15:30SPEAKER_00: There's this enduring myth of the peaceful society.
- 15:35SPEAKER_00: For a long time,
- 15:36SPEAKER_00: anthropologists desperately searched for communities that were entirely devoid
- 15:40SPEAKER_00: of interpersonal violence.
- 15:41SPEAKER_01: Like Margaret Mead?
- 15:42SPEAKER_00: Yes, Margaret Mead wrote famously about the peace-loving Samoan people,
- 15:46SPEAKER_00: presenting them as a culture without teenage angst or violent conflict.
- 15:50SPEAKER_01: But later research proved her generalizations were simply wrong.
- 15:54SPEAKER_01: She was seeing what she wanted to see.
- 15:55SPEAKER_00: She was.
- 15:56SPEAKER_00: And the sources mention other tribes too,
- 15:59SPEAKER_00: like the Pierroa in Venezuela or the Samai in Malaysia,
- 16:03SPEAKER_00: who theoretically eschewed all violence and lived in perfect harmony.
- 16:07SPEAKER_01: But when you actually dig into those societies, the picture is much darker.
- 16:11SPEAKER_00: Upon closer inspection,
- 16:13SPEAKER_00: even these allegedly peaceful societies are heavily defined by their fear
- 16:16SPEAKER_00: of violence from others.
- 16:17SPEAKER_00: They teach their children to be hypervigilant against unseen threats or malevolent spirits.
- 16:23SPEAKER_00: There is virtually no evidence that idyllic,
- 16:25SPEAKER_00: entirely non-aggressive human societies ever existed.
- 16:28SPEAKER_01: Even Tibetan Buddhist societies,
- 16:29SPEAKER_01: which are deeply philosophically rooted in non-violence, eventually took up arms.
- 16:34SPEAKER_01: In 1958,
- 16:35SPEAKER_01: a Tibetan army formed to fight Chinese domination,
- 16:38SPEAKER_01: and even monks found themselves caught in the profound human dilemma
- 16:41SPEAKER_01: of taking up weapons to defend their lives and culture.
- 16:44SPEAKER_00: Violence, it seems, is a universal human capacity.
- 16:47SPEAKER_00: It is baked into our species.
- 16:49SPEAKER_01: The global epidemiology backs that up conclusively.
- 16:52SPEAKER_01: We are looking
- 16:53SPEAKER_01: at global homicide rates averaging around six per 100,000 people globally,
- 16:58SPEAKER_01: though it is heavily concentrated in the Americas in Africa.
- 17:01SPEAKER_00: And in the U.S.,
- 17:02SPEAKER_00: where firearms are ubiquitous, they account for over three quarters of homicides.
- 17:07SPEAKER_00: But the detail that clinicians must pay attention to is the phenomenon
- 17:10SPEAKER_00: of post-war homicide rates.
- 17:13SPEAKER_01: I found this incredibly counterintuitive.
- 17:15SPEAKER_01: You would expect that after a major war ends, a society is exhausted and violence would drop.
- 17:21SPEAKER_01: People are tired of fighting.
- 17:22SPEAKER_00: But historically, homicide rates often spike within a nation after a major conflict concludes.
- 17:28SPEAKER_00: And this happens regardless of whether the nation won or lost the war.
- 17:32SPEAKER_01: Why does that happen?
- 17:33SPEAKER_01: What is the mechanism there?
- 17:35SPEAKER_00: It connects heavily to what we now understand as post-traumatic stress disorder,
- 17:38SPEAKER_00: though on a societal scale.
- 17:41SPEAKER_00: You have massive cohorts of traumatized individuals returning to civilian society.
- 17:45SPEAKER_00: During the war, the threshold for violence has been normalized.
- 17:49SPEAKER_01: And their brains have changed.
- 17:51SPEAKER_00: More importantly,
- 17:51SPEAKER_00: yes, their individual neurobiology has been altered by chronic exposure to threat.
- 17:57SPEAKER_00: Their nervous systems are locked in a state of hyperarousal.
- 18:01SPEAKER_00: The amygdala is constantly scanning for danger,
- 18:03SPEAKER_00: and the prefrontal cortex, the breaking system, is fatigued.
- 18:07SPEAKER_01: When you combine that traumatized hardware with the stresses
- 18:10SPEAKER_01: of post-war civilian life, the violence spills over.
- 18:13SPEAKER_00: Precisely.
- 18:15SPEAKER_01: So we've looked at the manifestations in these three rooms.
- 18:18SPEAKER_01: We've seen the compartmentalized empathy of the mobster,
- 18:21SPEAKER_01: the distant corporate killer who abstracts their victim,
- 18:25SPEAKER_01: and the traumatized street level offender.
- 18:27SPEAKER_00: Right.
- 18:28SPEAKER_01: Now Medlock Holmes steps into the absolute center of our metaphorical chamber
- 18:32SPEAKER_01: and suspended there is an illuminated human brain.
- 18:35SPEAKER_01: There are glowing brass wires connecting its deep ancient limbic circuits up to
- 18:39SPEAKER_01: the highly evolved frontal lobes.
- 18:41SPEAKER_00: This is where we transition from the sociology of crime to the true anatomy of violence.
- 18:46SPEAKER_00: We are moving from the software to the hardware.
- 18:50SPEAKER_01: Let's talk about morality.
- 18:52SPEAKER_01: We like to think of morality as this high-minded,
- 18:54SPEAKER_01: purely philosophical, learned behavior, a set of rules we memorize in childhood.
- 18:59SPEAKER_01: But there is a literal, physical seat for it in the brain.
- 19:03SPEAKER_00: To understand this, we should walk through the trolley problem.
- 19:06SPEAKER_01: A classic thought experiment in ethics.
- 19:08SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 19:09SPEAKER_01: So imagine a runaway train is barreling down a track towards five workers
- 19:13SPEAKER_01: who are tied to the rails.
- 19:15SPEAKER_01: You are standing next to a lever.
- 19:17SPEAKER_01: If you pull the lever, the train diverts to a sidetrack where only one worker is tied down.
- 19:23SPEAKER_01: You kill one person, but you save five.
- 19:26SPEAKER_00: And most people, when presented with this, say, yes, pull the lever.
- 19:29SPEAKER_00: It's tragic, but utilitarianism wins.
- 19:32SPEAKER_00: Save five, lose one.
- 19:34SPEAKER_01: Correct.
- 19:35SPEAKER_01: That is what we call an impersonal moral dilemma.
- 19:38SPEAKER_01: You are interacting with a mechanism, a lever.
- 19:41SPEAKER_00: But then the researchers switch the scenario to test something different.
- 19:45SPEAKER_00: You are standing on a footbridge over the tracks.
- 19:48SPEAKER_00: The train is coming toward the five workers.
- 19:50SPEAKER_00: There is no lever.
- 19:51SPEAKER_01: Okay, so what do you do?
- 19:53SPEAKER_00: The only way to stop the train is to physically push a very large man
- 19:56SPEAKER_00: who is standing next to you off the bridge and onto the tracks.
- 20:00SPEAKER_00: His weight will stop the train.
- 20:02SPEAKER_00: Save five, lose one.
- 20:04SPEAKER_01: The mathematical outcome is exactly the same as the lever scenario.
- 20:08SPEAKER_00: But almost everyone violently recoils and says, no, I couldn't push them.
- 20:11SPEAKER_01: And that recoil is not just philosophy.
- 20:14SPEAKER_01: It is neurobiology in action.
- 20:16SPEAKER_01: Researchers like Joshua Green and Jean Desetti put subjects
- 20:20SPEAKER_01: into functional MRI scanners, fMRIs, while presenting these exact dilemmas.
- 20:25SPEAKER_00: They wanted to see what the brain is actually doing when we make these choices.
- 20:29SPEAKER_01: And what did they find?
- 20:30SPEAKER_00: When people contemplate the impersonal choice of pulling a lever,
- 20:34SPEAKER_00: the brain's cognitive and calculation centers are active.
- 20:37SPEAKER_00: But when they contemplate the up-close impersonal choice
- 20:39SPEAKER_00: of physically pushing someone,
- 20:42SPEAKER_00: specific emotional processing areas of the brain light up like a Christmas tree.
- 20:46SPEAKER_00: Which areas specifically?
- 20:47SPEAKER_01: If we are mapping this illuminated brain, where are we looking?
- 20:51SPEAKER_00: We are looking primarily at the ventromedial prefrontal cortex,
- 20:54SPEAKER_00: or VPFC,
- 20:56SPEAKER_00: which sits right behind your eyes,
- 20:58SPEAKER_00: and the amygdala, which is nestled deep in the brain's temporal lobe.
- 21:01SPEAKER_01: Break those down for me.
- 21:03SPEAKER_01: What are their specific jobs in this scenario?
- 21:05SPEAKER_00: The amygdala is our ancient threat and fear processor.
- 21:09SPEAKER_00: It is part of the limbic system.
- 21:11SPEAKER_00: It provides raw, unfiltered emotional salience.
- 21:15SPEAKER_00: It reacts instantly to faces, loud noises, and danger.
- 21:19SPEAKER_01: In the VPFC?
- 21:21SPEAKER_00: The prefrontal cortex, specifically the ventral medial part, is the executive brake system.
- 21:28SPEAKER_00: It integrates those raw emotions with our complex understanding of social rules
- 21:33SPEAKER_00: and consequences.
- 21:34SPEAKER_00: De Setti found that when a healthy subject imagines harming someone else,
- 21:38SPEAKER_00: like pushing that man off the bridge, there's a complex interaction.
- 21:42SPEAKER_01: A strong signal decrease in the VPFC?
- 21:45SPEAKER_00: Yes, and intense activation in the amygdala.
- 21:49SPEAKER_01: Okay, so translate that fMRI scan into clinical reasoning for me.
- 21:53SPEAKER_01: What does it actually feel like for the person?
- 21:56SPEAKER_00: It feels bad.
- 21:57SPEAKER_00: A healthy prefrontal cortex generates an aversive response to harming another human being.
- 22:02SPEAKER_00: It is the physical sensation of a troubled conscience.
- 22:05SPEAKER_00: You feel sick to your stomach, your heart races, you feel a sense of dread.
- 22:10SPEAKER_01: So it is a very physical reaction.
- 22:12SPEAKER_00: Very physical.
- 22:13SPEAKER_00: Investigators have argued
- 22:14SPEAKER_00: that what we colloquially call psychopathic behavior often results from dysfunction
- 22:19SPEAKER_00: or physical damage to this exact prefrontal cortex circuitry.
- 22:24SPEAKER_00: The person literally lacks the physical hardware to develop
- 22:27SPEAKER_00: that physiological aversion to doing something immoral.
- 22:30SPEAKER_01: They don't feel the recoil.
- 22:31SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 22:32SPEAKER_00: They do not feel the recoil.
- 22:34SPEAKER_01: And here is a crucial clinical nuance from the sources that just blew me away.
- 22:38SPEAKER_01: The Tabard Thomas study.
- 22:40SPEAKER_01: It proves that the timing of when that hardware gets damaged matters incredibly.
- 22:44SPEAKER_00: This is a vital concept for any psychiatric evaluation.
- 22:48SPEAKER_00: Tabra Thomas and colleagues looked at patients who had suffered damage
- 22:51SPEAKER_00: to their VPFC, but they separated them into two groups.
- 22:55SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 22:55SPEAKER_01: Those who suffered the brain damage in adulthood,
- 22:58SPEAKER_01: say from a car accident or a tumor,
- 23:00SPEAKER_01: and those who suffered the exact same damage in early childhood.
- 23:04SPEAKER_00: So the hardware is broken in both groups, just at different times in their lives.
- 23:07SPEAKER_01: Precisely.
- 23:08SPEAKER_01: They then presented these subjects with scenarios testing self-interest versus morality.
- 23:13SPEAKER_01: Questions like,
- 23:14SPEAKER_01: would you kill your boss for a million dollars if you knew you wouldn't get caught?
- 23:17SPEAKER_00: And there was a stark, fascinating difference between the two groups.
- 23:21SPEAKER_01: The ones with the childhood damage didn't care.
- 23:23SPEAKER_01: They were completely utilitarian about it.
- 23:25SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 23:26SPEAKER_00: The adults who had early childhood damage were far less likely to condemn
- 23:30SPEAKER_00: the self-interested harmful act.
- 23:32SPEAKER_00: They would happily take the million dollars.
- 23:35SPEAKER_01: Why?
- 23:36SPEAKER_00: Because learning morality starts early.
- 23:38SPEAKER_00: The brain requires an intact VPFC during early childhood development to learn
- 23:43SPEAKER_00: and lay down those aversive affective responses.
- 23:46SPEAKER_00: You have to learn the physical feeling of morality.
- 23:49SPEAKER_00: If the hardware is damaged early, the person never requires that physical feeling.
- 23:53SPEAKER_01: But if the damage happens in adulthood?
- 23:56SPEAKER_00: If the damage happens in adulthood, the person retains the moral compass they already built.
- 24:00SPEAKER_00: Their impulse control might be slightly compromised.
- 24:03SPEAKER_00: They might act out more.
- 24:05SPEAKER_00: But they still know and feel that harming someone is wrong.
- 24:09SPEAKER_01: Because the software was successfully installed before the hardware broke.
- 24:12SPEAKER_00: Exactly that.
- 24:14SPEAKER_01: That is profound.
- 24:17SPEAKER_01: If you don't build the hardware early, you can't install the software later.
- 24:21SPEAKER_01: Morality is fundamentally developmental.
- 24:24SPEAKER_01: Now, we have to transition from the structure of the brain to the chemicals that bathe it.
- 24:28SPEAKER_01: We have to address a darker, undeniable reality in the epidemiology of violence.
- 24:33SPEAKER_00: You mean the gender disparity?
- 24:35SPEAKER_01: Yes.
- 24:36SPEAKER_01: 90% of homicides globally are committed by men.
- 24:38SPEAKER_00: And 80% of the victims of homicide are also men.
- 24:42SPEAKER_00: This is a staggering statistical reality.
- 24:44SPEAKER_00: Whether you were looking at rough and tumble play in toddlers on a playground
- 24:48SPEAKER_00: or adult violent crime statistics in a metropolis,
- 24:51SPEAKER_00: human males behave demonstrably more aggressively than females
- 24:55SPEAKER_00: across virtually all cultures and all recorded history.
- 24:59SPEAKER_01: And I know a lot of sociologists want to attribute this entirely
- 25:02SPEAKER_01: to patriarchal human culture, toxic masculinity and social conditioning.
- 25:08SPEAKER_01: But we know it isn't just human culture because Jane Goodall found
- 25:11SPEAKER_01: the exact same thing in our closest genetic relatives in the wild.
- 25:16SPEAKER_00: Yes, chimpanzees.
- 25:18SPEAKER_00: Goodall's early observations were shocking to the scientific community
- 25:21SPEAKER_00: because they shatter the idea of the peaceful ape.
- 25:25SPEAKER_00: In a five-decade study of chimpanzee communities in Africa,
- 25:29SPEAKER_00: researchers documented coordinated lethal raiding parties.
- 25:33SPEAKER_01: Groups of chimps deliberately patrolling their borders,
- 25:36SPEAKER_01: hunting down, and brutally killing members of neighboring groups.
- 25:40SPEAKER_00: And the statistics are telling.
- 25:42SPEAKER_00: 92% of the attackers in those lethal raids were male.
- 25:46SPEAKER_01: So it's evolutionary.
- 25:48SPEAKER_01: It predates human society.
- 25:49SPEAKER_00: It is deeply rooted in our biology.
- 25:52SPEAKER_00: From an evolutionary perspective, Homo sapiens are great apes.
- 25:57SPEAKER_00: We share an extraordinary amount of DNA with chimpanzees.
- 26:00SPEAKER_00: And the biological driver behind this sexually dimorphic aggression,
- 26:04SPEAKER_00: meaning the difference in aggression between the sexes, is heavily hormonal.
- 26:08SPEAKER_01: We are talking about testosterone.
- 26:11SPEAKER_01: But not just the testosterone in a teenage boy or an adult man.
- 26:14SPEAKER_01: We are talking about fetal testosterone.
- 26:18SPEAKER_00: Long before birth, while the infant is still in utero, the dye is cast.
- 26:23SPEAKER_00: Mammalian males possess an X and a Y chromosome.
- 26:27SPEAKER_00: The Y chromosome contains the SRY gene.
- 26:30SPEAKER_00: Around the eighth week of gestation,
- 26:32SPEAKER_00: this gene triggers the developing testes to release a massive flood of androgens,
- 26:36SPEAKER_00: primarily testosterone.
- 26:38SPEAKER_01: And this fetal testosterone doesn't just develop the male body?
- 26:42SPEAKER_00: No.
- 26:43SPEAKER_00: It physically alters the density of neurons and the circuitry in the developing brain.
- 26:47SPEAKER_01: It masculinizes the brain's hardware?
- 26:50SPEAKER_00: It does.
- 26:51SPEAKER_00: And there is a fascinating paradoxical mechanism at play here.
- 26:55SPEAKER_00: It is often the conversion of that testosterone into estrogens right inside
- 26:59SPEAKER_00: the brain,
- 27:00SPEAKER_00: facilitated by an enzyme called cytochrome P450 aromatase,
- 27:04SPEAKER_00: that cements this structural differentiation.
- 27:07SPEAKER_01: Wait, estrogen masculinizes the male brain?
- 27:11SPEAKER_00: In a neurodevelopmental sense, yes.
- 27:14SPEAKER_00: Think of cytochrome P450 aromatase as a chemical translator.
- 27:18SPEAKER_00: It takes the circulating testosterone,
- 27:20SPEAKER_00: converts it locally in the brain cells,
- 27:23SPEAKER_00: and that local estrogen signal is what triggers the specific wiring of
- 27:27SPEAKER_00: the male neural circuitry.
- 27:28SPEAKER_01: So the end result is that males and females are born with sexually dimorphic brains.
- 27:33SPEAKER_01: There are subtle yet critical structural differences in areas like
- 27:36SPEAKER_01: the orbitofrontal cortex, the amygdala, and the hypothalamus.
- 27:41SPEAKER_00: And mentioning the hypothalamus leads us to what I consider one of
- 27:43SPEAKER_00: the most mind-bending, slightly terrifying studies in the entire textbook.
- 27:49SPEAKER_01: You mean the optogenetics breakthrough by David J. Anderson?
- 27:52SPEAKER_00: Yes.
- 27:53SPEAKER_01: For the listeners who aren't familiar with the cutting edge of neuroscience,
- 27:57SPEAKER_01: optogenetics is a technique where scientists genetically modify specific neurons in
- 28:01SPEAKER_01: an animal's brain so they become sensitive to light.
- 28:04SPEAKER_01: The scientists can then insert a tiny fiber optic cable into the brain
- 28:08SPEAKER_01: and literally turn specific behaviors on or off with bursts of light.
- 28:13SPEAKER_00: It allows for pinpoint accuracy in mapping behavior to exact brain cells.
- 28:19SPEAKER_01: It's science fiction, basically.
- 28:20SPEAKER_00: It really is.
- 28:21SPEAKER_00: Anderson's team was studying mice,
- 28:23SPEAKER_00: and they focused on a tiny,
- 28:25SPEAKER_00: incredibly specific sub-region of the ventromedial hypothalamus known as the VMHVL.
- 28:32SPEAKER_01: What happened when they turned on the light?
- 28:34SPEAKER_00: When they used a strong pulse of light
- 28:36SPEAKER_00: to optogenetically stimulate these exact neurons in a male mouse,
- 28:40SPEAKER_00: the mouse would instantly,
- 28:42SPEAKER_00: aggressively launch into a violent attack against any other mouse in the cage.
- 28:46SPEAKER_00: It was like flipping a switch for lethal violence.
- 28:50SPEAKER_01: But here is the terrifying overlap.
- 28:52SPEAKER_01: What happens when you tweak the light?
- 28:56SPEAKER_00: When the researchers applied a weaker,
- 28:58SPEAKER_00: lower frequency optogenetic stimulation to those exact same neurons,
- 29:03SPEAKER_00: the mouse didn't attack.
- 29:05SPEAKER_00: Instead, it initiated mounting, sexual behavior.
- 29:09SPEAKER_01: The exact same neural pathway.
- 29:12SPEAKER_00: The exact same cluster of cells.
- 29:14SPEAKER_00: At low stimulation, it triggers sex.
- 29:17SPEAKER_00: At high stimulation, it triggers lethal violence.
- 29:20SPEAKER_01: That is just chilling.
- 29:23SPEAKER_00: It is.
- 29:24SPEAKER_00: Because if we pull back and connect this to the bigger picture
- 29:26SPEAKER_00: of clinical psychiatry,
- 29:28SPEAKER_00: this biological reality begins to explain the clinical manifestation of rape
- 29:32SPEAKER_00: in humans.
- 29:33SPEAKER_00: Sociologically, we debate whether rape is a crime of violence or a crime of sex.
- 29:37SPEAKER_01: But the neurobiology suggests that in some individuals,
- 29:40SPEAKER_01: those circuits are terrifyingly physically intertwined.
- 29:44SPEAKER_00: It is.
- 29:46SPEAKER_00: An aggressive and sexual behavior.
- 29:49SPEAKER_00: Governed by overlapping neural networks.
- 29:51SPEAKER_01: That brings a really heavy clinical reality into focus.
- 29:55SPEAKER_01: Now, I want to play devil's advocate here and push back on this biological framing for a moment.
- 29:59SPEAKER_00: Go on.
- 30:00SPEAKER_01: If we are sitting here saying violence is linked to the Y chromosome,
- 30:04SPEAKER_01: fetal testosterone,
- 30:05SPEAKER_01: evolution,
- 30:06SPEAKER_01: and specific neuronal clusters,
- 30:08SPEAKER_01: and if we know criminality runs in families,
- 30:12SPEAKER_01: aren't we just saying violence is genetic destiny?
- 30:15SPEAKER_01: What about the so-called warrior gene I read about in the news?
- 30:19SPEAKER_01: If it's genetic, do we just give up on trying to change these people?
- 30:22SPEAKER_00: It is so tempting to fall into that trap of biological determinism.
- 30:27SPEAKER_00: It offers a neat, simple explanation for terrible things.
- 30:30SPEAKER_00: But we must resist it because it is clinically and scientifically inaccurate.
- 30:35SPEAKER_01: So genetics don't tell the whole story?
- 30:37SPEAKER_00: No.
- 30:38SPEAKER_00: Yes, genetics absolutely matter.
- 30:41SPEAKER_00: We look closely at genes regulating neurotransmitters like dopamine and serotonin.
- 30:45SPEAKER_01: You're referring to the Brunner study from the 90s.
- 30:47SPEAKER_00: Yes, a famous 1993 study in the Netherlands by H.G.
- 30:51SPEAKER_00: Brunner.
- 30:52SPEAKER_00: He identified a large family with a severe inherited defect in the MAOA gene.
- 30:59SPEAKER_00: The MAOA enzyme breaks down neurotransmitters.
- 31:02SPEAKER_01: And because these men had a defective gene...
- 31:04SPEAKER_00: They had abnormally high levels of neurotransmitters
- 31:08SPEAKER_00: and displayed terrible impulsive violence,
- 31:11SPEAKER_00: arson, and rape across multiple generations.
- 31:15SPEAKER_00: This is where the media eagerly coined the term warrior gene.
- 31:19SPEAKER_01: But it's not that simple, is it?
- 31:21SPEAKER_01: You don't just have a gene and automatically become a killer.
- 31:24SPEAKER_00: Not at all.
- 31:24SPEAKER_00: Genes do not operate in a vacuum.
- 31:27SPEAKER_00: How and when a gene is expressed,
- 31:29SPEAKER_00: whether it is turned on or off,
- 31:31SPEAKER_00: a field known as epigenetics, depends heavily on environmental stimuli.
- 31:37SPEAKER_01: Which means the environment has to pull the trigger.
- 31:40SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 31:41SPEAKER_00: A massive subsequent study looking at over 400 genetic variants found that
- 31:46SPEAKER_00: the genetic risk for violence only really manifested in youths
- 31:51SPEAKER_00: who experienced what sociologists call low social control.
- 31:55SPEAKER_01: Meaning their environment activated the genetic vulnerability.
- 31:58SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 32:00SPEAKER_00: If the youth had poor parental attachment,
- 32:02SPEAKER_00: loose discipline,
- 32:03SPEAKER_00: or lived in impoverished,
- 32:05SPEAKER_00: high-stress, dangerous neighborhoods, the genetic vulnerability was triggered.
- 32:09SPEAKER_00: The gun was loaded by genetics, but the environment pulled the trigger.
- 32:13SPEAKER_01: Conversely,
- 32:14SPEAKER_01: if children with those exact same genetic variants were raised in nurturing,
- 32:18SPEAKER_01: stable, supportive environments, the genetic risk was largely silenced.
- 32:23SPEAKER_01: They didn't become violent.
- 32:24SPEAKER_00: Precisely.
- 32:25SPEAKER_01: You have a great analogy
- 32:27SPEAKER_01: for how epidemiological researchers sometimes get this wrong when they are looking
- 32:31SPEAKER_01: at family histories of criminality.
- 32:34SPEAKER_01: The Walmart versus Tiffany analogy.
- 32:35SPEAKER_01: Can you walk us through that?
- 32:37SPEAKER_00: Gladly.
- 32:38SPEAKER_00: Many large epidemiological studies rely on massive impersonal databases,
- 32:43SPEAKER_00: national arrest records, birth registries, tax data.
- 32:47SPEAKER_00: They buy this data in bulk,
- 32:49SPEAKER_00: which I compare to shopping at a massive warehouse store like Walmart.
- 32:52SPEAKER_01: You get huge volume, but no detail.
- 32:54SPEAKER_00: Right.
- 32:55SPEAKER_00: You get thousands,
- 32:56SPEAKER_00: maybe millions of subjects,
- 32:58SPEAKER_00: and you can run beautiful statistical regressions on a computer that say,
- 33:01SPEAKER_00: look, criminality is inherited.
- 33:03SPEAKER_00: The father was a criminal.
- 33:04SPEAKER_00: The son is a criminal.
- 33:06SPEAKER_00: But they miss all the texture of the actual human lives.
- 33:09SPEAKER_00: And the Tiffany approach?
- 33:11SPEAKER_00: The Tiffany approach is what clinicians actually do.
- 33:14SPEAKER_00: It is deep, painstaking individual investigation.
- 33:17SPEAKER_00: You take a jeweler's loop, a magnifying glass to the facets of a single individual's history.
- 33:22SPEAKER_01: And what do you see when you do that?
- 33:24SPEAKER_00: When you do that,
- 33:24SPEAKER_00: you find that what looked like a clean,
- 33:26SPEAKER_00: simple genetic transmission of a violence gene is actually a transmission
- 33:30SPEAKER_00: of untreated severe mental illness,
- 33:33SPEAKER_00: chaotic living conditions, physical abuse, and intergenerational trauma.
- 33:37SPEAKER_01: The case of Jeffrey Landrigan perfectly illustrates this difference between
- 33:40SPEAKER_01: the Walmart view and the Tiffany view.
- 33:42SPEAKER_01: He was an inmate on death row in Arizona.
- 33:45SPEAKER_01: From a Walmart perspective, he was a perfect case study for genetic evil.
- 33:50SPEAKER_00: He was adopted at birth, wasn't he?
- 33:52SPEAKER_01: Yes, adopted at birth into a lovely middle class, highly supportive family.
- 33:56SPEAKER_01: Yet from age two, he had uncontrollable violent tantrums.
- 34:00SPEAKER_01: By 10, he was abusing alcohol.
- 34:02SPEAKER_01: By his 20s, he had committed murder.
- 34:05SPEAKER_00: And people pointed to him and said, look, a bad seed.
- 34:08SPEAKER_00: He had perfect adoptive parents, but his genetics of violence overrode a good environment.
- 34:14SPEAKER_01: But that was a lazy analysis.
- 34:16SPEAKER_01: When clinical researchers,
- 34:17SPEAKER_01: specifically mitigation specialists,
- 34:19SPEAKER_01: actually dug into his biological history with a Tiffany-level lens,
- 34:23SPEAKER_01: they found he wasn't just a bad seed.
- 34:26SPEAKER_00: First, they ordered brain imaging, which revealed severe frontal lobe abnormalities.
- 34:31SPEAKER_00: Then they looked at his biological mother, who drank heavily during pregnancy.
- 34:35SPEAKER_00: Landrigan likely suffered from undiagnosed fetal alcohol syndrome,
- 34:38SPEAKER_00: which destroys impulse control.
- 34:40SPEAKER_01: And his biological family tree was a mess, right?
- 34:43SPEAKER_00: It was tragic.
- 34:44SPEAKER_00: When you look at his biological lineage, it wasn't just a genetic propensity for being evil.
- 34:49SPEAKER_00: It was a lineage plagued by severe untreated psychiatric illness,
- 34:53SPEAKER_00: rampant substance abuse, and repeated head trauma passed down through generations.
- 34:57SPEAKER_01: Violence was just the end symptom.
- 34:59SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 34:59SPEAKER_00: It was the final common pathway of a massive multi-generational clinical failure.
- 35:04SPEAKER_01: Which means we have to pivot and look at the environment.
- 35:07SPEAKER_01: Medlock Holmes is leaving the illuminated brain and walking over to open the dusty,
- 35:11SPEAKER_01: heartbreaking archives of early childhood adversity.
- 35:15SPEAKER_01: Because if biology is the primer, the environment is the spark.
- 35:18SPEAKER_00: We can crystallize this interaction into a clinical formulation.
- 35:22SPEAKER_00: It is an equation of interacting risks that every clinician should keep in mind.
- 35:27SPEAKER_00: Neurobiology multiplied by development multiplied by trauma multiplied
- 35:32SPEAKER_00: by social context leads to violence vulnerability.
- 35:36SPEAKER_01: Neurobiology times development times trauma times social context.
- 35:41SPEAKER_01: Let's focus heavily on the trauma variable in that equation because there is
- 35:45SPEAKER_01: a common misconception that severe child abuse is just a bad psychological memory,
- 35:49SPEAKER_01: something you talk out in therapy.
- 35:51SPEAKER_00: But the textbook is clear.
- 35:53SPEAKER_00: It literally physically alters the machine.
- 35:56SPEAKER_01: Walk me through that.
- 35:57SPEAKER_01: How does abuse break the brain?
- 35:59SPEAKER_00: It causes direct central nervous system injury.
- 36:02SPEAKER_00: When a child is chronically, brutally abused, their brain adapts in order to survive a war zone.
- 36:08SPEAKER_00: It creates a state of physiological hypervigilance.
- 36:12SPEAKER_00: Their amygdala becomes enlarged and hypersensitive,
- 36:15SPEAKER_00: constantly scanning the environment for threats.
- 36:17SPEAKER_01: And clinically, how does that look day to day?
- 36:20SPEAKER_00: Clinically, this manifests as paranoid misperceptions.
- 36:23SPEAKER_00: They perceive a neutral glance from a stranger or an accidental bump in a hallway as
- 36:28SPEAKER_00: an intentional, aggressive challenge that must be met with force.
- 36:33SPEAKER_01: It also damages their ability to speak, doesn't it?
- 36:36SPEAKER_01: Which sounds strange, but the mechanism makes sense.
- 36:39SPEAKER_00: Yes.
- 36:40SPEAKER_00: Severe trauma impairs verbalization,
- 36:41SPEAKER_00: particularly the connection between emotional centers and language centers.
- 36:46SPEAKER_00: Abused toddlers are less able to use words to describe their inner emotional states.
- 36:51SPEAKER_01: When you cannot articulate anger,
- 36:53SPEAKER_01: frustration, or sadness with language, that emotion doesn't just disappear.
- 36:57SPEAKER_00: It bypasses the language centers entirely and goes straight into motor action.
- 37:02SPEAKER_00: Anger becomes a punch, not a sentence.
- 37:05SPEAKER_00: Furthermore,
- 37:05SPEAKER_00: the chronic stress hormones like cortisol and the actual physical trauma
- 37:09SPEAKER_00: from being hit in the head often directly damage the prefrontal cortex,
- 37:13SPEAKER_00: the exact breaking mechanism they desperately need
- 37:16SPEAKER_00: to control those violent impulses.
- 37:18SPEAKER_01: So if we connect this to the bigger picture of public health and psychiatry...
- 37:22SPEAKER_00: Early, ongoing,
- 37:23SPEAKER_00: severe child abuse is arguably the most potent known generator of violence
- 37:27SPEAKER_00: in adolescents and adults.
- 37:29SPEAKER_00: It provides a violent role model,
- 37:31SPEAKER_00: it inflicts chronic physical pain,
- 37:32SPEAKER_00: which naturally stimulates an aggressive response,
- 37:35SPEAKER_00: and it structurally,
- 37:36SPEAKER_00: neurologically breaks the developing brain's ability to self-regulate.
- 37:40SPEAKER_01: And yet,
- 37:41SPEAKER_01: as a society,
- 37:42SPEAKER_01: and shockingly even in the medical and educational fields,
- 37:45SPEAKER_01: We constantly miss the signals.
- 37:47SPEAKER_01: The textbook details two chilling clinical evaluations of 16-year-old mass shooters.
- 37:53SPEAKER_01: They are heartbreaking studies in missed psychiatric emergencies.
- 37:57SPEAKER_01: Let's look at the first case, the boy.
- 37:59SPEAKER_01: I want to walk through how many times the system failed him.
- 38:02SPEAKER_00: This was a highly intelligent 16-year-old boy who had a documented history
- 38:06SPEAKER_00: of hearing voices dating back to age 12.
- 38:08SPEAKER_00: He became increasingly obsessed with war,
- 38:10SPEAKER_00: destruction, and guns, coming to his high school dressed in full camouflage.
- 38:14SPEAKER_01: Eventually,
- 38:15SPEAKER_01: a psychiatrist evaluated him,
- 38:17SPEAKER_01: diagnosed him with depression, and put him on antidepressant medication.
- 38:21SPEAKER_00: And while on the medication and in therapy, he actually stabilized and did quite well.
- 38:25SPEAKER_01: But then the parents, seeing he was doing better, decided he was cured.
- 38:30SPEAKER_01: They unilaterally stopped the therapy and abruptly took him off the medication.
- 38:34SPEAKER_00: And he rapidly, catastrophically decompensated.
- 38:39SPEAKER_00: He started writing essays exclusively about murder, blood, and war.
- 38:43SPEAKER_00: His psychosis returned with a vengeance.
- 38:45SPEAKER_00: In the middle of a class,
- 38:46SPEAKER_00: he grabbed his head in agony and screamed out loud,
- 38:49SPEAKER_00: God damn these voices in my head.
- 38:52SPEAKER_01: A literal desperate cry for psychiatric help.
- 38:56SPEAKER_01: And what was the response from the school authorities?
- 38:58SPEAKER_01: Did they call a hospital?
- 39:00SPEAKER_00: No.
- 39:01SPEAKER_00: Unbelievable.
- 39:02SPEAKER_00: And the tragic coda to this story...
- 39:27SPEAKER_00: The state psychiatrist who evaluated him for trial found no psychosis,
- 39:32SPEAKER_00: and he was sentenced to life in prison.
- 39:34SPEAKER_01: They missed the hardware failure entirely.
- 39:36SPEAKER_01: In the second case, the 16-year-old girl is just as infuriating from a clinical perspective.
- 39:41SPEAKER_00: She lived with a male relative who actively gifted her firearms.
- 39:46SPEAKER_00: A school counselor actually noticed her severe deepening depression, and
- 39:50SPEAKER_00: a consulting psychiatrist strongly recommended immediate inpatient hospitalization.
- 39:54SPEAKER_01: But the male relative refused to allow it.
- 39:56SPEAKER_01: Why?
- 39:56SPEAKER_01: Why?
- 39:57SPEAKER_00: Because it was highly suspected and later confirmed that he was actively sexually abusing her.
- 40:02SPEAKER_00: And he didn't want the medical system uncovering his crimes.
- 40:06SPEAKER_01: But beyond the trauma, there is a massive neurological component here too that was ignored.
- 40:11SPEAKER_00: Right.
- 40:11SPEAKER_00: She had suffered a severe bicycle accident a few years prior.
- 40:15SPEAKER_00: She has sustained serious blunt force trauma to the left temporal parietal area of her skull.
- 40:20SPEAKER_00: Following that injury, she exhibited classic symptoms consistent with complex partial seizures.
- 40:25SPEAKER_01: Can you explain complex partial seizures for the non-medical listener?
- 40:29SPEAKER_01: What do they look like?
- 40:30SPEAKER_00: These are the dramatic fall to the floor shaking seizures you see on television.
- 40:35SPEAKER_00: They are localized electrical storms in the brain that might just look like
- 40:39SPEAKER_00: a person zoning out, staring blankly or doing something repetitive.
- 40:42SPEAKER_01: But what is happening internally?
- 40:44SPEAKER_00: They completely wipe out memory and conscious control for that brief window.
- 40:48SPEAKER_00: She had episodes where she had absolutely no memory of her actions.
- 40:52SPEAKER_00: Yet prior to her trial for eventually taking a gun and shooting up a school yard,
- 40:57SPEAKER_00: she never received a proper neurological or neuropsychological evaluation.
- 41:01SPEAKER_00: She literally warned her schoolmates days before that she was going to do something big.
- 41:06SPEAKER_01: And everyone ignored it.
- 41:08SPEAKER_00: They dismissed it as an angsty teenager looking for attention.
- 41:11SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 41:12SPEAKER_00: Society consistently dismisses these declarations as dramatic ploys for attention,
- 41:17SPEAKER_00: completely missing the profound psychiatric
- 41:20SPEAKER_00: and neurological emergencies boiling underneath.
- 41:23SPEAKER_00: We punish the swearing,
- 41:24SPEAKER_00: we ignore the brain injury,
- 41:25SPEAKER_00: we ignore the trauma,
- 41:27SPEAKER_00: and then we act universally shocked when the violence inevitably occurs.
- 41:31SPEAKER_01: So what does this all mean when a person like this actually ends up in the legal system?
- 41:35SPEAKER_01: Holmes is leaving the dusty archives of childhood trauma and walking into
- 41:39SPEAKER_01: the final room, a courtroom of responsibility.
- 41:43SPEAKER_00: This is where things get legally and medically very complicated.
- 41:46SPEAKER_01: Right.
- 41:47SPEAKER_01: How does a forensic psychiatrist apply this complex web of biology, trauma,
- 41:51SPEAKER_01: and missed signals when a person's life is on the line in front of a judge and jury?
- 41:56SPEAKER_00: The first most critical thing a clinician must do in a forensic setting is avoid lazy labels.
- 42:02SPEAKER_00: And this brings us to a highly controversial topic within the field, the concept of psychopathy.
- 42:08SPEAKER_00: Specifically as defined by Robert Hare's widely used psychopathy checklist, or the PCLR.
- 42:13SPEAKER_01: The authors of this chapter issue a very strong warning against relying on this checklist.
- 42:18SPEAKER_01: Why is it considered dangerous in a clinical setting?
- 42:20SPEAKER_00: Because it takes a mishmash of diverse behaviors,
- 42:23SPEAKER_00: impulsivity,
- 42:24SPEAKER_00: grandiosity,
- 42:25SPEAKER_00: sexual promiscuity,
- 42:27SPEAKER_00: lack of realistic long-term goals,
- 42:29SPEAKER_00: shallow affect,
- 42:30SPEAKER_00: and lumps them all together under the umbrella of an untreatable,
- 42:33SPEAKER_00: inherently evil personality construct.
- 42:36SPEAKER_01: It essentially says this person is a psychopath, lock them up and throw away the key.
- 42:40SPEAKER_00: Precisely.
- 42:41SPEAKER_00: But clinically,
- 42:43SPEAKER_00: those exact same symptoms on the checklist can be caused by a multitude
- 42:46SPEAKER_00: of highly treatable or legally mitigating conditions.
- 42:50SPEAKER_01: Give me a specific clinical example of how that goes wrong in practice.
- 42:53SPEAKER_00: Consider a prisoner evaluated by the authors of the text.
- 42:57SPEAKER_00: He was jittery, jumpy, impulsive, and he had shot and killed a policeman during a confrontation.
- 43:04SPEAKER_00: His initial cursory evaluation suggested he might have some frontal lobe
- 43:08SPEAKER_00: dysfunction,
- 43:09SPEAKER_00: but the legal system found it much easier and cleaner to just label him
- 43:13SPEAKER_00: a cold-blooded psychopath using the checklist.
- 43:15SPEAKER_01: He was advised by his own lawyers to plead guilty, and he was sentenced to death.
- 43:20SPEAKER_00: The garbage can label of psychopathy almost threw his life away.
- 43:24SPEAKER_01: Almost.
- 43:25SPEAKER_01: Decades later...
- 43:26SPEAKER_01: As his execution approached, a new, more diligent attorney took the case.
- 43:31SPEAKER_01: They brought in a true clinical team again,
- 43:34SPEAKER_01: and this time they got an fMRI of the inmate's brain.
- 43:38SPEAKER_01: The scan was undeniable.
- 43:40SPEAKER_01: It showed massive diffuse cortical atrophy, specifically severe orbitofrontal thinning.
- 43:46SPEAKER_00: The VPFC braking system we talked about earlier.
- 43:49SPEAKER_01: Exactly.
- 43:50SPEAKER_01: The man had literal physical brain damage that decimated his impulse control.
- 43:55SPEAKER_01: He wasn't a calculated, cold-blooded psychopath.
- 43:59SPEAKER_01: His brain was physically,
- 44:00SPEAKER_01: structurally incapable of breaking his impulses when he felt threatened.
- 44:05SPEAKER_00: There is another case study in this section that is even more complex,
- 44:08SPEAKER_00: and it really highlights the danger of first impressions.
- 44:11SPEAKER_00: The case of the upstanding cop.
- 44:14SPEAKER_00: I want to walk through this because it blew my mind.
- 44:17SPEAKER_01: It is a profound study in the necessity of deep clinical digging.
- 44:21SPEAKER_01: This was a police officer with an impeccable decorated record,
- 44:25SPEAKER_01: a beloved member of the community.
- 44:27SPEAKER_01: One day, he snaps.
- 44:29SPEAKER_00: And what does he do?
- 44:31SPEAKER_01: He stops a woman for a minor traffic violation, drags her into a field, and rapes her.
- 44:36SPEAKER_01: Bizarrely, he gives her his official police business card afterward.
- 44:40SPEAKER_01: He then drives to a department store where his estranged wife works,
- 44:43SPEAKER_01: brandishes his gun,
- 44:45SPEAKER_01: accidentally shoots and kills a clerk,
- 44:47SPEAKER_01: takes multiple women hostage,
- 44:49SPEAKER_01: forces them into sexual acts,
- 44:50SPEAKER_01: and then amidst this horrific violence,
- 44:53SPEAKER_01: when they get hungry,
- 44:55SPEAKER_01: he raids the cash register to buy candy from a vending machine for everyone.
- 44:58SPEAKER_00: If you are sitting on a jury from the outside,
- 45:01SPEAKER_00: that looks like pure, unadulterated, sadistic, psychopathic evil.
- 45:06SPEAKER_01: And that was the initial reaction of the public, the press, and the legal system.
- 45:11SPEAKER_01: But when the clinical defense team did a true Tiffany-level deep dive
- 45:15SPEAKER_01: into his background, a completely different medically terrifying picture emerged.
- 45:20SPEAKER_00: What did they find?
- 45:22SPEAKER_01: First, they uncovered a strong hidden family history of bipolar disorder.
- 45:26SPEAKER_01: Second, they found a suppressed history of severe,
- 45:29SPEAKER_01: early, ongoing childhood sexual abuse that he had never dealt with.
- 45:33SPEAKER_00: But what was the immediate trigger for the violence?
- 45:36SPEAKER_00: There had to be a spark.
- 45:37SPEAKER_01: The trigger was what he was putting in his body to survive his long shifts.
- 45:41SPEAKER_01: To work double shifts and manage his undiagnosed mood swings,
- 45:45SPEAKER_01: he was consuming massive toxic amounts of over-the-counter bodybuilding vitamins.
- 45:49SPEAKER_01: He was taking ripped fuel, high doses of ephedrine, excessive caffeine, and chromium picolinate.
- 45:55SPEAKER_01: He was severely sleep deprived for days and chemically wired.
- 45:59SPEAKER_00: So he wasn't displaying psychopathy.
- 46:01SPEAKER_01: No, he was in the middle of a chemically induced, floridly manic psychotic episode.
- 46:06SPEAKER_01: He was a man with a genetic predisposition to bipolar disorder
- 46:09SPEAKER_01: whose brain had been primed by horrific childhood sexual trauma and who threw
- 46:14SPEAKER_01: a chemical match into that powder keg.
- 46:16SPEAKER_01: He had absolutely no idea he was susceptible to mania or
- 46:19SPEAKER_01: that these seemingly harmless supplements could trigger psychosis.
- 46:22SPEAKER_00: But his behavior in the courtroom alienated his own defense team, right?
- 46:25SPEAKER_00: Because he was still manic?
- 46:26SPEAKER_01: Tragically, yes.
- 46:28SPEAKER_01: During his trial,
- 46:29SPEAKER_01: he was grandiose,
- 46:30SPEAKER_01: he bragged, he made inappropriate jokes, classic symptoms of severe mania.
- 46:34SPEAKER_01: But his lawyers didn't recognize the psychiatry.
- 46:37SPEAKER_01: They were so personally disgusted by his demeanor that they told him to plead guilty.
- 46:41SPEAKER_01: He was sentenced to death.
- 46:43SPEAKER_00: That is just awful.
- 46:45SPEAKER_01: It took 10 long years for a new appellate lawyer to find
- 46:47SPEAKER_01: the original psychiatric report buried in the files and appeal his sentence based
- 46:52SPEAKER_01: on his deeply compromised state of mind at the time of the crime.
- 46:55SPEAKER_01: It proves how easily the legal system misinterprets psychiatric emergencies
- 46:58SPEAKER_01: as malicious calculated intent.
- 47:00SPEAKER_00: Which brings up a very delicate intersection.
- 47:03SPEAKER_00: Severe psychiatric disorders and violence.
- 47:06SPEAKER_00: We have to tread very carefully here, and I want to be explicit.
- 47:10SPEAKER_00: The vast majority of people living with mental illness are not violent.
- 47:14SPEAKER_01: In fact,
- 47:14SPEAKER_01: they are statistically much more likely to be the victims of violence than
- 47:18SPEAKER_01: the perpetrators.
- 47:19SPEAKER_00: That must be stated unequivocally.
- 47:21SPEAKER_00: Mental illness does not equal violence.
- 47:24SPEAKER_00: However, as clinicians, we cannot let political correctness blind us to clinical reality.
- 47:29SPEAKER_00: The textbook is highly critical of certain sociological studies,
- 47:33SPEAKER_00: like the 1998 MacArthur Foundation study.
- 47:36SPEAKER_01: What did that study claim?
- 47:37SPEAKER_00: It attempted to claim
- 47:38SPEAKER_00: that discharge psychiatric patients were essentially no more dangerous than
- 47:42SPEAKER_00: the general public in their neighborhoods.
- 47:45SPEAKER_00: The textbook authors argue that it's statistically and clinically false.
- 47:49SPEAKER_01: When does the risk actually increase?
- 47:51SPEAKER_01: What is the specific clinical profile?
- 47:54SPEAKER_00: The risk of violence skyrockets when you combine a severe,
- 47:57SPEAKER_00: untreated Axis-1 disorder,
- 47:59SPEAKER_00: and by Axis-1 we mean major clinical syndromes like schizophrenia
- 48:03SPEAKER_00: or acute bipolar mania,
- 48:05SPEAKER_00: with active substance abuse,
- 48:07SPEAKER_00: especially when the person is living in an impoverished, high-stress environment.
- 48:11SPEAKER_01: And the psychological driver of that violence is rarely malice or a desire to dominate, is it?
- 48:16SPEAKER_00: No, it is paranoia.
- 48:18SPEAKER_01: Paranoia as a frantic need for self-defense.
- 48:21SPEAKER_00: Exactly.
- 48:21SPEAKER_00: When the brain is malfunctioning,
- 48:23SPEAKER_00: When reality is severely distorted by psychosis and the amygdala is screaming
- 48:28SPEAKER_00: that you are in mortal danger from the people around you,
- 48:31SPEAKER_00: violence becomes a desperate, preemptive strike for survival.
- 48:36SPEAKER_00: They aren't attacking out of cruelty.
- 48:38SPEAKER_00: They're lashing out because they genuinely,
- 48:40SPEAKER_00: psychotically believe their own life is in imminent danger.
- 48:43SPEAKER_01: Now, speaking of the clinical profession, we have to look at our own house.
- 48:46SPEAKER_01: The outline of this chapter forces us to confront the ethical implications
- 48:50SPEAKER_01: of psychiatry itself and the dark side of the medical profession.
- 48:54SPEAKER_01: Because if we understand exactly how the brain works,
- 48:56SPEAKER_01: how to break it, and how to manipulate it, that knowledge can be weaponized.
- 49:01SPEAKER_00: It is a dark chapter, but necessary to discuss.
- 49:04SPEAKER_00: The text highlights instances where psychologists
- 49:07SPEAKER_00: and medical doctors have used their deep understanding of neurobiology and trauma
- 49:11SPEAKER_00: to intentionally inflict harm.
- 49:13SPEAKER_01: We are talking about the involvement of health professionals in CIA torture programs
- 49:18SPEAKER_01: and coercive interrogation techniques.
- 49:20SPEAKER_00: Why does a healer become a torture?
- 49:22SPEAKER_00: How does a doctor justify waterboarding or sleep deprivation?
- 49:26SPEAKER_01: It comes back to the same mechanisms we discussed with white collar crime.
- 49:30SPEAKER_01: Money, rationalization, and distancing.
- 49:33SPEAKER_01: The professionals involved were highly paid,
- 49:36SPEAKER_01: but psychologically they distanced themselves by claiming they were there
- 49:39SPEAKER_01: to quote-unquote monitor for safety, ensuring the subject didn't die.
- 49:43SPEAKER_00: They used clinical language to sterilize torture.
- 49:46SPEAKER_00: It is a profound failure of ethical oversight and a warning that medical knowledge
- 49:51SPEAKER_00: without rigid moral boundaries can be devastating.
- 49:54SPEAKER_01: Which brings us back to how society judges a broken mind.
- 49:58SPEAKER_01: If we understand exactly how the brain breaks,
- 50:01SPEAKER_01: how trauma,
- 50:02SPEAKER_01: genetics,
- 50:02SPEAKER_01: chemicals,
- 50:03SPEAKER_01: and even state-sponsored torture can dismantle a person's free will,
- 50:07SPEAKER_01: What does that mean for how the law judges them?
- 50:09SPEAKER_01: Because right now, the legal system relies heavily on the McNaughton Rule.
- 50:13SPEAKER_00: Yes, the McNaughton Rule, established way back in the 19th century.
- 50:17SPEAKER_00: It is the foundation of the insanity defense in many jurisdictions.
- 50:22SPEAKER_00: It essentially asks two cognitive questions.
- 50:24SPEAKER_00: Did the defendant know the nature and quality of the act they were doing?
- 50:28SPEAKER_00: And if they did, did they know that what they were doing was wrong?
- 50:32SPEAKER_01: So it's purely a test of knowledge.
- 50:35SPEAKER_00: Purely cognitive.
- 50:37SPEAKER_00: It assumes the brain is a simple logic engine.
- 50:39SPEAKER_01: But based on everything we've discussed today, that is fundamentally flawed.
- 50:44SPEAKER_01: The law assumes that if you know X is bad, you simply won't do X.
- 50:48SPEAKER_01: But we just spent the last hour proving that the brain doesn't work that way.
- 50:51SPEAKER_00: If your frontal lobe is damaged by fetal alcohol syndrome or a bicycle accident
- 50:56SPEAKER_00: or severe childhood abuse, you might cognitively know that a stove burner is hot.
- 51:01SPEAKER_00: You might cognitively know that murder is illegal.
- 51:04SPEAKER_01: But when the amygdala fires,
- 51:05SPEAKER_01: your brain physically lacks the breaking mechanism to stop your hand from touching
- 51:09SPEAKER_01: the burner or pulling the trigger.
- 51:12SPEAKER_00: This is where the authors look back to Aristotle's classical concept of virtue.
- 51:16SPEAKER_00: Aristotle argued that virtue isn't just knowing what is good.
- 51:19SPEAKER_00: It requires the physical and psychological capacity to regulate your impulses
- 51:24SPEAKER_00: and actually choose the good action over the bad one.
- 51:27SPEAKER_01: But what if you lost what bioethicists call the natural lottery?
- 51:31SPEAKER_01: What if you were born with a vulnerable VPFC,
- 51:34SPEAKER_01: inherited a severe mental illness,
- 51:36SPEAKER_01: were brutally abused as a toddler and suffered traumatic brain injuries?
- 51:40SPEAKER_01: Do you actually possess the biological autonomy to act virtuously?
- 51:43SPEAKER_00: There's a quote from one of the subjects in the book that haunts me.
- 51:47SPEAKER_00: He said, ain't no thinking anymore.
- 51:49SPEAKER_00: It's a reaction.
- 51:51SPEAKER_00: That captures the neurobiology perfectly.
- 51:53SPEAKER_01: The clinical data overwhelmingly calls for the neuropsychiatric profession
- 51:57SPEAKER_01: to step up and help the judiciary redefine the criteria for legal mitigation
- 52:02SPEAKER_01: and insanity.
- 52:03SPEAKER_01: We must move past these outdated 19th century cognitive tests and start accounting
- 52:08SPEAKER_01: for the actual neurobiology of impulse control and emotional regulation.
- 52:13SPEAKER_00: It's time to consolidate what we've learned.
- 52:15SPEAKER_00: Our key takeaways for today.
- 52:17SPEAKER_00: Violence is not a single evil entity.
- 52:21SPEAKER_00: It is the final common pathway
- 52:23SPEAKER_00: of incredibly diverse neurophysiological vulnerabilities intersecting
- 52:27SPEAKER_00: with brutal environmental stressors.
- 52:30SPEAKER_01: And proper psychiatric evaluation demands
- 52:33SPEAKER_01: that we abandon lazy catch-all labels like psychopathy.
- 52:36SPEAKER_01: We must dig deep,
- 52:37SPEAKER_01: using that Tiffany approach,
- 52:39SPEAKER_01: to uncover the actual neurological,
- 52:41SPEAKER_01: genetic,
- 52:42SPEAKER_01: and psychiatric deficits driving the behavior,
- 52:44SPEAKER_01: because many of those deficits are treatable.
- 52:47SPEAKER_00: Right.
- 52:48SPEAKER_00: I reckon it is time for our quick pop quiz for our medical listeners,
- 52:51SPEAKER_00: trainees, and students to reinforce these mental models.
- 52:55SPEAKER_01: Yes, this is single best answer style.
- 52:57SPEAKER_01: I will read the question.
- 52:58SPEAKER_01: I'll pause so you can think about it,
- 52:59SPEAKER_01: and then our expert will break down the answer and the mechanism.
- 53:02SPEAKER_01: Ready?
- 53:03SPEAKER_00: Let's do it.
- 53:04SPEAKER_01: Question one.
- 53:05SPEAKER_01: What region of the brain,
- 53:07SPEAKER_01: when damaged in childhood rather than in adulthood,
- 53:10SPEAKER_01: leads to a profound inability to develop an aversive response to harmful actions?
- 53:15SPEAKER_00: The answer is the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, or VPFC.
- 53:19SPEAKER_00: The Tabor-Thomas study demonstrated that early childhood damage prevents
- 53:22SPEAKER_00: the individual from ever learning or experiencing the physiological feeling
- 53:27SPEAKER_00: of moral aversion.
- 53:28SPEAKER_00: In contrast,
- 53:29SPEAKER_00: if the damage occurs in adulthood,
- 53:31SPEAKER_00: the previously learned moral feelings remain largely intact even
- 53:34SPEAKER_00: if impulse control drops.
- 53:36SPEAKER_00: Question two.
- 53:38SPEAKER_01: According to sociological definitions pioneered by Edwin Sutherland,
- 53:42SPEAKER_01: what fundamentally distinguishes white-collar crime from street crime?
- 53:46SPEAKER_00: The defining characteristic is the reliance on deceit,
- 53:49SPEAKER_00: concealment,
- 53:50SPEAKER_00: or a violation of trust strictly without the application or threat
- 53:53SPEAKER_00: of physical force.
- 53:55SPEAKER_00: This allows the perpetrator to maintain psychological distance from the harm they cause.
- 53:59SPEAKER_01: Question 3.
- 54:00SPEAKER_01: In evaluating a violent offender,
- 54:02SPEAKER_01: what is a primary clinical danger of relying strictly on
- 54:05SPEAKER_01: the hair psychopathy checklist, the PCLR?
- 54:09SPEAKER_00: The primary danger is that the PCLR acts as a lazy diagnosis.
- 54:13SPEAKER_00: It frequently miscategorizes highly treatable
- 54:16SPEAKER_00: or legally mitigating medical conditions such as bipolar mania,
- 54:20SPEAKER_00: complex partial seizures,
- 54:21SPEAKER_00: or frontal lobe dysfunction as untreatable,
- 54:24SPEAKER_00: inherently evil personality deficits,
- 54:26SPEAKER_00: which can result in devastating legal outcomes for the patient.
- 54:30SPEAKER_01: Question four.
- 54:31SPEAKER_01: Based on large cohort studies,
- 54:33SPEAKER_01: what combination of factors presents the highest statistical risk for violence
- 54:37SPEAKER_01: in adults?
- 54:37SPEAKER_00: The highest statistical risk is seen when a severe,
- 54:41SPEAKER_00: untreated AXIS-1 mental illness,
- 54:43SPEAKER_00: like schizophrenia or bipolar disorder,
- 54:46SPEAKER_00: is combined with active substance abuse and a history
- 54:49SPEAKER_00: of early childhood maltreatment or trauma,
- 54:52SPEAKER_00: often leading to paranoia-driven preemptive violence.
- 54:55SPEAKER_01: Final question, question five.
- 54:57SPEAKER_01: Why is the 19th century McNaughton rule considered hopelessly inadequate
- 55:01SPEAKER_01: by modern neuropsychiatrists for evaluating criminal culpability?
- 55:05SPEAKER_00: Because the McNaughton Rule focuses exclusively on the cognitive understanding
- 55:09SPEAKER_00: of right and wrong.
- 55:10SPEAKER_00: It completely ignores modern neuroscience,
- 55:12SPEAKER_00: which proves that the frontal lobe and limbic system govern emotional regulation
- 55:17SPEAKER_00: and impulse control.
- 55:18SPEAKER_00: You can cognitively know and act as wrong,
- 55:21SPEAKER_00: but entirely lack the neurobiological capacity to stop yourself from doing it.
- 55:26SPEAKER_01: Which brings us back to Medlock Holmes,
- 55:28SPEAKER_01: standing in the center of that chamber of violence,
- 55:30SPEAKER_01: staring at the illuminated brain.
- 55:32SPEAKER_01: The mystery of why is slowly being decoded by optogenetics,
- 55:37SPEAKER_01: fMRIs, and trauma-informed psychiatry.
- 55:40SPEAKER_01: But it leaves us with a lingering, deeply provocative thought to mull over.
- 55:44SPEAKER_00: What is that?
- 55:45SPEAKER_01: If we can now map the exact neurobiological and environmental ingredients
- 55:50SPEAKER_01: that create a violent mind, well,
- 55:53SPEAKER_01: at what point does society transition from punishing the end result to treating
- 55:57SPEAKER_01: the underlying brain long before the crime is ever committed?
- 56:02SPEAKER_01: And if we eventually develop the medical technology to safely medicate or alter
- 56:05SPEAKER_01: the brain to suppress aggression entirely,
- 56:09SPEAKER_01: who exactly gets to decide what the right level of compliance is?
- 56:13SPEAKER_00: A chilling question for the future of neuroethics
- 56:16SPEAKER_00: and one every clinician will eventually have to face.
- 56:19SPEAKER_01: Something to think about.
- 56:21SPEAKER_01: We highly encourage you to go back and read chapter 28.2 of Kaplan
- 56:24SPEAKER_01: and Sadek alongside these new mental models.
- 56:27SPEAKER_01: Until next time, keep diving deep.