Latest / Construcción Plural - Radio Trend Topic / Construcción Plural - Programa 1124

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Construcción Plural - Programa 1124 · Construcción Plural - Radio Trend Topic

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Plural construction, the renowned journalistic program of political analysis and currentity led by Fernando
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Mauri, just to a team of prestigious analysts in its eleventh each season you
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listen to it for thirty ends s For example, you know how much the
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one kilo of meat is worth. I don' t do shopping today.
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I don' t know or you know how much they take a minimum ticket.
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You know how much a minimum retirement is. No, and you'
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re supposed to know that. I' m not telling you to see.
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You don' t know because you' re in the big lines or because
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you' re not, because I look at the numbers added. Yeah,
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so as the gallons of numbers clear I, then I look at a thousand
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aggregate terms, then I don' t look at particular numbers. Chiquitoso,
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that is, because that is where to have the sensitivity of the people,
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also sensitivity, sensitivity of what we lack, of how about my friends,
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very but very good afternoon welcome to the excel of my law, to the
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adjustment, hard and hard this consumption that there was three comma five percent in
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February is another fact of all the economic data, an inflation that apparently is
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again low, but much less of that accelerated but low at the end or
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to stay the same as that of February thirteen and peak in March and well
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there we will walk in this pl opening construction. During the week. I
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propose in a little while to talk with the director of the consulting firm of
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Polorquia, Eduardo Fidanza, one of the most renowned opinions in the field of
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social and political analysis. He as I say director of polyarchy and in the
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second, second hour. Secondly, what we will already be in the second
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major will be talking with our columnist in judicial matters. Not even the current
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quibu of the hour. The markets are always quiet. It happens again if
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the one counted on like, which goes up one point, eighty- two,
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almost two points two percent, passes the barrier again in two thousand one
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hundred is in one thousand one hundred two. Right now, as I say,
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the one with Liqui, the Doral Blue stays there. In a thousand
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twenty, the opposition plans to discuss the provisional provisional formula in committee and wants
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to move forward with their own projects in deputies. It says INFOAE. We
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' ll see, we' ll see later the pissed offs, the banks
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went back down the fixed- term rates. How many Francello' s main
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feet pay. I think about Miley' s government, the measures were more
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than necessary. Well, if that' s what franch says, it was
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the presidential spokesman who announced the government. There is how important I know to
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change the name to c Eck, to the Néstor Kisnar Denga Cultural Center until
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when the super population of Mosquitos lasted and it can happen in Santas week if
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six days come. We will be here on Thursday and also on Tuesday next
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week. But, well, there' s the whole six- day thing.
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For many of us, in part I also rest, but on the
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other hand not so much. But, well, there' s always there
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about me passing the denk that happened with the cliny weather at first. Okay,
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let' s see how it comes. The weather has entered the Weather
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Service website right now, twenty- four today, they' re pretty cute.
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Really morning twenty- six Thursday that begins this long and unpublished weekend of
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six days to see. We are in nineteen, twenty- six for Thursday
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with sun Friday nineteen, twenty- nine more heat Sunday twenty, twenty-
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six lower Monday is going to be tighter, cute fifteen twenty and so far
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the Weather Service arrives with mostly on one side chaparron is possibility on Sunday,
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nothing more. It' s just Sunday and Thursday and Friday. Eduardo Fidanza,
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I anticipated you' re going to go out there with him, so
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it' s going to be a pleasure to talk to Potio' s director,
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Eduardo. Eduardo, good afternoon, Fernando, greetings, how it goes
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Hello Fernando, Good afternoon, Good afternoon to your listeners. Well, thank
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you so much for trying once again to see where I start surprised by this
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height, by these long ones. You' ve already spent a hundred days
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of my law on how you' ve faced a little power since a great
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weakness. But to go to the front with the bras that President Milay has,
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well. The phenomenon that I am seeing is a government whose sole sustenance
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is the favour of society, in this case, of public opinion, not
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by a brightly majority figure. Let us say in some indicators and sixty-
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forty, in another fifty- five, forty- five that he has supported
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in that what I would say his audacity, his boldness and his will.
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We do not know whether it is real or apparent to do something like a
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revolution in Argentina, not only economic, but fundamentally cultural. He' s
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doing it the way he doesn' t. He' s doing it well,
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it looks like he' s getting the initial steps, but there'
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s, however, I think that distinguish between concrete results and what we could
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call the communicational part, marketing. And all that because, in concrete terms,
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what is being seen is that this government was born with null legislative and
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territorial power and well, it is obviously paying for that weakness to give several
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things to use over what you said. And it' s not a risk,
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let' s say we know you don' t have a congress,
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you don' t have governors. It is not a risk, let us
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say, to go always with the repeated and remanned discourse of the caste,
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beyond what it has even in the Government has until when it proposed the son
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for the Court, etcetera, etcetera. You were saying that public opinion is
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the only basis for it. Let us say that today, in principle,
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I would doubt a little bit the sixty forty your fifty- five or forty
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- five I would say miti mita to be even generous with the Government.
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But, well, it doesn' t matter. It' s a nuance
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I say, it' s not a risk, this is that in three
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months, in four there are improvements, but not so much, and public
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opinion will start or turn around. And then what you' re going to
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do, what you' re going to try to do, there' s
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the question of style, and I think there' s a dilemma. You
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don' t have Sunday on my profile column. The dilemma is what kind
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of leadership you will exercise from now on. Javier Miley, he lives himself
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more like a messiah or a figure. Yes, let' s say it
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goes ahead thanks to the forces of heaven. In a minority, this figure,
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as classical sociology has shown, acts above all by its values or convictions.
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He' s disinterested by the consequences. That is the milay that comes
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to the Presidency, it is the milay that makes certain decisions in the face.
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He thinks so. Either it' s part of the story or the
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sea isn' t, no. No. There' s a concussion there.
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I think there' s a part that buys it. Clearly, what
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happens is that politics is very complex and societies are complex. And what I
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want to tell you is what for me is the fork arrived past and in
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days of government. We see that the President and his small core are beginning
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to think so. Two thousand and twenty- five Miley said good. In
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two thousand and twenty- five I will have the opportunity to consolidate my legislative
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power, etcetera. What is that thought. It is the thought of a
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charismatic leader whose consequences of his acts do not interest him, or it begins
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to be a more rational thought, the more calculated and then one. When
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you see the last steps of my law, for example, we go from
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an absolutely unnegotiable adjustment to a fiscal plan. But it turns out that there
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is now going to be a postponement of the payment of fees. There'
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s an update, of course, in a very low place. But there
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is an update or there will be for retirees and suddenly the proposal of a
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person as controversial as the child. It makes one think that the construction of
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political power is beginning that is always opaque, or what the culmination of that
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construction of political power can be. Well, something that is a sociological law
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that ultimately circulates the elites and that comes questioning an elite that calls it the
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caste, what can' t help but build its own elite and, therefore,
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possibly in the future, its own caste. And as far as we
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can see, that house isn' t going to integrate with clean people,
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because if something isn' t according to all the background or doesn' t
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meet their requirements, it' s the judge son himself, so I want
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to tell you it' s in front of that. But today there is
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an article, a very interesting note in the nation about what entrepreneurs tell you
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and what entrepreneurs are silent about my law. Then there are entrepreneurs who are
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a sector that one must say is a natural ally of such a government.
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Well, there' s praise, but, underneath, there' s doubt.
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And one of the doubts is to what extent if one does not have
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another kind of power, the fickle power that public opinion grants, is truly
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inconsistent. And then, well, there are a number of issues. There
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are also observations such as those made by the International Monetary Fund, which the
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spokesman today rejected. But that, that' s clear, so at the
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moment, at this point, there' s the government, but for me,
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starting to build its own power device and then more and more of what
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came from a communicative point of view and not from a lad. In conclusion,
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we clarify that it adores or adornment and against record and the Monetary Fund
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that had spoken of success is important, but lacks attention to the most vulnerable.
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Or Adorni said that' s not accurate. I asked you to see
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you said, Villay lives more like a messiah, who goes forward with a
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minority force in the forces of heaven. You said, a part of society
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believes it and my law believes it. Or it' s part of the
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staging. Let' s say Millay himself and his kilos. This I cannot
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say, because one can analyze events. I' m not in the psychology
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of my law. I am tempted that I do not understand to think that
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it is very likely that neither law has a conviction about that and you have
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a very very strange character, very strange in your psychology, very strange in
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your way of making decisions and then, very strange in the situation you were
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in, when the Vice President said without any prejudice who is the little sandwich
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bouquet. Look at that remark. That' s why it can be a
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description of what that girl looks like, how the links between the figure are.
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Because here' s an important issue, Fernando, that governments always ask
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themselves, what is the mechanism of decision- making Mira. I am not
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going to mention you, because it is not for me to mention the Government
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and, if you know it, I ask that we do not mention it.
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But I was and touched in my professional life advisor to a government,
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inside the government house and understanding the mechanisms of decision- making. And the
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decision- making mechanisms are complex. People who you consider not to be idolized,
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cross hierarchies, etcetera, intervene. Here we have an unprecedented fact of
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a Secretary in General of the Presidency who has absolutely no precedent, of a
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President who, for example, unlike what were the entrepreneurs who participated in the
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Maxi government and the same Macri Bueno, had experience in running companies. Here
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we know the general dryness, which is very influential, has no experience.
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The President is also not an Orthodox economist and for me, a very limited
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economist, because he is an economist dedicated to the macro question, the fiscal
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question. The profession of economist is much broader than a true economist. He
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' s a political economist. In the career, in the faculty of economics,
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in the career the bachelor' s degree in political economies, then I
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want to say how decisions are made there, what does that mean sandwich ham.
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Well, we' ve never heard, heard, or literally attended vice
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presidents who are up against the president. Never that I remember has anyone still
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Vice- President treated the President in such ironic terms. I must tell you
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that with the Vice Presidents there is something that is structural and that poet Mario
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Benedetti remembered or this Uruguayan. Mario Benedetti has a great phrase that says the
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vice- god is always atheist, but let' s say Villarruel' s
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atheism is elevated to an ironic place that should a pay attention, because it
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' s not just a good joke. There are jokes or I was ready,
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I don' t know. I don' t know either, but
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let' s say casual or prepared. He doesn' t show up,
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but it has meaning because he' s talking to us. When, for
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example, you ask me if the President believes it about himself. I say
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I don' t know, but at the same time I say its personality
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is very peculiar and singular and then I put it in the context of the
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people with whom I interact, et cetera. And if you were a psychoanalyst,
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you could have a festival. For example, the President. One of
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their privileged fronts to fight and confront and provoke is the female gender. Right,
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he' s already had a fight with journalists, he' s had
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a famous fight, he' s got a fight with the alie, he
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' s got a cock, and so on. Now Arabic. It seems
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that the sham is hammed and between two women, that is, it is
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paradoxical, true, one can imagine, well of gentlemen, a male chauvinist
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who meets with men and is going to take cellueza with them until late at
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night and include there all their spite to the women. This isn' t
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a Mr Te. It seems he despises women, but if only the sand
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ham and between two women. Well, that' s for you to make
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up a psychoanalyst more than on the political list the psychological ones, which may
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not be so difficult. He said it about Durán Barba, a consultant,
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a colleague of yours told me, I totally subscribe, but I wouldn'
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t say it. Not as Durán Barba does, Duran Barba, here I
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have wanted while you were talking has said psychologically recently, my law is getting
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rid of all the beatings that the father beat him and humped them at school,
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at school, at the company. He is a person who lived a
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very tormented childhood with a violent and savage father. He was always chased by
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the normals in quotation marks and suddenly comes to President. It may be he
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who pursues others and then was jump against all and a word that characterizes from
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the righteous and so on, which is cruelty. Not good, yes,
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my dear Jaime. I think that' s where his hand went a little
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bit in the sense that we don' t practice psychoanalysis and you see he
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needs to say it to see the sense of saying it. Let' s
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say no more than that, no, because if we can' t do
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a whole analysis I would also say going back to Cristina caba' s character
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how all the carrio allelite that every personality that moms that we agree with.
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Ah well, of course. But also look at mine with this, which
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is a date. I' m not doing it because I don' t
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have it available. Freud' s quote from the political leader. Even Freud
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himself said that sometimes the madness of a political leader is functional, that he
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can even reserve the problems of his societies or lead them to perdition. But
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let' s see, as some other writer also said that I remember,
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after forty years of dealing with politicians, politicians who reach the highest levels have
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what someone called an atom of madness, not that they are crazy. They
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have a uniqueness that has to do with the passion for power and the willingness
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to go through all the difficulties to get where they want to go. And
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that' s one point I would say in common to you of all leaderships,
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positive and constructive hydrages and destructive and negative leaderships. We complain eduardo of
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the story k me, something I pose a lot. Maybe it' s
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a little schematic that I' m saying we' re going over the extremes.
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It was not that we were on the left, in communism I,
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but a national and popular account, a government that painted that left tea and
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passed to this extreme right and where you said it when you passed the marketing,
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the story, without the flagrance of rock to manipulate the index figures and
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so on. In three months of government too but I say now we have
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more story than with Cristina Fernández, almost or requinerismo. I think there is
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a good explanation there about the question of populism. I wrote the other day.
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Populism is a polycemic expression. There are many forms of but I think
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there is a certain agreement when we talk about populism, which is a political
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leader, so much with charismatic traits, establishes a direct relationship with a people
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that is in general, a people that is subjected, humiliated and offended.
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To establish that relationship, summon them, win their belief and take them somewhere,
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I say they are myths of war and liberation. Well, I think
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those myths and liberation need so much to build a story that we' ll
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call an official story. What we are seeing and looked good on Sunday that
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we came from an official history of crismerism about the military dictatorship and the decade
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of the seventies, very important, and now we found another official history that
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wants to revoke the previous one. Well, here' s what' s
20:26
going on. The two stories of these two populisms, one on the left
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and the other on the right, are like texts written in stone by the
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leaders without taking into account what is left in the middle, which are the
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institutions that, however discredited you exist. So now we' re getting the
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same look and I' d say it' s the third version in democracy.
20:56
Why, because first we had to be the one that I her because
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here we have to say that posionette one. It seems to me that he
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is the prologue signed by these Sabbaths. Never again, never again in a
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thousand nine hundred and eighty- three. Then we had the review in two
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thousand six and now we have a new version. It didn' t go
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on, but let' s put it this way. In one thousand nine
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hundred and eighty- three, in that prologue it was said in the seventies
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there was terrorism only that there was an infinitely worse one. But there was
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terrorism. From that came what was called the theory of two demons that supposedly
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equated one and the other local. It was not true, because if anything
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condemns the first prologue it is State terrorism as infinitely worse. Now we go
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to the prologue of two thousand and six. What Happens There is practically only
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State terrorism. Private terrorism is eliminated. Terrorism is as much private terrorism as
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it was recognized in eighty- three. Now it' s eliminated and it
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' s more, it' s romanticized, it' s idealized, and
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now we get to this instance. The military dictatorship is either denied or justified.
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There was no genocide and the full burden of proof was on private terrorism.
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Well, really, especially from the Quinerita government and now the Milley government.
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They are ways to pose the things that they do is hide the truth,
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prevent balanced judgment and nothing, make a game of power issues that are
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extremely complex. No, and what' s this for to get thirty percent,
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with part of his vote on the side, to run the agenda a
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little bit something from the economy and distract because why me also need a re
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why he needs to refound something refoundational and when he knows and he likes it,
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and the only thing that interests my law is the economy. Let'
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s say the fiscal deficit, let' s get over it, let'
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s get over it, let' s get over it the fiscal and in
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inflation right now everything else. I mean, he doesn' t know,
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he didn' t know the Secretary of Cranes and so many other things.
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I say why flag in this milay reitero, to distract goes, to leave
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his own imprint, for his electoral base. There, there we go again.
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You have to see how decisions are made, you have to see how
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stories are generated, for example, all this, all this video that we
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' ve seen. All of this, rather, one has to think that
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it comes from villain' s victories comes from those who sustain it. To
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her it is a side, but to me it seems that there is a
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congruence within that division of labor. Congruence is a far- right government and
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the far- right is, as we say, a signifier that links a
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niche with another fact to see let' s think, let' s think
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about the account of my laws. He specializes in economies, but it is
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his own, and his judgment has once said so about the military history,
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since it is already abortion. Now there are things that are frankly interesting to
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highlight that are n c negruences in this new official story. It is spared,
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State terrorism is denied and it is paradoxical that my law defines the present
25:19
State, the caste State, as an association of criminals and forgets that that
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State is an association of criminals. The known military caste has been denied and
25:41
only the caste of politics is shown to us. But that' s how
25:48
things happen, because in these populisms you always have to put the blame outside.
25:52
I wrote the other day with the crimes we had the sectors concentrated.
25:56
Now we have the caste. Leader has to base his liberating epic that someone
26:06
extracts that absolved people is the one who was to blame for the oppression.
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I give you the myths of war and liberation. Yes, in order to
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achieve liberation, one must wage war against whom, against the enemies of the
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people. Yeah, yeah, that' s another thing I got to repeat.
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The extremes were not rivals. They were enemies, enemies of the homeland
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with whom nerism and it was with Mila and the legislator that they did not
26:32
vote for him, etcetera, etcetera. I say and agree with extreme right
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- wing government. And then, because to me one thing that I'
26:37
m ashamed of is pretty much the attitudes of radicalism and not to mention pro
26:41
it seems that to the pro beyond things of style, of rhythmambante things,
26:45
of the handling of the Twitter, to the right voter of the pro is
26:51
delighted with Miley, with the abortion of the military, like that the voter
26:56
who could be more social democratic, more about center, when it was built
27:00
together by the change, the pros seem, as I would say a first
27:03
feeling and also happens to me with the people standing almost delighted with having run
27:06
at night. Then I had and you know the most to the right in
27:07
part of it or by antiperonism. Let' s just say this is what
27:18
we call contrariety. I dared you to reverse it. I spontaneously wrote with
27:23
the left a little earlier for the years that I have that I did with
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those who wrote with the left I put my hand behind them The boys were
27:36
forced to write with the right. Then they were called the opposing lcos.
27:42
Good here. I think we' re witnessing a laundering. Let' s
27:51
follow Macri, let' s follow what Macre wrote after the Macrie government passed.
27:56
When the coalition is formed, let' s change. For the first
28:04
time a politician and a center- right party arrives in government, but let
28:11
' s say better, a right- wing party that to get there had
28:15
to go to the center with partners. It is true that they put that
28:21
as a condition when the experience fails more chris draws a conclusion that now I
28:29
will tell you that it also logically resembles a conclusion by Nestor Kirshner. I
28:33
lost because I wasn' t right enough, because I wasn' t severe
28:42
enough with the fiscal adjustment that wrote him second time. There' s a
28:48
set of keys to what Macrie said. I failed at the bottom of the
28:55
failure because I joined with a cart with the radicals, etcetera. And there
28:59
comes visceral right- wing hatred of social democracy, etcetera. So, now
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we' re in that phase. There' s a lot of macrista people,
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they accompany him to more and in that we' re going to bleach.
29:14
We are on the right and the above was a confusion. There are
29:18
people from there who are going to take off, because today is the time
29:22
to serve the rita. He is representing the left wing of that right-
29:26
wing party and is confluging, in fact, with the exocios that Macrie had
29:33
in Cambiemos. Okay. This, this is what I think we' re
29:37
seeing now. What about what we could call social democracy, radicalism. Radicalism
29:45
is a party that does nothing but repeat its Errors and how I will say
29:52
whose validity or liligency in society is becoming less and less and that it will
30:00
cost you more and more to have inside it has determined profile of leaders who
30:06
consider that the key is not in the logic of the parties, but in
30:14
the concerns of society. I believe it is being observed in some places of
30:21
the opposition. How it arrives, how it is the communicative sociological phenomenon that
30:29
brings Miley to power. One can say I am in the antipodes of my
30:34
law, but that does not mean, does not recognize and value how oxsider
30:42
comes to power. It' s true without a party, without structures.
30:48
Well, then you have to see if there are people who are thinking of
30:53
me building something similar, but not from the far right, but maybe from
31:00
a progressive center, etcetera. Because that opportunity exists. What happens today,
31:07
everything that is a political party and everything that is traditional politics people reject and
31:12
that is the basis of support for Miley. Despite the economic acts, people
31:19
have bought the caste. So, anything that looks like Casta won' t
31:26
be able to make progress in Argentina these days. But, well, you
31:30
have to see, but it' s not like that. Let' s
31:33
say good economic result, because I say you speak of caste from the children
31:37
to the nomination of the son to Burrich, Guillermo Francos, the family mene
31:41
more until we say a good sense. There' s a subject you have
31:47
to consider that you possess. We consider it, because you are a mobuen
31:51
analyst and journalist, which is that you have a phenomenon, which is that
31:57
I would say so, fat mabelta, two thirds of the population will vote
32:04
as a phenomenon is called information asymmetry. When you do interviews or do pocus
32:13
groops, you realize the level of disinformation and disinterest people have in politics and
32:19
then something else. Once people added leadership like Milay' s. Everything else
32:30
is justified by my law, for example, I have a reasoning. It
32:36
seems that in a focus groups the conordinator says well, but Milay, who
32:42
says he will fight the cacha, is with the menes, who is part
32:45
of the house, and people can answer well. But if he thought he
32:51
should be with the menes, you probably know why and maybe that' ll
32:55
do him good. To end the caste, I mean, people owe you
32:59
the arguments and the leader is always acquitted by the people who believe in him.
33:07
Let' s say fifty- five is. All that won' t
33:10
see the hand in the economic results. I say the kite is very attached
33:15
to the economic results. Now there' s the risk. There is a
33:17
risk that inflation may drop significantly, but then the concern for unemployment and poverty
33:22
grows. Well let' s go to that point in the international casuistry.
33:30
One of the academic issues that cannot be interesting that serves us for this is
33:37
the study of what is called the economic vote and the non- economic vote.
33:42
In general. One can say that for many years and even now,
33:47
the economic vote is the one that best explains electoral conduct. What I mean
33:53
is that people vote for a party, that party comes to the government and
33:59
people then go to the moment of having to re- elect or not take
34:04
stock of their material situation. If you think you' re better, count
34:06
it again and it' s worse, vote for someone else. That'
34:07
s the economic theory. Democracy was formulated in nineteen hundred and fifty- seven,
34:13
well- explanatory in many cases, but there are other cases and in
34:21
reality it is seen that the vote is not always explained for economic or material
34:27
reasons. I' m gonna put the case in there I' d read
34:30
a study the other day. In the European Union I vote in a number
34:34
of elections in recent years. Hence the conclusion that the rise of the right
34:38
has more to do with issues of emigration, identity and economic security. You
34:52
understand then that is not urban is in Europe is a relatively affluent society.
34:55
Well, perfect, good observation. Well, it' s not the same
35:00
as here in Argentina or Chile or so on. True, yes, in
35:05
societies with these levels of poverty at these levels. In the end of economic
35:13
frustration, one must think that the economic vote will finally prevail, but one
35:17
also has to say, however, what we are seeing a hundred days later
35:22
today is that the economic vote is not prevailing. You don' t vote,
35:29
but if you vote in the morning, you don' t take back
35:32
what you pulled out or more. That means that today the vote of who
35:36
says that good to see cannot be done. I' m a totally wasted
35:43
position, but it' s lost little popularity, but it' s lost,
35:45
let' s say, look. I' m going to tell you
35:51
my law doesn' t have the level of popularity at the three months Macri
35:57
had, for example. There' s a clear one, there' s
36:02
an overestimation, but, but Macri' s adjustment is a caress next to
36:09
setting you. So what we have to ask ourselves is why people resist despite
36:15
the severity of the adjustment. That is the subject that I believe analysts for
36:19
the disasters that come from the previous ones. Well, et cetera, et
36:24
cetera, et cetera. Well, more people, obviously, well. But
36:29
I' m telling you again, I can' t give specific examples,
36:32
because there are things you don' t have to tell yourself. I'
36:34
m telling you in a way that' s a little make- up.
36:37
In European fascisms in the last century there was also a relationship between voting for
36:49
this leader because of the economic situation, but also voting for a question of
36:52
self- esteem. I also vote for it because it identified the S we
37:00
leave Europe. You will consider those steps in Argentina. The economic vote is
37:04
not likely today if Miley didn' t do so well, didn' t
37:07
go down so much in inflation it generates unemployment, maybe it would be strong,
37:12
let' s say from here a bad one. I tell you again
37:14
what we have to know that if that support that we see today is not
37:19
a back- up support to tell you fifty- five to forty- five
37:22
sixty, which I say if I say fifty or not, they will subscribe
37:27
there at least fifty- fifty. Not important. First, well, let
37:30
me tell you it' s there. You' re talking to the director
37:32
of the consultant who has true, I would say Poliarqa is fine, not
37:39
to see I would tell you that there is no evidence that the thing is
37:43
fifty- fifty. Well, then there' s other colleagues of yours there
37:47
We' re not going to see you dance, because there' s an
37:51
account that you' re circulating that I' m not going to say the
37:53
name that' s the one that likes to consume the opposition. No.
37:54
I agree today. It' s also drawn to the other side. There
37:58
' s the other one. You. You guys have a picture of Milla,
38:02
Miley' s personal image. How many have it. Forty- something
38:05
on as Miley' s personal image is today the best of all political leaders.
38:10
Along with history you see all the time you watch. I don'
38:15
t give less, not the weird one when it' s eduardo. I
38:19
' m not going to cost you napoléca, but I' m sorry I
38:22
' m going to weird you management. It is rare that management has more
38:23
support than President Vos himself calls me, don' t make me recite percentage.
38:30
It' s true that I told you here I' m going to
38:35
tell you, a couple of indicators that I think are important. One is
38:38
government approval. That' s why, because it' s a very simple
38:43
question and I approve of that test. There you are between fifty and five
38:49
and sixty in favor, and between forty and five, forty and five will
38:57
find good, forty forty and forty- five against ten. But you ask
39:00
me a question that is part of the index of confidence in the government,
39:04
which is done all over the world and is done in the United States 80
39:07
years ago. You say, tell me what you agree with this sentence.
39:13
The Government knows how to solve the problems? Secondly, the Government knows how
39:19
to solve a problem, but it needs time? Thirdly, the Government does
39:22
not know how to solve the problems? Notice that fifty- eight percent,
39:29
fifty- nine percent, he' s telling you. The Government knows how
39:32
to solve problems, but it needs time. And that' s key because
39:37
people are evading Miley' s government with a time calculation. It' s
39:45
how you make yourself good, I' m like someone who' s waiting
39:50
for someone else and they gave two out of a hundred the other day.
39:53
I' ll say it when there are people who dress up to be a
39:57
friend, very friend, waiting forty- five minutes. All right. No,
40:00
no, no, I' m not, no, no, no,
40:00
no, we have more time. I have to thank you a lot,
40:02
as always fat. Well, I don' t have a lot of
40:05
bears. I don' t think I' m buying the polls that give
40:07
him very bad or the polls that do him very well. I' m
40:09
trying to get in the middle again and also because they' re serious.
40:12
He doesn' t lean on the middle. Expectation is one thing and support
40:15
is another. There should also be expectation. He' s got a lot
40:19
of society going well with him. Now that doesn' t forgive me if
40:22
it literally means. Dear Fernando, the qualitative studies of the voters of my
40:31
law in the second round not what threw it out at the beginning fifty-
40:37
six are shown. They show and I tell you because I' m skeptical
40:44
of my research. That callictative shot is showing you a match with the quantitatives,
40:50
because I' m telling you again the twenty- six percent that added
40:54
my law to the second round is supporting it. And well, that'
40:57
s so and it' s a support for now that you don' t
41:01
notice in fissures. Now, in a month' s time, that'
41:04
s going to hold on longer. We talked about it, but now it
41:07
is. Very well, Eduardo, a pleasure, thank you very much for
41:10
this long report, uh, a hug, Thank you, big hug Eduardo
41:15
Fidanza and director, and we the polarchía here under construction Pruel, which is
41:19
as always friendly, lends itself so much and attends us long and long passage
41:23
of the political, analysis, political, sociological, the judicial issues by our
41:28
columnist specialist in the matter, where Daniel keper who awaits me online Daniel,
41:31
Good afternoon, a taste, how he is doing. Good afternoon, Fernando,
41:35
how are you? Okay, all right, thanks for being like this.
41:37
Well, let' s see 24 March bows. I don' t
41:42
know where the real thing wants to go, where I prefer, no,
41:45
no, you open schedule. You guys are following my friend Good. The
41:50
issue of the drug traffic and the decisions being put forward by the security minister
41:57
Patria Burris is something that concerns me. Why it basically means not learning from
42:04
world historical experience. We can remember that in the year nineteen hundred and seventy
42:12
- three, the then President of the United States fought the war against the
42:16
classic narco. The world' s historical experience that security structures have since been
42:23
set up to fight for drug trafficking and the results of this terrible adverse ante
42:32
- idorous struggle. Then you have to think of a politis to plan a
42:40
security policy that speaks different alternatives. Notice that a thousand nine hundred and thirty
42:50
- three, for example, when alcohol had been banned and that date law
42:55
measure was lifted. What was achieved, then, was precisely to control a
43:02
market that had until then been illegal, to end the mafias that had organized
43:07
around the consumption of alcohol and, moreover, to control the substance that is
43:15
understood to reach the public in terms of your quality. And this is the
43:19
proposal that many scholars in the field make to eradicate the alien, which implies
43:27
the graph of its repatient, to begin to decriminalize the behaviors to regulate the
43:36
market of this type of substances. Being able to control substances to the public
43:42
kills the business, because today we have armies that have been armed as the
43:47
army' s responses to crime. I mean, they' ve been armed.
43:51
We are responding to this war of States in our classics, and war
43:55
that produces are dead. It was in the territory that it was clear,
44:00
and we want to ensure and guarantee peace and security and life the health of
44:07
every overcome. Militerizing an area is the thing. What will be achieved is
44:15
to increase the levels of violence. This is what the world experience shows,
44:20
because it starts with a knife, moves on to a rebolver, then to
44:25
a mile and then to dominate the territories. The consequence of the policy of
44:32
ending the war, the release of consumption, on the other hand, will
44:38
have and these are experiences in the Netherlands, in Portugal, even in Uruguay,
44:45
is a control of the marking, taking care of the health of the
44:49
people. What was wanted in one thousand nine hundred and seventy- six will
44:53
be the war on classic narco basically to prevent the provisibility substance from being in
45:01
the population and nothing has happened. There has been an increase in consumption,
45:07
which has encouraged corruption at both the judicial political level and can be trusted,
45:14
because it has had a negative consequence of the substance that reaches the public.
45:17
They were not controlled in amounts or quality and this causes death or the quality
45:22
of the substance. There were several cases or I cannot remember in this regard.
45:29
Then it seems to me that the simple answer to say we declare the
45:36
war of plastito aratro is going to bring negative consequences for the rosary society.
45:44
So, well, yeah, you should develop into a different supply policy.
45:52
Well, there are a couple of reflexes just today There' s a statement
45:54
from the Pope. They speak of the Pope. Without the complicity of the
45:59
political power, economic judge, it would not be possible to reach the situation
46:04
of Rosario just today on high. Once again, I don' t know
46:07
which right the spokesman adorns sorry adorni on a lot of points. We probably
46:10
never agree with the Pope. That is, not coinciding with the diagnoses made
46:16
by the Holy Father, that I am quite critical of him, but then
46:20
I agree on the situation of Rosario. And, on the other hand,
46:23
I wanted to say something that is very sorry. Not Medellin, the Medellín
46:27
model, which took about twenty years to move from being the most violent city
46:30
in the world to a model of that day that effectively included different security measures,
46:35
but also included and here is bad news for me law a lot of
46:38
budget dedicated to the social, to the educational, etcetera, etcetera, etcetera.
46:45
Don' t be so emotional. We must also develop a social policy
46:50
that allows narco- trafficking, the criminal narco, as it is doing today,
47:00
because the State withdraws from support for certain marginal sectors of society, where
47:07
they find work, where they find covid where they find future. Yes,
47:15
yes, yes, that record then the best way to avoid this field in
47:22
our covere I understand in education that, unfortunately, you do not run the
47:30
hairs that not only in secondary primary school, but also support at the university
47:35
level. We hear oars in universities because of the lack of budget support.
47:42
Sport is also part of this area needed to get the boys out of the
47:49
street, which is another feeling that is being undermined by the policy of this
47:53
government. Then he fulfilled the security policies that he has first supported in an
48:01
appropriate social policy, in an educational policy, that allow, since these children
48:07
of the framework business, that are not the executory dishes, the tragenaries that
48:19
are discussed, but that are easily replaced, are armed dishes, but that
48:24
do not interest the head business about his death. If it' s the
48:30
same, because I' m running, running the business that is my onary
48:36
and you legas consumption, as many ordinary people suggest, the effect that will
48:44
wait for you is precisely tar and that violent aspect of the activity of complementing
48:53
these substances, killing the pocket to drug trafficking and beginning to exercise a fors
49:01
that depend on how it happened when the icheca was elaborated in nine hundred eighty
49:07
- three Honnet, beyond being protagonist a series and a film by all known
49:17
untouchable reflux, precisely tradicated it to him by retrieving that the arrest law lost
49:27
sense to maintain the force policely in the thirty months and so did the cervera,
49:31
ready more than fifty years of natographic claw to the volumes. You can
49:36
say that choosing business operators does not like eliminating or performing black without legal cynicism.
49:44
Then there is a sort of drug trafficking function by the agencies that must
49:50
share it. This is what makes production momentous at all political, judicial levels
49:55
and was the victim in the final plus the most prepared or violent conductions of
50:17
the moment. How we have been speak pink another debate that has been raised
50:25
by Daniel and the public crossing after the interview that gave last week' s
50:30
sensión to Jonathan Iar, the colleague Vice President Victoria of using Ruén, with
50:34
the compatricias alone regarding the role the participation that bull rychp Escri goode poisonedly,
50:38
trying to point there from the armed forces with a Vice President who say that
50:44
they do not want to preserve them, that it is a bit. Apparently
50:45
he' s very attached to you before the military power, which is a
50:49
poncho. The feelings of the military. Do not want to get involved well
50:52
in this debate. How do you think? There is legislation in place,
51:00
it is provided and it participates well. You couldn' t change how the
51:02
island is changed. That' s good. Something prea review when there was
51:12
a great inner shock that is necessary. But I think that for this type
51:17
of light the armed forces are not so prepared, because it requires selective,
51:24
prudent intervention and not with a hard bike for using a figurine that is popular
51:32
at the door today. Nothing is left blank in an open way, leaving
51:40
unintended consequences or sanctioning. And we have not seen in every armed confrontation that
51:47
has already taken place throughout history. And here, surgeons are required to intervene,
51:54
because this structure of our cell- like placite nives. It can'
52:02
t be a spicy thing and it won' t do anything to you,
52:07
absolutely nothing to do with your business the attack on the sector measure power the
52:16
responsibility of everyone who is in it of tinking innocent. Then it is the
52:21
police forces that must intervene in this struggle, which the armed forces will not
52:29
be able to do together and there is a historical experience that we can serve,
52:36
so this twenty- fourth of March has been attempted, which is the
52:42
intervention of the armed forces in the last dictatorship. We have lived, it
52:45
is history Ceemos by our own experiences and we know that we must never again
52:54
keep that phrase as legacies for future generations of security and the Government. In
53:04
the video they have differed they respect to shoot the actividad of writing with the
53:10
actividad of the State, song of the State that, on the other hand,
53:19
caused dead robbery, the appropriation of a whole series of ordinary crimes that
53:28
cannot be published in a war. In a war there may be detention centres,
53:31
but they are not clandestine. The number of extensions is reported the public,
53:38
all here because, all illegal nationals and a destiny in their good cosei
53:43
the time was sequent history is that a generation of evil I do not know
53:52
if it was thirty thousand or thirty thousand one. The my different in number,
54:00
because totally a luxury ran without liquidated from the mode that happens in Argentina.
54:07
So it' s a historical one that doesn' t have to repeat
54:12
it any more. It' s two mens yes, a worrying denialism.
54:17
In fact it appears more on the side of the Vice- President, it
54:21
is necessary to prove the President, but it does try to be good.
54:22
What we are talking about returning to the theory of demons, of equated state
54:27
terrorism with the role is obviously, outside the law of terrifying organizations. Notice
54:34
that the President really does, yeah, well, yeah, they' re
54:42
debates he' s going to discuss. The debate is eight, one thousand
54:45
twenty, one thousand, thirty thousand or thirty- five. Zero doesn'
54:50
t change. The question is how to stay on discussing the Holocaust figure.
54:52
Let' s say he pays us, but to analyze, to search,
54:59
to muddle the thing that changes. That is why I believe that there is
55:02
a policy of this administration, of the history of what took hold of the
55:14
ta and it is true that we also had these stages, that there were
55:22
armed groups of civilians committed crimes, but these are criminals. We can never
55:25
prepare to birth the State itself using the apparatus of the State, because we
55:32
open them. We hit the monopoly on the door. Of course you and
55:37
I can arm ourselves with State again. The expert or a common crime must
55:45
be punished. That many of the perpetrators of serious crimes were not punished is
55:53
because they were unswervingly arrested and given death large murders were not subjected. I
56:05
don' t remember those years that this was a nobel lawyer to put on
56:10
a corpus avias was playing with the book, because the judges were also indifferent
56:16
during the leak and changed a form, not throw now. But if there
56:22
was a leto form, he ended up rejecting all the sas. After armamently
56:28
he hadn' t given the missing presets. Ora tephonia well, Daniel Bono
56:42
stayed in the stirrup. Maybe we' ll talk about it next week.
56:45
Well, there' s mom was a lot for you to cut off and
56:49
if you long this court caste with the son named forla for the court.
56:52
Well, if I want a minute' s reflection coming up with that,
56:54
I' ll leave it to you, we' re closing the program.
56:57
I was also surprised by the nomination made by the Government beyond the kindness of
57:07
the proposed individuals. I think there has to be a different representation, it
57:16
has to give previous satisfaction, it has to give ability to academic degrees that
57:22
support each one of those destined. There should also be women in the Court
57:30
who today, with the death of Carmen Actival and the last resignation in Andas
57:37
have disappeared, the Cortes women appeared, which the Government defends and says well,
57:44
we want a criminalist, who is also his specialty, as we want
57:46
a criminalist in the Court. That' s a bit of an argument,
57:50
some government arguments, but good. But the record' s a strong one.
57:58
Basically the investigation for its functions and in the Court is insanely necessary.
58:06
They' re different tasks, but I don' t want to undermine your
58:13
ability. But I don' t think that' s a good enough argument.
58:20
To the questions that have all the justices of how drops he also affects
58:25
the lic judge, let us remember the case of rafa that your name with
58:34
more résumé than academic, at least happy. The proposal to be a prosecutor
58:43
to a good man in a fair train. I don' t think I
58:50
' d have gone to Comodorofía pue de lo mejor te guera la foquen sector
58:57
de la justicia questional. Thank you so much, as always, please,
59:02
thanks to your orders. Big hug, big hug. Open Daniel Kepper,
59:07
here in plural construction, good son, pure judicial caste. Well, that
59:12
' s how it happened at the quiper before the edord fidanza. We'
59:14
ll meet you here tomorrow at four o' clock in the afternoon. We
59:16
will be with Gustavo Ferrer and Golfo are our correspondent in North America and before
59:21
talking with economist Orlando Ferreres. Thank you, Silvia, garbajarlos for the preproduction,
59:25
Gracias Gonzalo for the putting in the air. Thank you friend Juan,
59:29
who will meet us here next week a greeting from Don Pepe that precedes us
59:31
Tuesday and Thursday, as always consummated without topic. We' re leaving We
59:37
' ll meet here tomorrow at 4 By Bay. Thank you. Day in
59:40
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59:45
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